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This paper seeks to apply the idea of cosmopolitan democracy to the question of national identity in a comparative context in the European Union and East Asia. The application of the idea of cosmopolitan democracy to East Asia is constrained by a number of factors, and hence cannot be understood as a universal concept, but rather as a contingent regional phenomenon that is dependent on certain conditions. The paper concludes that East Asia will find its own approach to the question of national identity and that this has been demonstrated to some extent by China's handling of Hong Kong. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The impact of climate change on the circumpolar north has raised the profile of the Arctic Ocean to coastal states and presents serious foreign policy challenges. Chief among these is the pending delimitation dispute over the extended continental shelf between Canada, Denmark, the United States, and Russia. While delimitation disputes are not new to Arctic states, extended continental shelf claims are complicated by the existence of multiple claimants and a still developing international legal regime. To inform policymakers about what to expect from overlapping claims to disputed maritime areas, this paper draws comparative lessons for Arctic policymakers based on East Asia's experience responding to overlapping jurisdictional entitlements created by the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). East Asian states have been grappling with the challenge presented by overlapping claims to resource-rich seabeds since the region ratified UNCLOS in the mid-late 1990s. In light of similar geographic conditions (a dispute over a semi-enclosed sea), alliance structures and the relative infancy of the claimant states with UNCLOS entitlements-Canada only ratified the treaty in 2003, and the United States has yet to do so-this paper sets out the case that important comparative lessons can be drawn from the East Asian experience with maritime delimitation disputes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cho, Il Hyun. (2011) Democratic Instability: Democratic Consolidation, National Identity, and Security Dynamics in East Asia. Foreign Policy Analysis, doi: 10.1111/j.1743-8594.2011.00154.x During his tenure, President George W. Bush touted the East Asian democratic experience as a positive model for democratization in the Middle East. Contrary to the premise of democracy leading to regional stability, however, East Asian democracies in the past decade have often become a source of regional instability. Based on a comparative analysis of political developments in Taiwan, Japan, and South Korea, this paper explores the foreign policy behavior of East Asian democracies and assesses the overall impact on regional security dynamics. Specifically, I argue that incomplete democratic consolidation, combined with the political salience of national identity, sparked a process of acute intergroup competition among domestic political actors. As a result, the foreign policy orientation of the three East Asian democracies became belligerent, thereby unnecessarily increasing regional tensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cho, Il Hyun. (2011) Democratic Instability: Democratic Consolidation, National Identity, and Security Dynamics in East Asia. Foreign Policy Analysis, doi: 10.1111/j.1743-8594.2011.00154.x During his tenure, President George W. Bush touted the East Asian democratic experience as a positive model for democratization in the Middle East. Contrary to the premise of democracy leading to regional stability, however, East Asian democracies in the past decade have often become a source of regional instability. Based on a comparative analysis of political developments in Taiwan, Japan, and South Korea, this paper explores the foreign policy behavior of East Asian democracies and assesses the overall impact on regional security dynamics. Specifically, I argue that incomplete democratic consolidation, combined with the political salience of national identity, sparked a process of acute intergroup competition among domestic political actors. As a result, the foreign policy orientation of the three East Asian democracies became belligerent, thereby unnecessarily increasing regional tensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Trump administration, Sino-American relations have deteriorated to the point where the new consensus in the U.S. foreign policy establishment is that a new Cold War has begun between the U.S. and China. This article looks at the origins of the "first Cold War" for insight into how a second Cold War might be avoided. There is a danger of the Cold War turning hot because of power transition dynamics. This article also invokes the pre-1914 Anglo-German rivalry, and argues that if conflict is to be avoided, the U.S. must accommodate China's rise by yielding hegemony in East Asia and meeting China's status claim. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of China and how other countries respond to China's rising is widely studied. But little has been done on how other countries reacted to the rise of China throughout history and how China strategically interacted with them. The conventional wisdom holds East Asian international relations did not operate in the Westphalian way and China's rising in history did not trigger regional balancing actions. In this article, we challenge that view. We argue East Asian international relations were not exceptional to basic rules of the Westphalian system. Each time China rose up, it triggered balancing actions from neighboring regimes, including nomadic empires and settled kingdoms. The neighboring regimes would accommodate China only after they were defeated by China or pro-China regimes propped up in these countries. The Chinese hegemony in East Asian history could not be taken for granted. Over last 2,000 plus years, only during three periods of time (the Qin-Han 秦汉, Sui-Tang 隋唐, and Ming-Qing 明清 dynasties) China could successfully overpower regional resistance and enjoyed a stable tributary relationship with neighboring states. In the rest of time, the Chinese state could not retain hegemony in East Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of religion and international religions has witnessed an exponential growth in recent decades. Courses and programs exploring the complex entanglements between faith and global politics have likewise mushroomed around the world. Despite this ferment, reflections on teaching religion and international relations have so far lagged behind. This forum seeks to remedy this general silence. It brings together a diverse range of scholars from a multiplicity of national, religious, methodological, and theoretical backgrounds who teach across a variety of different geographical settings including North America, Europe, and East Asia. Contributors reflect on three broad themes. First, how do we engage with the contested character of religion as a category of analysis and practice, and with the multidisciplinary nature of its study? Second, how does the context within which we operate—be it geographical, cultural, institutional, or historical—influence and shape who, what, and how we teach? Third, how do we address the important and, at times, contentious personal and ethical challenges that our research and teaching on religion and politics inevitably raises in the classroom? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

East Asia is a region of signal importance for global order because of its economic dynamism and growing heft, China's challenge to the United States as incumbent regional and global hegemon, and other conflict hotspots like the Korean peninsula. This requires academic analysis that both appreciates the subtleties inherent to this region and can relate them to the wider systemic context. Many analysts have begun to allude to the challenging characteristics that are present in the international relations of East Asia, in particular struggling to explain how growing levels of economic interdependence can coexist with heightened security tensions. This article offers a research prospectus that suggests ways of analyzing these apparently contradictory trends. It proposes the development of research questions and approaches that are more suited to studying the international relations of a region with characteristics that we define as dual, hybrid, and contingent. We propose a Conjunctions Analytical Framework that explores what happens at the conjunctions of the regional-global and the unit-regional/global levels of analysis—the "grey areas" where social formations meet and interact. We aim to help shape the future study of the IR of East Asia and to suggest more effective ways of analyzing the complex reality of East Asia's regional and global politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How much war was there in early modern East Asia? This article empirically corroborates characterizations of relations between Sinic East Asian polities as being unusually peaceful and stable, which we attribute to the participants' shared subscription to a common and accepted hierarchy framed by a Confucian worldview. More broadly, we provide direct empirical evidence that international hierarchies derive their stability from cultural consensus rather than simply asymmetries in material power. We make these claims by addressing the extent, range, and patterns of war in early modern East Asia by introducing and describing an extensive dataset of over 1,100 entries that measures war and other violence in early modern East Asia from 1368 to 1841 and relies principally on both Chinese and Korean language sources. The combination of these two Asian language sources forms the basis of a unique dataset that will substantially widen and complement the largely Chinese or English language sources that are generally used in debating war in early modern East Asia. Asia was composed of much more than simply China, and bringing in scholarship from other areas of early modern East Asia reflects a trend of moving past national studies to research the region more holistically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essay discusses early post-World War II Sino-Japanese relations. Focus is given to Japan's relationship with Chinese Nationalists (KMT), who would come to rule Taiwan following the rise of China's Communist government, based on the Japanese military's and civil society's reaction to defeat in World War II. Also examined is how such dramatic international relations changes in East Asia impacted Japanese and Taiwanese nationalism and national identity in the post-war era.

The article focuses on the power shift narrative in Sino-Japanese interaction regarding the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands in 2010. It states that the notion showing the rising of China, the declining of Japan, and the power shift in East Asia is compatible with the epistemological core of constructivism. It also discusses bilateral relationship between China and Japan, Japanese policymaking, and sovereign competition on two parties.

Working as both lecturers and researchers within the theory and practice of international law, we are regularly confronted with materials and issues that raise the question of the relationship between this form of legal regulation and the political exercise of sovereign power. In turn, this persistent confrontation raises the question of which type (or types) of analytical perspective is most likely to illuminate how this relationship appears within the East Asian and other geopolitical contexts? For example, have we, as the German law professor Carl Schmitt suggested in the mid-20th century, been entering a new global order comprising multiple and co-existing regional hegemonic bodies, each possessing its own spheres of influence and located at an intermediary level between the United Nations and the traditional individual nation State? In this order of large political spaces, will China's growing status as a regional superpower, projecting its sovereign power and influence well beyond its own national borders, require legal recognition by a modified and realist form of international law and, if so, then in which particular ways? [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since the 1990s, Japan and the Republic of Korea have chosen dissimilar policy options with respect to the US-led missile defense (MD) systems in East Asia. What explains the two countries' dissimilar MD strategies? Inspired by neoclassical realism, this study introduces a framework of domestic hurdles that combines Randall Schweller's cohesion model and Jeffry Taliaferro's resource extraction model. It sheds light on the degree of elite cohesion and social and economic impediments as key causal determinants that impede balancing against external threats. Although the influence of systemic variables that suppose optimal policy options, such as balancing, domestic hurdles impede or delay such options. This study will provide useful contributions to international relations by offering comparative and theoretical analyses on different paths that Tokyo and Seoul have chosen for their MD policies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents a study on legitimacy and authority in international relations of Japan and Korea under the early modern East Asian international system. It argues that different international systems entail different institutional norms and rules. It also discusses the role of the Tsushima clan in the Japan-Korea relations.

Anticipating future political transitions in East Asia, many scholars worry that Chinese democratization and Korean unification will fuel regional instability. To inform this debate, this article examines theories that make competing claims about the stability of these potential transitions: theories within the 'democratization and war' school and economic interdependence theory. I compare the predictions of these theories in the cases of previous East Asian transitions in Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan. Process-tracing evidence shows that (i) xenophobic nationalism or logrolling by political coalitions were not present and that none of these countries pursued bellicose foreign policies during their democratic transitions. Evidence from these cases undermines the broad formulation of democratization and war theory and is consistent with a more recent, narrower version of this theory. Second, (ii) process tracing reveals the stabilizing processes of economic interdependence in all of these cases. Third and finally, contrary to prevailing views that warn of instability during future transitions, (iii) both the narrow version of democratization and war theory and economic interdependence theory forecast stability during the upcoming political transitions in China and Korea. These findings support foreign policy strategies of economic and institutional engagement toward China and the Korean peninsula. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the determinants of public preferences for regional economic integration in East Asia. Despite the “wave of scholarly enthusiasm” in support of regional integration, the public demand side of the story has not been clearly elucidated. Focusing on the public preferences for regional economic integration, this article employs two theoretical approaches: the economic approach and the cultural approach. The results of empirical analysis using the 2006 Chicago Council on Global Affairs-East Asia Institute survey on public perceptions of international relations indicate that both the economic and cultural approaches help explain variations in public preferences for regional economic integration in East Asia. Korean citizens with a positive view of economic globalization or higher levels of cultural tolerance tend to support Northeast Asian economic integration. Furthermore, the results find that perceived security threats from Japan hinder the support for regional economic integration, whereas perceptions of increasing fair trade with China and anti-Americanism increase public support. These findings suggest that the factors driving public preferences for regional economic integration in East Asia are multifaceted and context-specific. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since the mid-1990s, China has adopted various multilateral policies to shape a more favorable regional environment. The policy of integration, which accommodates both the United States and neighboring countries’ core interests, can succeed in achieving China's goals in regional multilateral cooperation. On the contrary, the policies of dominance, co-governance, and guidance have been suffering from frustration or failure because they threaten the core interests of either the United States or China's regional partners. The efficiency of China's multilateral policies is strongly shaped by two factors: the dominant United States wary of China's rapid rise and the substantial power gaps between the two states. In the coming decade, China may rise to the second rank in terms of economic capabilities, but the United States can still maintain its dominant position. So China will adhere to the policy of integration to maintain its favorable regional environment in East Asia. China's rising position and its integration policy will result in the continuation of competition in the regional cooperation mechanisms and the stability of the US regional alliance system in the decade to come. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Examines the critical role played by history and culture in Japan and South Korea's relations with the United States. Role of historical antagonism in the relations of Japan and South Korea to the US; Effect of the Japanese and Korean perceptions of their common great power patron's security commitment on the level of military cooperation between the two quasi-allied states.

Explores the defining features of United States-East Asian relations during the twentieth century. `Time' magazine founder Henry Luce's conception of America's responsibility to East Asia; Failure of US policy in the Philippines and intervention in Korea; President Richard Nixon's acquiescent policy toward an economically resurgent Japan; American cultural significance in East Asia.