Search

The complex interplay between genetics, culture, and environment forms an individual’s biology, influencing their behavior, choices, and health. However, to what extent information derived from this intertwined network could be quantitatively summarized to provide a glance at an individual’s lifestyle is difficult to say. Here, we focused on dietary preferences as cultural proxies and genome-wide data of 543 individuals from six historical Silk Road countries: Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and Tajikistan. These lands favored the dispersal of innovations, foods, and DNA halfway across Eurasia, thus representing an ideal subject to explore interactions of cultural factors and genetic ancestry. We used discriminant analysis of principal components to infer cultural clusters, where mixed memberships are allowed. Five different clusters emerged. Of these, clusters 1 and 3, driven by aversion to pork and alcoholic beverages, mirrored genetic admixture patterns with the exception of Azerbaijan, which shares preferences supported by Islamic culture with Eastern countries. Cluster 3 was driven by protein-rich foods, whose preference was significantly related to steppe pastoralist ancestry. Sex and age were secondary clustering factors, with clusters formed by male and young individuals being related to alcohol preference and a reduced liking for vegetables. The soft clustering approach enabled us to model and summarize the individual’s dietary information in short and informative vectors, which show meaningful interaction with other nondietary attributes of the studied individuals. Encoding other cultural variables would help summarize an individual’s culture quantitatively, thus ultimately supporting its inclusion as a covariate in future association studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Observable patterns of cultural variation are consistently intertwined with demic movements, cultural diffusion, and adaptation to different ecological contexts [Cavalli-Sforza and Feldman (1981) Cultural Transmission and Evolution: A Quantitative Approach; Boyd and Richerson (1985) Culture and the Evolutionary Process]. The quantitative study of gene–culture coevolution has focused in particular on the mechanisms responsible for change in frequency and attributes of cultural traits, the spread of cultural information through demic and cultural diffusion, and detecting relationships between genetic and cultural lineages. Here, we make use of worldwide whole-genome sequences [Pagani et al. (2016) Nature 538:238–242] to assess the impact of processes involving population movement and replacement on cultural diversity, focusing on the variability observed in folktale traditions (n = 596) [Uther (2004) The Types of International Folktales: A Classification and Bibliography. Based on the System of Antti Aarne and Stith Thompson] in Eurasia. We find that a model of cultural diffusion predicted by isolation-by-distance alone is not sufficient to explain the observed patterns, especially at small spatial scales (up to ∼4,000 km). We also provide an empirical approach to infer presence and impact of ethnolinguistic barriers preventing the unbiased transmission of both genetic and cultural information. After correcting for the effect of ethnolinguistic boundaries, we show that, of the alternative models that we propose, the one entailing cultural diffusion biased by linguistic differences is the most plausible. Additionally, we identify 15 tales that are more likely to be predominantly transmitted through population movement and replacement and locate putative focal areas for a set of tales that are spread worldwide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Linguistic and cultural evidence suggest that Madagascar was the final point of two major dispersals of Austronesian- and Bantu-speaking populations. Today, the Mikea are described as the last-known Malagasy population reported to be still practicing a hunter-gatherer lifestyle. It is unclear, however, whether the Mikea descend from a remnant population that existed before the arrival of Austronesian and Bantu agriculturalists or whether it is only their lifestyle that separates them from the other contemporary populations of South Madagascar. To address these questions we have performed a genome-wide analysis of >700,000 SNP markers on 21 Mikea, 24 Vezo, and 24 Temoro individuals, together with 50 individuals from Bajo and Lebbo populations from Indonesia. Our analyses of these data in the context of data available from other Southeast Asian and African populations reveal that all three Malagasy populations are derived from the same admixture event involving Austronesian and Bantu sources. In contrast to the fact that most of the vocabulary of the Malagasy speakers is derived from the Barito group of the Austronesian language family, we observe that only one-third of their genetic ancestry is related to the populations of the Java-Kalimantan-Sulawesi area. Because no additional ancestry components distinctive for the Mikea were found, it is likely that they have adopted their hunter-gatherer way of life through cultural reversion, and selection signals suggest a genetic adaptation to their new lifestyle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]