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Drawing upon racial formation theory, this paper argues that Korean adoption was part of a racial project that advanced the model minority myth, helping shape what it means to be Asian in America. This focus on Korean adoption as part of the foundation of the model minority myth departs from traditional renderings that concentrate exclusively on Japanese and Chinese Americans. It also addresses the exclusion of Korean adoptees from Asian immigration history. In making this argument, I incorporate historical context and draw upon Korean adoptee adults' online survey responses (N=107) and in-depth interviews (N=37) to examine the multiple domains that enacted this racial project, including policy, family socialization, and interpersonal interactions, and the effect on Korean adoptees. Implications of this racial project are discussed in relation to contemporary adoptee deportations and citizenship rights advocacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper interrogates the socio‐political role of Christianity in the forced migration experiences of southern Sudanese refugees living in the United States. Religion is implicated in the conflict in Sudan; faith‐based organizations broker these refugees' resettlement in the United States; and engagement with US Christian Churches eases the transition to a new society. Based on ethnographic research with Sudanese refugees and American service providers, this paper probes the ways in which cultural constructions of Christians influence the incorporation of these newcomers into US congregations. In addition, the paper highlights the need for more scholarly attention to the study of Nuer Christianity as an indigenized belief system that enables this population to cope with radical change in their lives. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

When the US Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) was disbanded in 2003 many of its components were absorbed into the new Department of Homeland Security (DHS). One of these new entities, called US Citizenship and Immigration (USCIS), now has the formidable task of processing and keeping track of all the applicants for entry into the United States. Its goal is to serve the immigrant community effectively, efficiently, and fairly, while avoiding the problems and deserved criticisms of its predecessor organization. USCIS is expected to achieve this goal under the administrative authority of DHS that has goals that may not be compatible. The primary mission of DHS is to fight terrorism, and providing good service to clients may be incidental. In this reorganization many members of the immigrant community fear they are viewed as potential terrorists. That it also has responsibility for refugee applicants raises the issue of the blurring of immigration and asylum — the former is about control whereas the latter should be focused on protection. The possible effects of these organizational changes on immigrants, refugees, and the nation are reviewed in this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Buddhism plays a central role in Cambodian refugees' identity in the United States; ‘to be Khmer [Cambodian] is to be Buddhist.’ The religious life of Cambodian refugees in the United States is declining and being transformed due to the changing nature of community and social structure. Khmer traditional beliefs are being constructed and reconstructed to fit in new socio‐cultural and environmental contexts. This research paper examines a particular Khmer healing ritual known as lieng arak, which is performed as a therapeutic technique, framed within the complex belief system made up of Buddhism and ancestral worship. This study suggests that lieng arak ritual is disappearing in the United States due to several factors: the lack of ritual specialists and musical ensembles, the changes in the conceptualization of spirit categories, and most importantly the loosening of the social network within the Khmer community. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

ABSTRACT This paper examines the extent to which sustenance differentiation--an important dimension of the division of labor--influences the redistribution of the population through net migration in the nonmetropolitan counties of the United States during the 1960s. An ecological explanation of this type is shown to be most viable, even when controls for a number of competing explanations are introduced. The evidence provided in this paper supports the longstanding contention of human ecologists about the influence of sustenance organization on population redistribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Findings from research on the nineteenth-century emigration from Europe to the United States are not unanimous concerning the following three issues: (i) the relative importance of push and pull factors; (ii) whether job opportunities or wage rates were the relevant stimuli; and (iii) the lag structure in the relationship between economic changes and emigration. The paper specifically addresses these three issues by analysing Swedish emigration to the United States, 1861-1913. The method of Box and Jenkins is applied. It is argued that the influences of push and pull are contingent on a changing social and economic structure. This view is supported empirically by shifts in parameters; more specifically, the push effect decreases over time, while the pull effect increases. It is found that the estimated effects of wage rates on emigration are contaminated by the impact of demand for labour. After residualization, only the latter predictor has a significant effect. The lag structure is assessed by examining the cross-correlations between emigration and the various economic indicators. According to the results, the impact of the agricultural push was felt during a two-year period after a change, whereas the industrial push was realized within the same year. The pull factor had an instantaneous impact as well as a lagged effect of one year. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives Although a number of studies have documented cognitive health among older immigrants in the United States, little is known about how the life-course immigration experiences are associated with cognitive trajectories among older Chinese immigrants. We assess patterns of cognitive functioning and change over time and examine whether age at migration, reasons for migration, acculturation, perceived discrimination, and preferred dialects are related to cognitive trajectories. Methods The sample comprised 2,075 participants from the Population Study of Chinese Elderly (PINE), who completed a battery of cognitive tests at four time points (2011–2019). Latent class growth analysis and multinomial logistic regression were utilized. Results Three latent classes of cognitive trajectories were identified: the low functioning with the fastest decline (LCF, 12%), the moderate functioning with a medium decline rate (MCF, 39%), and the high functioning with the slowest decline (HCF, 48%). Perceiving more discrimination reduced, whereas speaking Taishanese increased the odds of being in the LCF and MCF. High acculturation only distinguished MCF from HCF after controlling for the known factors of cognitive health such as age, education, and social engagement. Discussion This study identifies a group of older Chinese immigrants who are especially vulnerable to cognitive impairment and indicates that the risk of cognitive decline appears to be elevated with lower levels of acculturation and unidentified racial discrimination. More research is needed to fully understand the underlying mechanisms that link the life-course immigration experiences to cognitive health outcomes in later life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigration laws, judiciary hearings, and enforcement strategies produce the racialization of illegality, linking "illegality" to homogenized and stereotypical images of "Mexican," "Hispanic," and "Latina/o" origin. Immigration scholars have shown the transgressions produced by the racialization of illegality on Latina/o immigrants and non-immigrants who fit these stereotypes. How do Latina/o immigrants of different ethnic origins navigate the racialization of illegality? What strategies do they employ to manage risks associated with illegality? Through 61 interviews with Indigenous-origin and non-Indigenous Latina/o immigrants in Kansas between 2016 to 2019, this study examines the salience of race and the active role that the body plays within Latina/o immigrants' experiences with the immigration regime. I find that immigrants actively employ the body as a resource to navigate illegality, particularly in a context where Latina/os make up a smaller share of a white-majority population. The racialization of illegality brings social divisions within Latina/o groups, reproducing centuries-old systems of oppression where whiteness is equated with protections given to citizens, while "looking Mexican" or "Hispanic" leaves Indigenous-origin immigrants and non-white Latina/os at the hands of immigration control. This research contributes to scholars' call to further explore the role of race and the body in immigration processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article develops and empirically tests a model of political incorporation for undocumented youth in the United States, focusing on nonvoting forms of political engagement. Using one of the first nationwide surveys of undocumented millennials between the ages of 18 and 35 (n = 1,472), we show that (1) undocumented youth express much higher levels of political efficacy and participation than the literature on immigrant political incorporation leads us to expect, (2) membership in organizations that work on immigration-related issues is a main determinant of this sense of political efficacy, and (3) through mediation analysis, that organizational membership (the mediator) influences how political efficacy affects political participation, and not the other way around. The literature on immigrant political incorporation is vast, but precedent studies too often focus on formal acts of political participation, such as naturalization and voting, by those with lawful immigration status. With an analytical focus on youth without lawful immigration status, this article contributes to theoretical and empirical knowledge about how and to what extent undocumented youth become politically active and engaged despite the many obstacles that exist to their formal participation in politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives Although immigration policies have shifted dramatically over the course of U.S. history, few have examined their role as a source of health heterogeneity among immigrants. We address this gap by evaluating whether exposure to U.S. Immigration Policy Regimes (IPRs) corresponds with later-life disability disparities among Mexico–U.S. migrant women and men, and assess the degree to which observed differences may also be associated with immigration policies and occupational composition. Method We analyze 8 waves of data from the Hispanic Established Populations for the Epidemiologic Study of the Elderly (3,044 individuals and 14,474 observations from 1993/1994–2013). Using hierarchical linear models, we estimate trajectories of physical disability associated with gender, occupation, and IPR. Results We find differences in disability trajectories by IPR. Associations are not different between men and women, and are not mediated by occupational composition. We also observe an additive effect for certain occupations among women, but not among men. Discussion Findings demonstrate that exposure to different IPRs is associated with disparate disability trajectories among Mexico–U.S. migrants. Future research is needed to contextualize the role of IPRs amid other mechanisms of gendered racialization that powerfully contribute to cumulative health differences across the life course. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Little is known about the extra-political consequences of contemporary U.S.-based nativist mobilization as well as the resilience unauthorized migrants display in the face of anti-immigrant mobilization along the U.S.-Mexico border. Bringing together social movements and immigration literatures, we examine these interrelated issues using original survey data from the first wave of the Migrant Border Crossing Study. In so doing, we examine: (1) factors influencing repatriated unauthorized migrants' awareness of nativist mobilization (i.e. Minutemen) along the Arizona-Sonora border, and (2) factors explaining why some migrants would or would not be potentially deterred from attempting future unauthorized crossings if encountering the Minutemen were a possibility. Results from a Heckman probit selection model indicate that higher levels of general, financial, and migration-specific human capital are associated with awareness of the Minutemen, while higher household income and status as an indigenous language speaker predict who would be less likely to be deterred from crossing. We also uncover an interesting paradox: migrants traveling with coyotes were less likely to have heard of Minutemen and more likely to be potentially deterred. Collectively, our results provide insight into the overlooked extra-political consequences of contemporary U.S. nativist mobilization, how resiliency in the face of such a deterrent is structured among repatriated unauthorized migrants, and how seemingly powerless migrant groups can mitigate potential threats initiated by relatively privileged groups of U.S. citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critically examines the consumption experiences of Mexican immigrants in the United States. An empirical model of Mexican immigrant consumer acculturation is derived that consists of movement, translation, and adaptation processes leading to outcomes of assimilation, maintenance, resistance, and segregation. By drawing attention to the ways in which international movements of people, companies, and products intersect within existing subcultural relations, this research provides a more satisfactory account of the complex dynamic processes through which Mexican immigrants adapt to the consumer environment in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The things to which we are attached help to define who we are, who we were, and who we hope to become. These meanings are likely to be especially salient to those in identity transitions. In this study we examine such meanings by comparing favorite possessions of Indians in India and Indians who immigrated to the United States. Because the Indian sense of self differs considerably from Western concepts, these immigrants provide an interesting and important group in which to examine the use of possessions in securing identity. Results suggest that possessions play an important role in the reconstruction of immigrant identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a growing body of research on the link between social isolation, loneliness, and health outcomes in later life, including cognitive decline and dementia. In the current issue of the Journal , Torres et al. (Am J Epidemiol. 2020;189(8):761–769) present findings from a study of the association between adult child migration status and cognitive performance among parents who stayed behind in Mexico, using longitudinal data (2001–2015) from the Mexican Health and Aging Study. This is an excellent example of the role that emotional and social factors may play in the development of cognitive impairment among older adults. In their study, having an adult child in the United States was associated with a steeper decline in verbal memory scores over time, but only among women. In the light of the increasing levels of immigration worldwide, this work is highly relevant, as it touches upon a less recognized socioemotional risk factor for cognitive decline: family-member migration status. Further research on this topic should be conducted in other countries and should include assessment of the social and emotional needs of those staying behind when a family member migrates. This will increase our understanding of how social isolation and loneliness relate to cognitive decline and may contribute to new directions for interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I study how relative wages and border enforcement affect immigration from Mexico to the U.S. To do this, I develop a discrete choice dynamic programming model where people choose from a set of locations in both the U.S. and Mexico, while accounting for the location of one's spouse when making decisions. I estimate the model using data on individual immigration decisions from the Mexican Migration Project. Counterfactuals show that a 10% increase in Mexican wages reduces migration rates and durations, overall decreasing the number of years spent in the U.S. by about 5%. A 50% increase in enforcement reduces migration rates and increases durations of stay in the U.S. and the overall effect is a 7% decrease in the number of years spent in the U.S. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the turn of the twentieth century , just as Mexican immigration to the United States began to surge, Anglo Protestant missionaries and moral reformers interacted with Mexicans and Mexican Americans along the U.S.- Mexico border. These interactions contributed both to the Anglo conception of Mexicans and Mexican Americans in the United States as a pressing moral “problem” and to notions of the U.S.-Mexico borderlands as a distinct spiritual desert. Therefore, the religious labors of Anglo Protestants and the early civil rights strategies of Mexican and Mexican American activists both testify to the importance of religion in the shaping of Anglo-Mexican relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the history of U.S. immigration policy has traditionally been directed "inward," toward questions of American law, institutions, policy regimes, and modes of national belonging, an emerging historical scholarship is asking how U.S. immigration policy has been shaped by U.S. foreign relations. This essay draws together, builds on, and transforms this literature by foregrounding new questions of transnational, imperial, and global inequality in the making of U.S. immigration politics and policy, and by problematizing not only closures and exclusions, but selective openings in the U.S. immigration regime. Despite conventional claims that immigration is and has been a matter of "domestic" politics, in fact, U.S. immigration policy has long been self-consciously engaged with transnational realities. Indeed, as the essay argues, while serving as a way that Americans could define the nation against an "outside," U.S. immigration policy has simultaneously been instrumentalized to project U.S. national-imperial power out into the world. This geopolitics of mobility has taken wide-ranging, overlapping, and often contradictory forms: the pursuit of labor power, the management of overseas colonies, the diffusion of U.S. goods, practices, and values, the building of legitimacy, the containment of enemies, and the rescue of friends. An imperial history of U.S. immigration control has the capacity both to frame new historical inquiries and to draw attention to the crucial ways that many migrants to the United States have already been enmeshed in U.S.-centered fields of power long before they approach the recognized boundaries of the U.S. state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a quasi-natural experiment in the Latino National Survey (2006), I examine the effect of the 2006 immigrant rights marches on attitudes about assimilation among Mexican immigrants residing in the United States. I test the hypothesis, dominant in the existing literature, that major sociopolitical events raise ethnic consciousness and lead to reactive or retentionist attitudes that privilege maintenance of ethnic culture over "blending in." Contrary to established findings, I show that the marches did not increase retentionist attitudes nor strengthen ethnic nationalism. Instead, in the period during and after the marches, Mexican immigrants were more likely to hold incorporationist attitudes that place value on both assimilation and ethnic cultural maintenance, as well as assimilationist attitudes which privilege "blending in" to American society. These findings suggest that attitudes were influenced by the incorporationist and assimilationist messages promulgated by protest organizers and the Spanish-language media. The specific discourse used by media and activists can shape both individual attitudes and conceptions of how minority groups relate to wider society, evincing a more expansive approach to American identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks back at a time before the emergence of Latino as a broad ethnoracial category in the U.S. in the 20th century. The author highlights the migration of Puerto Ricans to Chicago, Illinois, after World War II. He examines archives and scholarship on racial formation in order to explore the role of migration and citizenship in the formation of races in the country.

The article focuses on the impact of authoritarianism on the access of immigrants to the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families program in the U.S. Topics discussed include the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA), the role played by state governments in the policy related to immigration, and the requirements for citizenship eligibility in different states of the U.S. Also mentioned are the relationship between welfare reform and immigration in the U.S., and the public support for the policies in Nazi Germany and anti-Semitism.

This article investigates whether the 9/11 attacks affected the assimilation rate of Muslims in the US. Terror attacks by Islamic groups are likely to induce a backlash against Muslims, thereby raising their costs of assimilation. We find that Muslim immigrants living in states with the sharpest increase in hate crimes also exhibit: greater chances of marrying within their own ethnic group; higher fertility; lower female labour force participation; and lower English proficiency. These findings shed light on the increasing use of terror and concurrent rise in social tensions surrounding Muslim immigrants in the West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the interplay between ethnic change and individual psychology in shaping mass opinion on immigration. Recent research suggests that personality traits related to uncertainty aversion structure left-right orientation in American politics, and we argue that this personality cleavage should shape citizens' reactions to ethnic change. Using national survey data and a survey experiment, our analysis reveals that ethnic change polarizes citizens by personality, as those averse to uncertainty feel heightened cultural threat from ethnic change, while those open to uncertainty feel less threatened. The association of traits related to uncertainty aversion with left-right orientation suggests that polarization over immigration is exacerbated by the interaction of citizen personality and ethnic context. While the opinion literature on immigration is replete with studies analyzing the separate effects of ethnic context and individual differences, this article contributes to the literature by analyzing the two in conjunction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1790 and 1952, naturalization was reserved primarily for "free white persons." Asian immigrants were deemed non-white and racially ineligible for citizenship by legislation and the courts. European immigrants and, importantly, Mexican immigrants were considered white by law and eligible for naturalization. Yet, few Mexicans acquired US citizenship. By 1930, only 9 percent of Mexican men had naturalized, compared to 60 percent of southern and eastern Europeans and 80 percent of northern and western Europeans. If Mexicans were legally white, why did they rarely acquire citizenship in the early decades of the 20th century? We go beyond analyses focused on formal law or individual-level determinants to underscore the importance of region and non-white social status in influencing naturalization. Using 1930 US Census microfile data, we find that while individual characteristics (e.g., length of residence and literacy) explain some of the gulf in citizenship, the context of reception mattered nearly as much. Even if Mexicans were "white by law," they were often judged nonwhite in practice, which significantly decreased their likelihood of naturalizing. Moreover, the more welcoming political and social climate of the Northeast and Midwest, where most European migrants lived, facilitated their acquisition of American citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the concept of transnationalism has gained widespread popularity among scholars as a way to describe immigrants' long-term maintenance of cross-border ties to their origin communities, critics have argued that the overall proportion of immigrants who engage in transnational behavior is low and that, as a result, transnationalism has little sustained effect on the process of immigrant adaptation and assimilation. In this article, we argue that a key shortcoming in the current empirical debate on transnationalism is the lack of data on the social networks that connect migrants to each other and to nonmigrants in communities of origin. To address this shortcoming, our analysis uses unique binational data on the social network connecting an immigrant sending community in Guanajuato, Mexico, to two destination areas in the United States. We test for the effect of respondents' positions in cross-border networks on their migration intentions and attitudes towards the United States using data on the opinions of their peers, their participation in cross-border and local communication networks, and their structural position in the network. The results indicate qualified empirical support for a network-based model of transnationalism; in the U.S. sample we find evidence of network clustering consistent with peer effects, while in the Mexican sample we find evidence of the importance of cross-border communication with friends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented on the joint administration of immigration by the federal government and state authorities in the U.S. in the 1880s. It examines state implementation of the U.S. federal 1882 Immigration Act, particularly focusing on Massachusetts and New York. The author considers the exclusion and deportation of paupers, including individuals arriving from Ireland. Economic factors and anti-European nativism are considered.

Relentless advocacy and powerful reporting have resulted in a growing outcry against the United States immigration detention system. Nevertheless, the system has experienced a dramatic growth in the last decade, affecting families and communities all over the country. Inspired by United States and international legal theory, this article critically examines the legality of lengthy detention of non-citizens held in pre-removal immigration detention in the United States, while presenting a comparative analysis of the European Union and four of its Member States. Following the introduction, the article begins with an examination of the United States’ Supreme Court’s developing understanding of the Due Process Clause of the Fifth Amendment to the United States’ Constitution in relation to claims brought by non-citizens. The article also discusses two recent United States’ Supreme Court cases – Zadvydas v. Davis and Demore v. Kim – and how lower courts have interpreted them. Next, the article addresses the European Union’s Return Directive, relevant international human rights standards, and particular laws in France, Austria, Portugal, and Greece that place time limits on immigration detention. The article concludes with three recommendations to decrease the amount of time non-citizens spend in administrative immigration detention in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks at trends and issues in the employment of foreign-born workers ion long-term supportive services (LTSS) in the U.S. The trends and issues include the demand for LTSS workers, pathways of immigrants into LTSS jobs and promising directions for policy and practice. A chart of project growth in long-term supportive services occupation from 2008 to 2018 is presented. The effects of foreign-born LTSS workers on the quality of care for native-born workers are also indicated.

The article discusses a study on the impact of immigration on the age structure of the U.S. population. The study used data from the Census Bureau to analyze the country's age structure. It assessed the effect of immigration on the working-age share and fertility. In addition, the study identified the reasons for concern about the decline in U.S. workers, including funding for social insurance premiums.

An essay on East Indian emigration, anticolonialism, and radicalism is presented. It focuses on Western U.S. and Canadian borders, exploring antiradicalism and immigration policies in the U.S. and Canada. The author examines cooperation between Great Britain, the U.S., and Canada in surveying and in suppressing Indian nationalists. Other topics include the Indian revolutionary group the Ghadar party and Indian leader Taraknath Das.

I begin with the premise that there is an American Islam being created—a version of the faith that aligns with the contemporary United States both organizationally and culturally. This faith formation is connected to the immigration of Muslims to the United States since the 1965 changes in immigration laws, even though Muslims have been in the United States, especially among African Americans, much longer than that. Two sets of social forces are creating this American Islam: the lived religious practices of the second and third generations of these post-1965 families; and the imposed images of Islam and institutional constraints of civil society coming from major social institutions and native-born Americans. The interaction of these “bottom up” and “top down” dynamics can be illuminated by an understanding of “place” in both social and geographical terms. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

It is often assumed that refugees in the US are at an economic disadvantage compared to other immigrants. A number of hypotheses have been postulated to explain this ‘refugee gap’. Refugees, on average, have less English language ability, less educational experience, different forms of family support, poorer mental and physical health, and generally reside in more disadvantaged neighbourhoods than other immigrants. Although these factors are well supported by evidence for specific refugee groups, a lack of representative data for both refugee and non-refugee migrants has made the testing of this refugee gap challenging. Using the first wave of the New Immigrant Survey, these hypotheses are tested on employment, occupation, and earnings outcomes using multivariate modelling techniques among recent immigrants in the United States. Findings demonstrate that accounting for each of the aforementioned explanatory factors minimizes the earnings and occupational differences between refugees and all other immigrants. Despite the inclusion of these factors within the model, however, a refugee disparity in earnings and occupational attainment continues to exist. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since the issue of immigration and its effects on the United States persists and discussions on the topic continue to intensify, this article reviews public opinion trends on immigrants and immigration. We review Americans’ overall assessment of immigrants and immigration-related issues such as immigrant impact on the U.S. economy, perceptions of elected officials’ performance on handling immigration issues, and preferred approaches to immigration policy. We draw our framework from Lapinski et al.’s 1997 Public Opinion Quarterly review of public attitudes and beliefs regarding immigrants and immigration. This study updates the trends presented in 1997, beginning in many cases with the final time point presented in that earlier article and including current national public opinion trends of questions not previously documented but which have become relevant to the current immigration debate. The current review reveals mixed attitudes, dualities in Americans’ thinking, and splits on immigration issues. In the current review, public opinion is at times ambivalent, espousing certain attitudes that challenge others. In addition, less extreme attitudes are revealed in the public’s view of certain policies as compared with Lapinski et al.’s piece. Spanning what will now be over a decade, public opinion indicates an increasing concern over immigration issues in addition to a lack of confidence in the ability of the country’s leaders to address them. More than half of today’s immigrants came to the United States in the 1990s, and their share of the population is at historically peak levels. Estimates indicate that between 1990 and 2000, the U.S. foreign-born population grew by more than 11 million. As the rise in the immigrant population has increased, so have debates over how best to handle immigration issues. Although policymakers have suggested a variety of possible solutions, public opinion seems deeply divided on how best to handle immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Demographic shifts among Hindu populations in the United States are intimately related to the types of Hinduism that have flourished in the American diaspora. Prior to the 1965 Immigration Act, Hindu ambassadors, Hindu texts, and missionary accounts formed a Hindu imaginary highly influenced by neo-Vedantic ideology. After 1965, ordinary women and female gurus joined the small populations of Hindu male immigrants and Hindu gurus active in the United States. As a result, the neo-Vedantic version of Hinduism that had stood in for the whole of Hinduism prior to 1965 was forced to diversify because of the religious demands made by the gamete of immigrant Indian Hindu families and the multiple Hindu religiosities presented by popular Hindu gurus. This demographic shift impacted the transition of Hinduism in the United States from a masculinised neo-Vedantic interpretation (1820-1965) to its diversification (1965-present), of which a major component is the integration of the feminine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores how former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger's childhood experience affected his life and career. Kissinger was a German Jew living in Nazi Germany and had seen a deterioration of Jewish rights. Subsequently, his family's 1938 immigration to the United States gave him a deep appreciation for being an American. The author discusses the "immigrant experience," anti-Semitism, the liberalization of American educational opportunities, and explores the U.S. government's need for immigrant Americans to serve during the Cold War.

This study examines the extent and causes of inequalities in information technology ownership and use between natives and immigrants in the United States, with particular focus on the role of English ability. The results indicate that, during the period 1997-2003, immigrants were significantly less likely to have access to or use a computer and the Internet. Moreover, the gap in IT usage widened during that period. Immigrants and natives who live in Spanish-speaking households are less likely than individuals living in English-speaking households to have access to or use IT. Estimates using a measure of predicted English ability show that English ability is positively associated with IT access and use. The results suggest that much of the immigrant-native gap in IT usage is attributable to differences in English ability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migrant remittances from the United States to Mexico have grown at an impressive rate in recent years. Using a decomposition technique, I attribute the growth in remittances, for the 1990-2004 period and subperiods within it, to a migration effect, a remitting propensity effect and an average amount effect. Results show that while migration growth was the main force driving remittance growth for most of the 1990s, in the new century remittance growth cannot be simply attributed to migration growth. Mexican migrants are becoming more likely to remit and are remitting larger amounts. This reflects both a change in the composition of the Mexican population in the United States and new modes of immigrant incorporation, consistent with the assimilation and the transnational narratives. Macroeconomic oscillations play an important role in explaining remittance growth as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary nonwhite immigration from Latin America and Asia, increasing racial/ethnic intermarriage, and the growing number of multiracial individuals has made the black-white color line now seem anachronistic in America, consequently raising the question of whether today's color line is evolving in new directions toward either a white-nonwhite divide, a black-nonblack divide, or a new tri-racial hierarchy. In order to gauge the placement of today's color line, we examine patterns of multiracial identification, using both quantitative data on multiracial reporting in the 2000 U.S. Census and in-depth interview data from multiracial individuals with Asian, Latino or black backgrounds. These bodies of evidence suggest that the multiracial identifications of Asians and Latinos (behaviorally and self-perceptually) show much less social distance from whites than from blacks, signaling the likely emergence of a black-nonblack divide that continues to separate blacks from other groups, including new nonwhite immigrants. However, given that the construction of whiteness as a category has been fluid in the past and appears to be stretching yet again, it is also possible that the color line will change still further to even more fully incorporate Asians and Latinos as white, which would mean that the historical black-white divide could again re-emerge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses various reports contained in a special section published within the issue, including "Reinventing the Color Line: Immigration and America's New Racial/Ethnic Divide," by Jennifer Lee and Frank bean and "Measuring Latinos Racial vs. Ethnic Classification and Self-Understandings," by Steven Hitlin, J. Scott Brown and Glen H. Elder Jr.

The article offers information concerning the nationalism, immigration control and the ethnoracial remapping of the U.S. in the 1920s. It discusses the quota law of immigration that marks a fundamental shift in orientation toward foreign immigration. The immigration trend before World War I reflected on the tradition of laissez-faire labor mobility that dated to the colonial period. After the war, a confluence of political and economic trends impelled the legislation of immigration restriction. It also explores the race problem before the war that includes the problems of Negro, Mexican, Asiatic and immigrants.

This article uses the puzzle of diverging trajectories of immigrant citizenship in the United States and Canada to build a new approach to the study of citizenship and political incorporation. I consider three existing models of citizenship: an approach that considers citizenship adoption as the product of cost/benefit calculations; an approach that understands individuals and groups to be differentially endowed with the skills, resources and interests necessary to acquire citizenship; and an approach that believes countries adopt citizenship regimes which either include or shut out immigrants. I then offer an alternative model of structured mobilization which views political incorporation as a social process of mobilization by friends, family, community organizations and local leaders that is embedded in an institutional context shaped by government policies of diversity and newcomer settlement. The material and symbolic resources provided by government shape the ability and interest of "social helpers" to assist with and mobilize around citizenship. The article concludes by considering the implications of structured mobilization for various debates in immigration and political sociology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reports on the illegal entry of Chinese immigrants in the U.S. from 1882-1924. Number of Chinese immigrants that entered the U.S.; Information on U.S. immigration laws; Efforts of the government to curb the illegal entry of Chinese immigrants.

Discusses the Mexican migration to the United States (US) after the World War II. Factors attributable for the trends in migration; Overview of the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) in the US; Implications of Mexicans' reaction to the IRCA.

Argues that the United States Immigration Act of 1924 is comprised of system of reconstructed racial categories which are disaggregated and realigned in uneven ways. How the law apportioned immigration quotas based on race; Discussion on the flaws of dividing race by nationalities; Eligibility to citizenship based on nationalities.

Describes the immigration statuses of newcomers to the United States and the influence of immigration status on service provision, access and use. Background information on the rise of newcomer populations; Service needs of groups; Immigration legislation; Implications for social service. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses various issues related to immigrants in the United States. There have been calls by politicians for laws restricting immigration and one politician credited the superior labor conditions in the cotton mills of the United States as the motivating factor for skilled labor immigration from the Old World. However, figures collected by the U.S. Bureau of Statistics from the period of 1877 to 1886 show that almost 73% of immigrants were either unskilled or low-wage workers. The article states that a majority of mill workers were unskilled in their home countries. It also dispels the misconception that immigrants are the pick of European labor, they are rather excess labor.

From 1935 through 1964, more than 800 Chinese male narcotic addicts were admitted to the Lexington hospital. Of this group, 137 recent male admissions were selected for study. It was found that these Chinese addicts exemplified the sojourner way of life; but they were unsuccessful sojourners. Migrants to America in search of wealth, they were alienated from the dominant American culture. They lived in metropolitan Chinatowns, worked in laundries or restaurants, and were separated from their families. At the time of their current hospitalization for opiate addiction, these patients were an older group--3 years--with a long history of drug use. Evidence of the high incidence of opiate addiction among the Chinese-Americans during the first half of this century is considered. And the reasons why addiction within this minority group has virtually ceased by the 1960's are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between economic changes and migration characterizes most of the important migrations in the history of the U.S. The urban industrialization of the U.S. demanded a type of migration quite different from that by which the country was settled and developed. The insatiable demand of the industrial cities for more and more labor coincided with the emergency of population surpluses in agricultural areas. Especially after the stream of immigrants from Europe was reduced to a mere trickle, only migrants from the countryside could supply the expanding cities. This migration was stimulated during the World War and continued through the 1920's. The last depression reduced the volume of these movements and in one year actually reversed their direction but with the signs of returning prosperity the migration was resumed. Moreover, a new wave of migration resulting from the National Defense program has been stimulated by employment opportunities especially in aircraft and shipbuilding, in heavy goods industry and in large-scale construction projects. In addition to the important expansion of industry in already well-developed cities the National Defense Program has led to large-scale construction in rural areas.