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Background The objectives of this study were to determine the association between the vulnerability factors linked to human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and other sexually transmitted infection among the young women who sell sex (YWSS) group (15–24 years) and adult sex workers, engaged in consensual sex for money (AFSW). Methods A cross-sectional study was conducted among AFSW involved in commercial sex transactions. Prevalence ratios (PR) analysis was carried out using log-binomial regression model. Results The prevalence of HIV-1 was 29.4% among YWSS compared to 19.6% among female sex worker (PR = 1.43 [1.07–1.91]). Consistent condoms use last 3 months were very low at 22.3% and 41.2%, respectively (PR = 0.52 [0.37–0.74]), the low education level among YWSS versus AFSW (PR = 0.55 [0.40–0.76]); YWSS having been a victim of sexual violence in the last 12 months (PR = 2.00 [1.52–2.63]), were also more likely to be HIV positive. Conclusions The YWSS had a high prevalence of HIV, experienced other socioeconomic vulnerabilities and remain a key population for comprehensive HIV programs. To reach all YWSS, programs need to consider many outreach programs and address the shared determinants of HIV risk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When seeking to ensure financial sustainability of a health programme, existence of a line item in the Ministry of Health (MOH) budget is often seen as an essential, first step. We used immunization as a reference point for cross-country comparison of budgeting methods in Sub-Saharan African countries. Study objectives were to (1) verify the number and types of budget line items for immunization services, (2) compare budget execution with budgeted amounts and (3) compare values with annual immunization expenditures reported to WHO and UNICEF. MOH budgets for 2016 and/or 2017 were obtained from 33 countries. Despite repeated attempts, budgets could not be retrieved from five countries (Chad, Eritrea, Guinea Bissau, Somalia and South Sudan), and we were only able to gather budget execution from eight countries. The number of immunization line items ranged between 0 and 42, with a median of eight. Immunization donor funding was included in 10 budgets. Differences between budgeted amounts and expenditures reported to WHO and UNICEF were greater than 50% in 66% of countries. Immunization budgets per child in the birth cohort ranged from US$1.37 (Democratic Republic of Congo) to US$67.51 (Central African Republic), with an average of US$10.05. Out of the total Government health budget, immunization comprised between 0.04% (Madagascar) and 5.67% (Benin), with an average of 1.98% across the countries, when excluding on-budget donor funds. It was challenging to obtain MOH budgets in many countries and it was largely impossible to access budget execution reports, preventing us from assessing budget credibility. Large differences between budgets and expenditures reported to WHO and UNICEF are likely due to inconsistent interpretations of reporting requirements, diverse approaches to reporting donor funds, challenges in extracting the relevant information from public financial management systems and broader issues of public financial management capacity in MOH staff. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

However destabilizing illegitimate regime changes are for Africa, they have not caused China to change its policies. Examining five coups that occurred in Africa between 2003 and 2010, this article argues that China did not see the coups as major threats to its interests, but accepted instability as a part of doing business in Africa. China remained sceptical of democracy as an antidote to instability and deeply distrusted the effort of Western countries to promote liberal political standards. China therefore continued to display conservative self-restraint, a preference for unilateralism, and a pragmatic mercantilist policy intended to strengthen its economic presence. If China is guided by any strategy, it is the strategy of adapting to political realities, rather than trying to shape them. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines a neglected pattern of the regional crisis in Darfur, Chad, and the Central African Republic: the cross-border activities of combatants with fluid loyalties. The trajectories of Chadian 'ex-liberators' in CAR, which have been little documented, are used to illustrate the regional movements of armed men. The article explains how unemployed Chadian soldiers were recruited to fight with François Bozizé in CAR and why many of them joined other armed groups after Bozizé's takeover. The reconversions of armed combatants, who may easily shift allegiance and cross borders to carry on with their 'politico-military careers', is thus a structural characteristic of the current conflict, which has major implications both at the local and transnational levels. The article concludes that freelance military entrepreneurs' trajectories are crucial in understanding the unfolding of this regional crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]