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In this white paper the Chinese government assesses the security environment; defines, and elaborates on, its national defense policy including its commitment to the policy of no first use of nuclear weapons at any time and under any circumstances; and describes the defense situation and activities in 2006. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents a list of essays featured in the book "Occasional Papers in Romanian Studies. Moldova, Bessarabia, Transnistria," no. 3, edited by Rebecca Haynes. "The Holocaust in Transnistria: An Overview in the Light of Recent Research," by Dennis Deletant; "Security Concerns in Post-Soviet Moldova," by Trevor R. W. Waters; "The Conflict in the Transnistrian Region of the Republic of Moldova," by Adrian Pop.

Given Washington's vast expenditure during its 20 years of operations in Afghanistan, the Taliban's ascent to power in August 2021, after defeating the Afghan National Security Forces, generated strong feelings of shame and anxiety for the USA. Coupled with a dissonance between the US withdrawal and its narrative on fighting terrorism, this eventually culminated in an ontological security crisis for the USA. This paper aims to provide an understanding on how the US elite tried to overcome this moment of crisis and re-establish the US ontological security. For this purpose, the paper elaborates on the existing literature on the link between securitization/desecuritization and ontological security. It argues that, in the aftermath of the withdrawal, the USA employed both securitization and desecuritization practices at the narrative level, accompanied concomitantly by actions at the relational level, to overcome the state's ontological security crisis ensuing from the Taliban's ascent to power. However, the results have been, at best, mixed. Through reviewing multiple sources, both internal and external to the USA, the article suggests that the US narrative has been partially challenged and hence failed to re-establish the US ontological security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among the 100 million refugees and displaced persons in 2022, the category of "climate refugees" has become more salient, yet countries still do not know how to handle it. Two aspects of climate refugees also remain understudied; how climate refugees are perceived, since they are viewed through the dual lenses of climate risks and migratory flows and how these perceptions impact policies. Climate refugees are thus doubly impacted by the spill-over effect of securitization processes in the fields of climate change and immigration. This paper analyzes how climate- and migration-security legislation in a resource-constrained nation conceptualizes climate refugees, and how their diverse conceptual categories spill over into policymaking and create a mutually beneficial and humanitarian approach for host and migrant populations. This paper uses India as a case study based on its historical practice of refugee protection despite significant resource constraints, high risk of inbound climate refugees, participation in key global agreements, and domestic discourse over climate and immigration securitization. Using policy analysis and expert interviews, this study demonstrates that India successfully exemplifies a broadly humanitarian climate mobility regime in the South Asian region through relocations, Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief operations, and ad hoc legal protection. Despite crucial structural limitations, India illustrates a democratic global south template implicitly recognizing migrants' vulnerability to climate change and attempts to minimize risk, with potential for replication in other developing and developed nations. This normative policy framework, notwithstanding its limitations, presents an alternative to the threat-centric and unsustainable securitization of climate migration practiced in the Global North. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the emergence of "Soviet active measures" in US political discourse during the "Second Cold War" of the early 1980s. It follows the efforts of the Active Measures Working Group, a little-known interagency organization led by Reagan administration appointees that constructed an image of Soviet active measures as a threat to national security. I detail, especially, how the Working Group framed the US anti-war movement as both a target of and vehicle for active measures. In so doing, I show how the active measure was constructed in US political discourse through a dramaturgy of secrecy and revelation that placed it within a broader "covert imaginary." This paper concludes with a theorization of these efforts in relation to Foucault's concept of "alethurgy," considering how the construction of the active measure produced a "politics of truth" in which the anti-war protestor appeared as a dangerous, disinformed subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intelligence services are important sites of contestation, often the foci of reform and calls for greater transparency. Yet, while growing attention has been paid to intersectionality, gender equality reform, and progress in other areas of international affairs, little of this same transparency and attention has been paid to diversity in the intelligence sector. This paper seeks to bridge the gap, comprising a systematic review of the literature on diversity in the intelligence sector to improve our understanding of what is known and what can be known about the history and current make-up of the intelligence sector—and those who "do intelligence work". By identifying strengths and gaps in the literature and setting an agenda for future research within these "secret institutions", this paper argues that the lack of transparency, data, and knowledge on the interplay of gender, race, and sexuality, among other aspects of diversity in intelligence, is deeply troubling. It hampers our knowledge of how the sector may be "gendered" or otherwise experienced, as well as how this particular area of the security sector may or may not be integrating gender and other perspectives into their work. This paper finds that diversity in the intelligence and national security sectors is both an asset and a liability to be managed. Diversity is seen as a source of intelligence gathering and analysis strength, as well as a potential threat to hegemonic masculinity in intelligence practice. Further, language and processes for promoting diversity in intelligence can reinforce stereotyped knowledge of marginalized groups that ultimately hamper calls for greater representation, diversity, inclusion, access, and opportunities in the intelligence sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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1. I am writing in partial response to Chao Wang's paper, Invocation of National Security Exceptions under GATT Article XXI: Jurisdiction to Review and Standard of Review, published earlier in this I Journal i (18 Chinese JIL (2019), 695, https://doi: 10.1093/chinesejil/jmz029). In the European Union (EU), Council Regulation (EC) No 428/2009 (otherwise known as the European Union Dual-Use Regulation) establishes an EU-wide regime for the control of exports of dual-use items, software and technology. [Extracted from the article]

This paper addresses the relationship between accumulated knowledge and U.S. policy dealing with failed states and terrorism. The central thesis is threefold: (1) that more was known about the possible linkages between failing states and terrorism than appears in pre-9/11 U.S. policies; (2) that since 9/11 some important realignment of knowledge and practice has occurred, but it remains partial and incomplete; and (3) that new knowledge, especially about the policies to sustain and promote legitimate governance, needs to be generated in order to support an effective grand strategy for addressing the threats and challenges of the twenty-first century. The paper recommends such a grand strategy and, in addition to the required new knowledge, a significant reorganization of the U.S. national security policy-making apparatus. International studies curricula appear well suited for contributing to that new knowledge and the practitioners we require. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper represents a systematic effort to describe and assess China's evolving biosafety/biosecurity legislative and regulatory regime. It catalogs and analyzes laws, regulations, and measures, including the newly passed Biosafety/Biosecurity Law. Various reasons are underlying China's recently accelerating legislative process for such a law, from international attention increasingly turning biosafety/biosecurity governance into a more regular fixture; the emergence of infectious diseases and even pandemics linked with zoonosis; advances in the global frontier of the life sciences and biotechnology and their integration with other technologies, which, while holding great promise for advancements in global health, raises biosafety/biosecurity concerns; to the strengthening of biosafety/biosecurity governance in many countries. Chinese leadership's 'holistic view of national security' encompasses broad areas of concerns of national security with biosafety/biosecurity being an integral part. However, having progressed alongside its development of the life sciences and biotechnology, China's current biosafety/biosecurity legislative and regulatory regime is far from rising to the challenges and even the newly enacted Biosafety/Biosecurity law still has room for improvement. The paper's findings have significant policy implications for further enhancing China's biosafety/biosecurity legislation and governance and making them better serve domestic interests while converging with international norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comments on the foreign policy of George W. Bush in the U.S. Similarity of the Basic National Security Strategy paper issued by the Bush administration from those of its predecessors; Prevention of an action deemed harmful to U.S. policy; Imbalance between ideology and interest in the Bush White House.

Investigates the function of the periodical 'New Leader' as a center of leftist anticommunism during the period when its influence was generally agreed to have been at its height, the late 1940s and early 1950s. Contestation of the suggestion that its role in the Cold War was that of mouthpiece for the American national security establishment, a piper for the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency.

Structural realists might reasonably predict that foreign policy elites in countries like Japan and Australia would view China's economic and military rise as a potential threat and seek to balance against it. However, the actual policy behaviour of Japanese and Australian policy elites has been quite complex—pushing forward at times, hesitating at others and generally uncertain if an explicit counter-coalition against China through bilateral security cooperation is the right policy path. Why is this? This paper explains the puzzle by focusing on the perceptions of policy-makers regarding the risk of provoking China; entrapment with the other; and entrapment with the United States. The paper demonstrates how policy-makers' concerns regarding entrapment or abandonment related to their mutual US ally—as well as concerns about potentially provoking China—have had an instrumental effect on the degree to which Japan and Australia have strengthened their security commitments to each other. While the rise of China—and the relative decline of US power—has shaped the overall direction of Japan–Australia security ties, such structural imperatives are of course also complicated by how domestic actors think about the tactical aspects of understanding and surviving these structural features. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do US presidents form collaborative relationships with private organizations in matters of national security? This paper argues that these symbiotic relationships are initiated by ambitious presidents facing public resistance and congressional opposition. They enlist extra-governmental organizations (EGOs) to help mobilize public support to pressure Congress to grant its consent. EGOs are able to launder information because of their ostensible political independence and their freedom of expression, which permits them to circumvent anti-propaganda laws that constrain the executive branch. The paper further argues that the ecosystem of extra-governmental influence reflects a bias in the structure of US national security politics that favors presidential collaboration with interventionist organizations. Original archival research into the politics of the Vietnam War covering three phases of the conflict, Americanization, disenchantment, and Vietnamization, supports the paper's claims. The broader historical context shows that EGO collaborations have shaped the political development of the US national security establishment. ¿Por qué los presidentes estadounidenses establecen relaciones de colaboración con organizaciones privadas en materia de seguridad nacional? En este artículo, se sostiene que estas relaciones simbióticas son iniciadas por presidentes ambiciosos que se enfrentan a la resistencia pública y a la oposición del Congreso. Consiguen que las organizaciones extragubernamentales (Extra-Governmental Organizations, EGO) ayuden a movilizar el apoyo público para presionar al Congreso a fin de que otorgue su consentimiento. Las EGO pueden blanquear información debido a su ostensible independencia política y a su libertad de expresión, lo que les permite eludir las leyes antipropaganda que limitan al poder ejecutivo. El artículo sostiene, además, que el ecosistema de influencia extragubernamental refleja un sesgo en la estructura de la política de seguridad nacional estadounidense que favorece la colaboración presidencial con las organizaciones intervencionistas. Una investigación de archivos originales sobre la política de la guerra de Vietnam que abarca tres fases del conflicto (la americanización, el desencanto y la vietnamización) respalda las afirmaciones del artículo. El contexto histórico más amplio muestra que las colaboraciones de las EGO dieron forma al desarrollo político del establishment de la seguridad nacional estadounidense. Pourquoi les présidents américains établissent-ils des relations de collaboration avec des sociétés privées pour des questions de sécurité nationale? Cet article soutient que ces relations symbiotiques sont initiées par des présidents ambitieux confrontés à une résistance publique et à une opposition du Congrès. Ils font appel à des organisations extra-gouvernementales pour les aider à mobiliser le soutien du public et ainsi faire pression sur le Congrès pour qu'il leur donne son consentement. Ces organisations sont capables de blanchir des informations du fait de leur indépendance politique ostensible et de leur liberté d'expression qui leur permettent de contourner les lois anti-propagande contraignantes pour le pouvoir exécutif. Cet article affirme en outre que l'écosystème de l'influence extra-gouvernementale reflète un biais structurel des politiques de sécurité nationale américaines qui favorise la collaboration présidentielle avec des organisations interventionnistes. Une recherche archivistique originale sur les politiques de la guerre du Viêtnam couvrant trois phases du conflit, l'américanisation, le désenchantement et la vietnamisation, soutient les affirmations de cet article. Le contexte historique plus large montre que les collaborations avec des organisations non gouvernementales ont façonné le développement politique de l'appareil de sécurité nationale américain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper takes stock of the debate about the so-called warning-response-gap regarding armed conflict within states. It argues that while the existing literature has focused strongly on 'better prediction,' it has neglected the analysis of the conditions under which warnings are being noticed, accepted, prioritized and responded to by policy-makers. This has led to a simplistic understanding of how communicative, cognitive and political processes involving a range of actors can influence both the perception as well as the response to warnings. The paper also criticizes that many normative judgments about the desirability of preventive action are suffering from hindsight bias and insufficient attention to balancing problems related to risk substitution, opportunity costs and moral hazard. In response to these deficits, the paper puts forward a modified model of warning as a persuasive process. It can help us to ascertain under what circumstances warning succeed in overcoming cognitive and political barriers to preventive action and to help establishing benchmarks for assessing success and failure from a normative perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While there is much theoretical and academic discussion of human security, as well as regional expressions of human security by the Organization of American States, African Union, and the European Union, little of this is translated into substance except for Japan, which has incorporated human security into foreign policy. This paper examines Japan's definition and aspiration for human security, especially its plans to expand development aid through this modality in Southeast Asia. This scrutiny will encompass Japanese human security foreign policy and its substantive action through the Japan International Cooperation Agency and the UN Trust Fund for Human Security. Thus, the potential for Japanese human security cooperation with Southeast Asian partners will be reviewed in light of Japan's projected trajectory. The paper concludes by positing that bilateral engagement might be expected for the considerable future and suggests policy consolidation before regional engagement can be effected. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Scholarship on security has recently seen a shift from traditionally state-centric, elitist and objectivist conceptions of 'security' towards human-centred perspectives, which put emphasis on forms of 'vernacular' and 'everyday' security, and promote bottom-up empirical inquiries to further our understand of what security looks like 'from below'. There remains, however, a dearth of empirical material exploring 'everyday security'. In this paper, we are studying the 'everyday security' of a particularly securitized group, namely refugees. In-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted between 2016 and 2017 with 23 Syrian and Iraqi urban refugees living in the Jordanian cities of Amman and Mafraq. We analyse how they understand and perceive their own (in)security: we do so by focusing, retrospectively, on the factors and events that led up to their flight from their home country ('pre-flight period') on the one hand and those shaping their present life in exile in Jordanian urban areas ('post-flight period') on the other. Our findings indicate that, while pre-flight insecurity is mostly defined around existential threats to physical integrity, post-flight insecurity is shaped by a more diffuse form of insecurity, resulting from the legal, economic, social and political limbo they are stuck in. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the end of the Cold War, walls, fences, and fortifications have been constructed on interstate borders at a rapid rate. It remains unclear, however, whether these fortifications provide effective security. We explore whether border fortifications provide security against the international spread of violent militancy. Although barriers can reduce the likelihood that militant activity diffuses across international borders, their effectiveness is conditional upon the roughness of the terrain on which they are built and the level of infrastructure development in their proximity. Barriers require intensive manpower to monitor and patrol, and so conditions like rough terrain and poor infrastructure render security activity more difficult. However, rebels and other militants prefer to operate in such difficult areas, ultimately reducing the effectiveness of barriers in containing the international spread of violent militancy. Analyses on newly collated data on interstate border fortifications within a global sample of contiguous-state directed-dyad-years show that border fortifications are only effective in limiting the diffusion of militancy in contexts in which states can plausibly monitor and police their borders. This paper has significant implications for the academic literatures on national security and intrastate conflict, and it also speaks to the broader policy debate over border walls and fences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A conference paper about humanitarian action for the international order of the future is presented. The negative and positive reasons for the development of humanitarian action as an important dimension of international relations are discussed. The close link between the nature and quality of international order and humanitarian action is also explored. Described, as well, are the two extreme type of political systems or conditions that have been responsible for the bulk of the humanitarian crises.

The goal of this paper is to examine the process by which rapes and other acts of sexual violence lead to changes in international relations. This paper focuses on the rape of an Okinawan schoolgirl in 1995 because it presents a mysterious puzzle: given the changing international structural and epistemic environment, why did the US and Japanese governments fail to answer local calls for measures to prevent future rapes and other crimes by soldiers, perhaps by reducing the size of US forces deployed in Okinawa? By looking into factors that affected the decision-making process within the US and Japanese governments, this paper tries to explain why the issue of US bases in Okinawa evolved in the way it has since 1995. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines human smuggling to the European Union in the 1990s. It argues that the increase in human smuggling and the development of restrictive access policies to EU states are interlinked and reinforce each other. Human smuggling, one very important aspect of irregular migration, is widely described as a threat to the security of a receiving country. This paper makes a theory‐based argument for approaching irregular migration in a radically different way by taking it off the national security agenda. This would allow for a more long‐term and Europe‐wide approach toward irregular migration, while refugees' rights of access to protection would be respected and receiving societies would experience foreigners as less stressful than they do now. Human smuggling is examined through the lens of three International Relations theories: realism, critical security studies, and pluralism. Realism best reflects today's perception of human smuggling as a threat to a state, and that state's self‐interest to protect itself; ‘state’ and ‘self‐interest’ are its central concepts. Critical security studies recognize that ‘danger’ and ‘threat’ are constructs of each society, reflected in government policies. The theory thus includes societal factors in its analysis, while accepting a nation's interest in protecting itself from perceived threats. Pluralism, finally, identifies the state as pluralist and integrative of sub‐ and supranational forces, best capable to respond to a complex and multi‐layered problem such as human smuggling. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Using hitherto underutilized Japanese material, this paper systematically analyzes two competing theories of military doctrine formation that account for the construction of the 1976 National Defense Program Outline (NDPO), postwar Japan’s first military doctrine. It demonstrates that, on balance, available evidence on the policy preference of two key civilian policymakers, Michio Sakata and Takuya Kubo, is more consistent with the interpretation drawn from Posen’s balance‐of‐power theory than with that from Kier’s domestic culturalist theory. While by no means ignored by these policymakers, domestic political concerns neither dominantly shaped, nor gave a specific direction to their policy action. Rather, the policymakers were motivated to formulate the best response possible to Japan’s new international strategic conditions. This finding relates the hitherto neglected significance of the NDPO case to the larger, ongoing realist–constructivist debate on the formation of military doctrine. It also leads us to a more sophisticated understanding of NDPO formation, which focuses on the process of how a combination of political leadership and ideas triggered the breakthrough in Japanese security policymaking. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In view of the hardship that it entails, and consistent with international refugee and human rights law and standards, detention of asylum-seekers should normally be a measure of last resort. his paper surveys some of the most effective alternatives to detention currently used by States and identifies elements that contribute to their success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the national security imagination promoted by diplomatic historian Edward Mead Earle and the Princeton Military Studies Group in the late 1930s and 1940s. The Princeton Group envisioned the role of universities in the dissemination of understanding of war and peace in the pursuit of national security. The institutionalization of military studies in universities was viewed to help in the efforts to confront world crisis. The Princeton Group re-imagined the task of citizens as civilian strategists and manpower capable of combat and understanding international power and threats. However, the Princeton Group's national security strategy was misplaced with the implementation of the National Security Act of 1947, which rendered the permanency of war preparedness.

The article examines what is referred to as the whistle-blowing campaign of U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) officer Philip Agee and his opposition to U.S. interventionist foreign policies, which became a part of a transnational campaign against the security state of the U.S. and several allies during the Cold War.

This paper seeks to enrich understandings of middle-power security strategies by examining countries that lack great-power capabilities but still aim to influence the regional security environment. Based on a literature review highlighting the functional and behavioral approaches of middle power diplomacy, we note that these elements could also apply to their regional security strategies. The paper focuses on regional security strategy as a subset of foreign policy and asks why some middle powers appear to go for a regional security strategy that is more functional while others adopt a strategy that is more behavioral. It argues that this divergence derives primarily from differences in resource availability and strategic environment. An analysis of Indonesia, South Korea, Australia and Vietnam highlights how each of these middle powers has adopted a particular regional security strategy, driven by their resource availability and strategic environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese outward investment is increasing in its relevance for the global economy, and its effects on host states are increasingly being scrutinized globally. While European policy-making was ambiguous about the question of hosting Chinese state-led investment (CSLI) in the early 2010s, we can observe a recent surge of protectionist legal measures across Europe. What explains this trend among different European countries? Through the lens of incremental ideational change, we hypothesize that the rise of China as a global investor shifts the perceptions of policy-makers away from being a source of investment toward a potential threat to national security. We argue that this China effect affects advanced European economies similarly. We provide evidence by studying the shift in perceptions among policy-makers in a coordinated and a liberal market economy, Germany and the UK. By drawing on document analysis and expert interviews, we unpack the policy processes in both countries in the last decade. Despite being two dissimilar cases, both show a similar outcome in increasingly curbing CSLI on the grounds of national security reasons. Our results add important insights to recent International Political Economy discussions on the "geopoliticization" of European trade and investment rules in the face of a rising China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do citizens support democracy under an authoritarian regime that has been waging a protracted civil war? This paper explores the attitude toward democracy expressed by urbanites who were protected by the incumbent, by employing the AsiaBarometer survey data collected during the Nepali civil war. Our empirical finding is that citizens' favorable attitude toward democracy is fostered by economic downturn and deterioration in security. In Nepal, civil war weakened relations between the capital's residents and rural peasants as the rebels extended their influence in the countryside and shrank the urban economic sectors. Rebel infiltration into Kathmandu furthermore posed a great threat to the residents. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Scottish government's white paper on independence, Scotland's future, sets out its defence blueprint following a 'yes' vote. It makes clear that its defence plans would be subject to a Strategic Defence and Security Review in 2016, as well as negotiation on the division of assets with London. However, it also provides a strong indication of how it envisages its defence posture as an independent state-a major pillar of which is founded upon strong and continued defence cooperation with the rest of the United Kingdom. Is this a realistic assumption? And, if so, how would it work in practice? Contextualized by the increased emphasis on defence cooperation which sits at the heart of NATO's Smart Defence initiative, as well as the European Defence Agency's 'pooling and sharing' programme, the article assesses the benefits and challenges that might be encountered in a defence cooperation agreement between an independent Scotland and the rest of the United Kingdom in the event of a 'yes' vote in September's referendum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the primary international firewall in place against the diffusion of nuclear weapons and related equipment, materials, and knowledge. It links the transformative moments of the nuclear non-proliferation regime to select events. It posits these shocks either (i) revealed the presence of, or (ii) instigated fears about new or accelerated diffusion flows, with clear implications for nuclearization. By recasting the regime's evolution in this manner, the paper provides newfound insight as to the timing and character of change. It also reveals the considerable impact of diffusion processes beyond outcomes of diffusion and non-diffusion, adding definition to the firewall concept. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the effects of hatred in two-player games. We model hate as “reverse-altruism” or a preference for low opponent payoffs, and derive implications for behavior in conflicts where players are motivated by hate. We use these results to illuminate several policy issues, both historical and contemporary: the strategy of non-violent resistance during the American civil rights era, shifts in U.S. national security strategy following 9/11, and the justification for criminal and civil penalty enhancements for hate crime. AMS Subject Classification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan has steadily extended its military reach from a domestic zone of defense against territorial invasion in the late 1950s, through regional security policy in the late 1970s to what has now become a globally scaled military role. This re-expansion is perceived by some as evidence of revived militaristic ambitions, and by others as subservience to the US global strategy. However, taking the cue from Japan's 2004 National Defence Programme Guideline (New Taikō), this paper assesses the role globalization has played in this territorial expansion. The impact of globalization is evident in the double expansion of Japan's national security conception in geographical terms and self-defense forces roles in global security. These ‘expansions’ are studied through two key elements of globalization – the deterritorialization of complex relations of interdependence between states (security globality) and the inter-penetrating nature of these relations blur the boundary between foreign and domestic spaces (intermestic space). [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper critically examines an ongoing debate in International Relations (IR) as to why there is apparently no non-Western IR theory in Asia and what should be done to ‘mitigate’ that situation. Its central contention is that simply calling for greater incorporation of ideas from the non-West and contributions by non-Western scholars from local ‘vantage points’ does not make IR more global or democratic, for that would do little to transform the discipline's Eurocentric epistemological foundations. Re-envisioning IR in Asia is not about discovering or producing as many ‘indigenous’ national schools of IR as possible, but about reorienting IR itself towards a post-Western era that does not reinforce the hegemony of the West within (and without) the discipline. Otherwise, even if local scholars could succeed in crafting a ‘Chinese (or Indian, Japanese, Korean, etc.) School’, it would be no more than constructing a ‘derivative discourse’ of Western modernist social science. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In justifying participation in military intervention in Afghanistan and Iraq as part of the “war on terror,” Australian Prime Minister John Howard invoked the memory of Australian sacrifice in war, linked most prominently to the so-called “Anzac myth.” This paper explores the role of memory politics in enabling military intervention, discussing in the process the relationship between sites and forms of remembrance and broader discourses of national identity. This use of collective memory has significant implications for debates about Australian identity, and suggests the need for approaches to the study of international relations to take seriously the role of memory politics in coming to terms with conditions of possibility for particular security policies and practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 11 September 2001 there is growing national and international policy focus on the increasing threat of bioterrorism. Underpinning this policy focus is a dominant frame of discourse for how to consider biosecurity threats. This paper describes some of the key ideas comprising the dominant biosecurity discourse and contrasts it with an alternative framing of the issues. To illustrate these different frames, it draws on examples from the emerging field of synthetic genomes and other biotechnologies that have generated security concerns. It argues that the current dominant frame takes away attention from other important considerations for assessing the threat from biotechnologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, more than 40 articles and chapters have utilized Poliheuristic Theory to analyze critical decisions made by foreign leaders and U.S. presidents. In this paper, I introduce the Poliheuristic Procedure—a series of steps that one can use to explain or predict decisions by world leaders. Subsequent articles in this Symposium present examples of poliheuristic analyses of decisions made by Presidents Carter, Clinton, Gorbachev, Mussaref and Saddam Hussein. These case studies provide strong support for Poliheuristic Theory: leaders use a two-stage process in making decisions: they first use simple heuristics to eliminate alternatives based on the avoid-major-political-loss principle, and then use more analytic calculations in selecting an alternative from a subset of surviving alternatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a rapidly changing geopolitical and strategic environment in which the current US administration is willing to demonstrate to the world that the pursuit of its national interest will not be encumbered by multilateral forums, what role will US bilateral alliance partners such as Japan and Australia play in redefining the international order, especially in their area of primary interest – East Asia? This paper examines an Australian proposal for establishing an informal security dialogue at the ministerial level comprising the United States and two of its bilateral allies in the Asia-Pacific. While the dialogue process has begun, the success of any such structure, however, will be largely coloured by accommodating the very different histories and strategic cultures that have developed within these countries, and the very different expectations other regional states have of them. Through the examples of the war on terror and the war against Iraq, this paper argues that there is little evidence of structured co-operation at the ministerial level in place. Further, any exclusive high-level security dialogue which forms around this troika will incur the suspicion of many East Asian nations, as it may be seen as a platform for unrestrained US unilateralism and exceptionalism, which may in turn have negative implications for Japan and Australia's continuing role in Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Border crossings are considered sites of unique opportunity to identify and protect victims of trafficking. UK government reforms have given Border Officers new roles and responsibilities as humanitarian first responders. This paper explores how Border Officers reconcile this aspect of their work with their role as enforcers of immigration law and their increasingly militarized status as protectors of national sovereignty and security. Drawing on in-depth interviews with a specialized team of Safeguarding and Anti-trafficking (SAT) Officers at a UK airport, we identify the emergence of a distinct SAT subculture, characterized by a sense of moral purpose and moral community, and of doing difficult but meaningful and highly skilled work that others are too indifferent, feckless or intimidated by to take on. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzes the origins of the U.S. National Security Council (NSC) during the administration of President Harry S. Truman. Role of Defense Secretary James V. Forrestal in the creation of the NSC; Impact of the U.S.-Korean war on Truman's view on the NSC; Passage of the National Security Act in July 1947.

This article focuses on the Harris Survey after the U.S. Department of Defense's flurry in the summer of 1971 which revealed behind-scenes decisions in the making of the Vietnam war. For example, 70 percent agreed that if there was any doubt about violating the national security in publishing documents such as the Defense department's papers on the Far East, then the documents should not be published. But obviously the revelations were not widely judged dangerous, for 58 percent simultaneously agreed that in a democracy such as ours, it is necessary to tell people the truth about how we got into the war in Vietnam, even if it means top secret documents, as long as they are not about today's situation there. And although the public has never exhibited overweaning concern for freedom of the press, Harris further reported that 45 per cent were of the opinion that if a newspaper had to get permission from the government to print inside information, then the public would not be told the truth. This collection of questions reveals some facts about presidential administrations and the historical periods they encompassed. Before Vietnam none of the phraseology was in personal terms. Wording referred to the government, officials or just news about the war or foreign relations.

The United States Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) is fully committed to the development of medical countermeasures to address national security threats from chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear agents. Through the Public Health Emergency Medical Countermeasures Enterprise, HHS has launched and managed a multi-agency, comprehensive effort to develop and operationalize medical countermeasures. Within HHS, development of medical countermeasures includes the National Institutes of Health (NIH), (led by the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases), the Office of the Assistant Secretary of Preparedness and Response/Biomedical Advanced Research and Development Authority (BARDA); with the Division of Medical Countermeasure Strategy and Requirements, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and the Food and Drug Administration as primary partners in this endeavor. This paper describes various programs and coordinating efforts of BARDA and NIH for the development of medical countermeasures for radiological and nuclear threats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) expanded its institutional outreach to span the broader Asia Pacific and new policy areas, a dominant orthodoxy has placed the organization at the center of the region's international order. More recently, uncertainty in the context of China's rise sheds doubt on ASEAN's apparent centrality to its proced- urally driven transformation of foreign relations across East Asia. While theories of cooperation explain why and when minor powers choose to pool their resources, the reverse logic has hardly been considered. This paper shows that the particular type of ASEAN regionalism is not only a product of weak states' cooperation but that the lack of capacity also sets the limits for the regional project. Two case studies on intramural security elicit the limited effectiveness of ASEAN's endeavor to develop into a security community. Meanwhile, as an examination of the South China Sea dispute demonstrates, its attempt to export its norms has rendered it vulnerable to the intervention of more powerful actors and increasingly side-lined by the evolution of great power rivalry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In light of the intertwining logics of military competition and economic interdependence at play in Sino-American relations, this paper examines how the United States has balanced conflicting national security and economic interests in the making of US export control policy on defenserelated technology toward China. Relying upon a large body of primary sources (including 170 interviews), it seeks to contribute to the understanding of this strategically sensitive yet neglected area of Sino-American relations. It is shown that, as a consequence of the erosion of the US capacity to control the diffusion of defense-related technology to China in the post-Cold War era, a growing set of actors within the United States has reassessed the security/economic calculus in Washington's relationship with Beijing. Specifically, this coalition advocates the streamlining of export controls to sustain the defense and technological industrial base and thereby maintain American military/technological preeminence vis-à-vis a rising China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conventional wisdom is that trade policy is often guided by geopolitical security considerations. A growing body of research addresses the security- trade linkage as a plausible cause for executive negotiations over the Korea-US Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA) in 2007. Yet, the approval of a trade deal with the Asian ally by America's legislature in 2011 features not only 'security ties' but also 'electoral connections'. This paper seeks to examine the question of whether alliance relationships would inevitably translate into domestic commitments. Bringing domestic politics into consideration, this article also fills the gap in the literature on Congress-focused research of the KORUS FTA and sheds light on how lawmakers strike a balance between the principle of US foreign policy and the reality of conflicting domestic interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses about process learning in foreign policy. Topics includes process learning evaluates learning internal to the national security decision‐making process, irrespective of the substantive content of policy choices and their outcomes. The process learning develops the comparison of John F. Kennedy's decision‐making in the Bay of Pigs invasion and the decision‐making during the Berlin crisis.

In December 1968 Ernest May asked how the US government could gain access to 'long-headed' staffers to provide greater strategic depth to foreign policy. The challenge of long-term strategy persists: how should government be organized to support it, how can the right people be found to staff it and how can political leaders make time for longer-term policy-making given the challenge of the immediate? The policy planning staff in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office have traditionally had the task of supporting longer-range, broader foreign policy. A small group of diplomats-later leavened by externals from the media, non-profit and private sectors-was meant to generate an improved approach to British interests and policy. As Robert Wade-Gery recalls of its role in the 1960s, there was a push to forge fresh links with outside thinking. Did it work? Former policy planners can be circumspect about its achievements. One former British planner said he felt like 'a spare part rattling around in a tin', while former American planners have written about the challenge of injecting fresh thinking when detached from decision-making. Other planners were dragged into operational work or speechwriting. Many planners nonetheless enjoyed the opportunity to think more broadly. Policy planning can be intellectually rich without being the source of actionable strategic thinking about the long-term national interest. This article suggests that a greater focus on people rather than systems might help to foster more strategic, anticipatory and innovative thinking about the national interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many studies have explored various aspects of peace, including what peace is, what peace should be, and how different factors influence the chances of achieving peace. Despite this wealth of information, the literature is quite silent about a process I term pacifization. Pacifization occurs when issues are framed and constructed as related to peace in order to justify policies. I suggest that recognizing and elaborating on pacifization allows us to explore how a framing of 'peace' helps or hinders the chances of achieving peace. The aim of this paper is to sketch out the process through which pacifization occurs, to explain how and why such framings are used, and to distinguish among the main avenues in which issues can be pacifized. To these ends, I will rely on the extensive literature on securitization and adapt some of its notions to build the concept of pacifization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cho, Il Hyun. (2011) Democratic Instability: Democratic Consolidation, National Identity, and Security Dynamics in East Asia. Foreign Policy Analysis, doi: 10.1111/j.1743-8594.2011.00154.x During his tenure, President George W. Bush touted the East Asian democratic experience as a positive model for democratization in the Middle East. Contrary to the premise of democracy leading to regional stability, however, East Asian democracies in the past decade have often become a source of regional instability. Based on a comparative analysis of political developments in Taiwan, Japan, and South Korea, this paper explores the foreign policy behavior of East Asian democracies and assesses the overall impact on regional security dynamics. Specifically, I argue that incomplete democratic consolidation, combined with the political salience of national identity, sparked a process of acute intergroup competition among domestic political actors. As a result, the foreign policy orientation of the three East Asian democracies became belligerent, thereby unnecessarily increasing regional tensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We live our lives in an often-unseen transnational counter-terrorism order. For almost two decades now, counter-terrorist hegemons have been acting on multiple transnational levels, using a mixture of legal, institutional, technical and political manoeuvres to develop laws, policies and practices of counter-terrorism that undervalue rights, exclude civil society, limit dissent and disagreement, and expand greatly the reach of national and transnational security. The assemblage of laws, institutions, forums, processes, bureaucracies, and cooperative networks that have emerged from these machinations should be understood as a transnational counter-terrorism order that is intended to instantiate on a global level 'an arrangement of social life...[that]...promotes certain goals or values' (Bull), whether or not they conflict with rights, whether or not they emerge from legitimate and participatory processes. This paper brings together various seemingly-technical or esoteric strands of law, institutions, policy and politics to show their connections, interdependencies and interactions and, thereby, to illustrate the emergence of this transnational counter-terrorism order. It argues that unless we recognise the connections between and multi-scalar implications of the seemingly disparate, sometimes opaque, and often bureaucratic elements that make up the transnational counter-terrorism order, its scale and implications will remain hidden in plain sight and we may find ourselves unable effectively to insist on fidelity to the constitutionalist values of rights, accountability, and democratic legitimacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]