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Introduction: Cigarettes, cigars, and marijuana have generally been studied in isolation yet their use does not occur in isolation. Focus on cigarette smoking may overstate the observation that African American youth and young adults are less likely to smoke any combustible product compared with their white counterparts. Assessing cigarette, cigar, and marijuana use trends may help identify the extent of this difference.Methods: Data from the 2002-2012 National Survey on Drug Use and Health (N = 25 541 to N = 28 232) were used to investigate past 30-day cigarette, cigar, and marijuana use trends among African American and white youth (12-17) and young adults (18-25). Logistic regressions assessed trends in combustible tobacco (cigarettes and cigars) and marijuana use, alone and in combination.Results: From 2002-2012, the absolute difference in cigarette smoking prevalence between African American and white youth (9.6%-4.2%) and young adults (19.0%-10.5%) narrowed. Any combustible tobacco/marijuana use was significantly lower among African Americans than whites but, relative to cigarettes, the absolute difference was much smaller among youth (7.2%-2.2%) and young adults (15.8%-5.6%). Among any combustible tobacco/marijuana users, using two or more substances ranged from 31.4% to 40.3% among youth and 29.1% to 39.8% among young adults.Conclusion: Any combustible tobacco/marijuana use trends suggest the smoking prevalence difference between African American and white youth and young adults is real, but less pronounced than when assessing cigarette smoking alone. Policies and programs addressing smoking behaviors may benefit from broadening focus to monitor and address cigar and marijuana use as well.Implications: Trends in any use of cigarettes, cigars, and/or marijuana suggest the difference in smoking prevalence between African American and white youth and young adults is real, but less pronounced than when cigarette smoking is assessed alone. In 2012, more than 10% of African American and white youth, more than a third of African American young adults, and nearly half of white young adults reported past 30-day use of cigarette, cigars, and/or marijuana. Public health programs aimed at reducing these behaviors among youth and young adults could be informed by considering detailed, race-specific information regarding tobacco and marijuana use patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Cigarette smoking prevalence is more than two times greater among incarcerated adults, a population usually excluded from national health surveys. African American young adult (18-25) men are less likely to smoke cigarettes than their white counterparts. However, they are two and a-half-times more likely to be incarcerated. This study estimated smoking prevalence with noninstitutionalized and incarcerated samples combined to determine if excluding incarcerated adults impacts smoking prevalence for certain populations.Methods: The Bureau of Justice Statistics last fielded the Survey of Inmates in State and Federal Correction Facilities in 2003-2004. We combined data from Survey of Inmates in State and Federal Correction Facilities (n = 17 910) and the 2003 and 2004 National Health Interview Survey (n = 61 470) to calculate combined cigarette smoking estimates by race/ethnicity, sex, and age.Results: Inmates represented the greatest proportion of smokers among African American men. Among African American young adult men, inmates represented 15.2% of all smokers in the combined population, compared to 2.0% among white young adult men. Cigarette smoking prevalence was 17.6% in the noninstitutionalized population of young adult African American men and 19.7% in the combined population. Among white young adult men, cigarette smoking prevalence was 29.8% in the noninstitutionalized population, and 30.2% in the combined population. There was little difference in estimates among women.Conclusions: The exclusion of incarcerated African American young adult men may result in a small underestimation of cigarette smoking prevalence in this population. Increasing access to smoking cessation support among inmates may reduce smoking prevalence in disproportionately incarcerated segments of the US population.Implications: The exclusion of incarcerated adults from national survey data should be considered when examining differences in cigarette smoking prevalence estimates between African American and white young adult men. Approximately one in six African American young adult men who smoke were incarcerated. Increasing access to smoking cessation support among inmates may reduce smoking prevalence among disproportionately incarcerated segments of the population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: African American youth use marijuana at similar rates and tobacco at lower rates compared with white youth; however, in adulthood, tobacco use is similar. Tobacco and marijuana use are closely associated; differing initiation patterns may contribute to observed racial differences in tobacco prevalence by age. Therefore, it is important to assess tobacco and marijuana initiation patterns by race.Methods: Data were obtained from 56,555 adults aged 18-25 who completed the 2005-2012 National Survey on Drug Use and Health. The analysis was restricted to those who reported ever use of marijuana and combustible tobacco (cigarettes and/or cigars). Three mutually exclusive categories of initiation patterns were evaluated: use of marijuana before tobacco; marijuana and tobacco at the same age; and tobacco before marijuana. Multivariable regression models were used to assess changes over time and compare these outcomes by race while controlling for sociodemographics, risk perceptions, and current substance use.Results: In 2005, 26.6% of African American and 14.3% of white young adults used marijuana before tobacco, compared with 41.5% of African American and 24.0% of white young adults in 2012 (P < .001). Overall, African American young adults had greater odds of using marijuana before tobacco (AOR = 1.79; 95% CI: 1.67, 1.91) compared with whites.Conclusion: African American young adults were more likely than whites to use marijuana before tobacco and both groups were increasingly likely to use marijuana before tobacco over time. A greater understanding of how marijuana initiation interacts with tobacco initiation could inform more effective tobacco and marijuana use prevention efforts.Implications: Among ever users of combustible tobacco and marijuana, greater proportions of African American young adults used marijuana before tobacco or at the same age than their white counterparts. Moreover, both African Americans and whites were more likely to use marijuana before tobacco in 2012 compared with 2005. Tobacco control policy may benefit from a broader understanding of the patterns of initiation to tobacco and marijuana use. Some public health interventions aimed at preventing and reducing combustible tobacco use among African American young adults may be strengthened by considering marijuana use. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Beginning in the 1970s, US national surveys showed African American youth having a lower prevalence of cigarette smoking than white youth. Yet, during adulthood, African Americans have a smoking prevalence comparable to white adults. Data sources chosen can contribute in different ways to understanding tobacco use behaviors among African American youth and adults; this article is a review of national and/or state-based health surveys to examine their methodology, racial and ethnic classifications, and tobacco-use related measures.Methods: Eleven national and/or state based surveys were selected for review. Eight surveys were multitopic and included questions on tobacco use and three surveys were tobacco specific. Survey methods included telephone (4), household (3), and school (4). Three major characteristics examined for each survey were: (1) survey design and methods, (2) racial and ethnic background classification, and (3) selected tobacco smoking questions. Within these three characteristics, 15 factors considered to be important for examining tobacco use behaviors by African Americans were identified a priori using previously published reviews and studies.Results: Within survey design and methods, the majority of surveys (≥7) oversampled African Americans and did not use proxy respondents for tobacco questions. All surveys used Office of Management and Budget standard classification for race/ethnicity classification. The majority of surveys (≥7) captured five of the seven tobacco-related smoking questions.Conclusions: Programmatic objectives and/or research questions should guide the selection of data sources for tobacco control programs and researchers examining African American tobacco use behaviors.Implications: This review of 11 national and state tobacco-related surveys shows that these surveys provide much needed estimates of tobacco use behaviors. However, as tobacco programs and researchers seek to examine tobacco use behaviors among African Americans, it is important to consider multiple surveys as each can contribute to informing the tobacco experience in African Americans. Most importantly, programmatic objectives and/or research questions should guide the selection of data sources for tobacco control programs and researchers examining African American tobacco use behaviors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Despite progress in limiting exposure to secondhand smoke (SHS) in the United States, little is known about the impact of smoke-free polices in prisons and jails. SHS exposure in this setting may be great, as smoking prevalence among inmates is more than three times higher than among non-incarcerated adults. To inform the implementation of smoke-free policies, this article reviews the literature on the extent, nature, and impact of smoke-free policies in U.S. prisons and jails. Methods: We systematically searched PubMed, Embase, EconLit, and Social Services Abstracts databases. We examined studies published prior to January 2014 that described policies prohibiting smoking tobacco in adult U.S. correctional facilities. Results: Twenty-seven studies met inclusion criteria. Smoke-free policies in prisons were rare in the 1980s but, by 2007, 87% prohibited smoking indoors. Policies reduced SHS exposure and a small body of evidence suggests they are associated with health benefits. We did not identify any studies documenting economic outcomes. Non-compliance with policies was documented in a small number of prisons and jails, with 20%-76% of inmates reporting smoking in violation of a policy. Despite barriers, policies were implemented successfully when access to contraband tobacco was limited and penalties were enforced. Conclusion: Smoke-free policies have become increasingly common in prisons and jails, but evidence suggests they are not consistently implemented. Future studies should examine the health and economic outcomes of smoke-free policies in prisons and jails. By implementing smoke-free policies, prisons and jails have an opportunity to improve the health of staff and inmates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]