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Focuses on underground press medium prevalent in the U.S. during the 1970's. Views of liberal writers towards underground press publications; Information about papers published by alternative press.

The article discusses the forcing out of James O'Shea, the top editor of the "Los Angeles Times" newspaper. The author states that O'Shea's departure marks the fourth time from 2005-08 in which a top editor or the publisher has quit rather than make budget cuts ordered by the owner. The article says that newspaper owners have several reasons to be worried including a 42 percent decrease in the combined market value of independent U.S. newspapers and that newspaper advertising is in decline.

When U.S. editor and newspaper publisher Roy Howard steered his papers out of their traditional left-of-center channel he was not content to limit his attentions to the editorial columns. The forces that moved Howard to address himself to that upper-crust 5 per cent of the population that Old Man Scripps had warned against could hardly be expected to spend themselves in those dreary wastes-- and they didn't. Scripps-Howard funnies, sports and helpful hints in the kitchen retain their virginity, but not much else has escaped the advances of the editorial censor. Howard denies passionately that he lays a heavy hand on his papers, but his indignation does as much violence to the facts as it does honor to his sensitivity. Particularly long-suffering are the political columnists.

Any inference that the purchase of stock in the Boston Publishing Company by the International Paper Company means a change in the policy of "The Herald," or the "Traveler," is altogether false. The internal affairs of each paper will remain the same. The policies will remain the same. The aim will remain the same to produce first class publications day by day. "The Herald," and the "Traveler," have real confidence in New England, and they will do everything in their power to make stronger the foundations which support the economic structure of New England.

Focuses on issues related to the functioning of journalists in the U.S. Overview of the unchecked power and bias of the press; Assessment of changes in the ownership of newspapers; Overview of constitutional provisions regarding freedom of the press; Suggestions by journalists to restore the credibility of their profession.

Without the benefit of serious advertising, sports regularly splash across more columns than music, art, books and theatre combined and when a baseball promoter stoops to purchase his daily five-line advertisement, he exudes the benign air usually associated with contributions to the American Red Cross. Whether a sport lends more to a newspaper's appeal than the paper's coverage does to that of the sport, is a riddle bruited about for decades. It will not be solved here. For every newspaperman who credits the press with building sports, there is a promoter waiting to point out that big-time .sports have been the papers' most durable circulation crutch since 1910. Both sides are partially correct, and with the vivid emergence of the athletic hero during the fifty-year sports boom in the U.S., has arisen the unique breed of newspapermen called sportswriters.

The article discusses the U.S. government and the press. Big laughing George Carmack, editor of "News-Sentinel," laughed again a few weeks ago when he told a visiting friend that he was on his way to speak to the Rotarians or the Kiwanians on the freedom of the press. George has had the pleasure of turning the News-Sentinel all the way around from the paper in the Scripps- Howard chain which fought on the ground for the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) to a paper which supports the man who fought TVA all the way. It is not an easy job even for a man with such a continuous muscular merriment as George Carmack.

The author's first connection with the periodical, the Nation as a contributor was when he was living in Cambridge, Massachusetts and practicing law in Boston, Massachusetts and editing with Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes the American Law Review. For a year, the author wrote continuously for the paper, sending an article every week from Cambridge, in 1868 or 1869. The author made the acquaintance of its editor, a source of lifelong friendship and instruction, through his brother-in-law, Charles Eliot Norton, who, as editor of the North American Review, had encouraged the author to try his hand at writing and who was one of the most interested promoters of and contributors to the Nation from the beginning. It was understood from the first, of course, that the Nation, was to be essentially different from any of other publications of which the United States had been and continues to be prolific. In turning over the pages of the first numbers, one is struck with the solidity of the literary criticism, and, at the same time, with the remoteness of the world in which it was produced.

Less than six months into his job as editor and secular savior of the much-abused New York Daily News, Pete Hamill is already under the gun. Circulation is down because of printing and delivery problems at a new plant in New Jersey and a drop in newspaper reading everywhere. Hamill was reportedly forced out of his charming West Village neighborhood because of a massive rent increase. Hamill's notion of the meaning and purpose of journalism, however, flies in the face of nearly every development in the recent history of the craft. Hamill's immigrant-driven remake of the paper is a gamble in more ways than one. Advertising analysts would argue that his strategy is the wrong one to maximize profits. Many elite department store executives regard tabloid readers less as potential customers than as likely shoplifters.

The Nieman fellows are a selected group of journalists who get a year's sabbatical from newspapers and magazines to meditate in the congenial cloisters of Cambridge. They wrote the book as a. by-product of their seminars on the state of the American press. They have said a. good deal that is worth saying. But the sum of their remarks is disappointing. The authors are finally compelled to describe their projected paper as a combination of the peculiar merits of bug-established dailies. "An ideal newspaper," they conclude, "might perhaps combine the snap and readability of the New York "Daily News," the pictorial excellence of "Life," the thoroughness of the "Times," the human interest and intelligence of the "Herald," "Tribune," and the sense of responsibility of the "Courier-Journal."

This article criticizes libelous comments made by Boston Globe's Cathy Young against the author. That the Boston Globe is a great newspaper can be in no doubt, but the paper's opinion columnists have proven a constant source of embarrassment in recent years. No less a source of shame for the paper has been its publication of a previously obscure right-wing pundit named Cathy Young. Her most recent transgression involves yours truly. She seized on a brief blog item I wrote on Altercation.msnbc.com, in which I noted the insensitivity of demanding that Arabs attend Holocaust remembrance ceremonies. Young distorted my argument to accuse me of anti-Semitism and self-hatred. Your columnist is not only a pretty serious Jew, but has been writing on Israel and anti-Semitism, speaking in synagogues, minoring in Jewish studies during doctoral work, etc., since first publishing on anti-Semitism at Yale, in, um, the Boston Globe twenty years ago. As Peace Now's Jo-Ann Mort wrote to the Globe, "With friends like Cathy Young, the Jews don't need enemies." Neither does journalism.

The author raises questions about why some the "New York Times" fired a stringer named Jay Blotcher because he'd been a member of the anti-AIDS advocacy group ACT UP nearly fourteen years ago. The "Times" is making its case not on Blotcher's membership in ACT UP, which really would be McCarthyism, but on his role as a "public spokesperson for an advocacy organization." But Blotcher and his supporters point out that many "Times" staffers have relationships that could "confuse" readers. Dr. Lawrence K. Altman has many such professional associations with various medical establishments, public and private. Bernard Weinraub covers Hollywood for the paper, while his wife is a head honcho at Sony Pictures. These cases do not involve the "appearance" of conflict-of-interest but its essence. [T]he belief of some that Blotcher was singled out not for being gay but for being in ACT UP and Queer Nation continues to divide the paper internally. Even if one accepts the paper's argument that its only crime is a kind of post-Blair hyper-fastidiousness about appearances at the expense of fairness to one of its stringers, the story cannot be allowed to die there.

Kingsley Martin, for many years editor of the "New Statesman," died suddenly in Cairo, Egypt on February 17, 1969. Before his death he ordered that his body be given to an Egyptian hospital for medical and scientific research. Though the son of a Unitarian minister, he became an agnostic at an early age, and remained one to the end. This was an atypical consistency in a man who, all his life, had been tormented by doubt, and who so often allowed himself to be swayed by the most contradictory influences. "The New Statesman," anti-Fascist, anti-Nazi and pro-Spanish Republic, became the great paper of the younger British intellectuals, so many of whom went to Spain to fight.

This article focuses on C.P. Scott, who has retired from the editorship of the paper "Manchester Guardian." He entered upon the editorship in 1872, it was a newspaper of the second rank in a large provincial English city. Scott has been almost the only survivor of the old tradition of owner-editor, who himself lives by the living word he writes and sells. While this position has its dangers, where ownership comes first, and there are personal axes to grind or interests to serve, it has the inestimable advantage of securing absolute freedom for the current conduct of the paper, and a continuity of policy deriving from the personality of its responsible head.

The article offers insights on the appointment by "New York Times" publisher Arthur Sulzberger Jr. of Bret Stephens as columnist for the newspaper. Topics covered include the reputation of Stephens for making outright falsehoods to support his baseless claims, the accusation by Stephens against the climate advocacy community and the possible impact of ideological diversity on U.S. conservatism.

Products of a new spirit of questioning rampant in undergraduate life, the journals of opinion strike an alien note, jarring to deans and presidents. Besides purveying news items they provoke student opinion on vital subjects and jealously guard the undergraduate interests. One after another of them have become embroiled in college controversies over compulsory chapel attendance, compulsory military training, and the issue of academic freedom. Professors have come under the critical eye of the new journalists. Student discussion of college courses has been lifted from the privacy of the "bull session" to publicity hitherto accorded only to championship football teams and junior proms.

Presents several letters to the editor about several topics. Tricks of newspaper correspondents; Christian ideals and the war; Reply to a letter.

The article looks at the "Washington Post" newspaper and its right-wing conservative political blogger, Jennifer Rubin. It recounts instances where she published false information, failed to make timely corrections, and engaged in vitriolic ad hominem attacks on those who disagreed with her views, including her posts on the 2011 terrorist attacks in Norway and the release of Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit by his Palestinian captors. The author discusses the Post's hiring and retention of Rubin in the context of what he sees as its institutional decline, arguing that it no longer shows journalistic concern for evidence and objectivity.

The article presents information on the forward Association for firing journalist Seth Lipsky. Lipsky created a Jewish newspaper unlike any other in the U.S. Instead of puffing up the chests of the smug leadership of Jewish officialdom, he sent muckraking journalists into their offices to make them miserable. He hired and trained young and inexperienced writers and fed them into better-paying and higher profile publications, on the model of Charlie Peters's Washington Monthly. The Forward's literary coverage proved first-rate, particularly under the direction of novelist Jonathan Rosen and its human-interest stories were often delightfully hokey.

For the first time in the U.S. history the press, which is described as playing a greater role in a democracy than government itself, is under sustained attack from the right, the reactionary or potentially fascist element in the U.S. Ever since the nation was established, however, the press has been attacked from other quarters. Many of critics have been journalists who felt strongly about ethics or lack of them, in their profession. One of the most sinister aspects of the movement known as McCarthyism is its effort to discredit and thereby to destroy the democratic elements in radio, TV, magazine and book-publishing circles, as well as the daily press.

The article presents information on Oswald Garrison Villard, editor and the owner of the periodical. Villard liked to think of himself as the simple product of two simple currents: the high-principled idealism of his Abolitionist grandfather, William Lloyd Garrison and the high-principled realism of his railroad-building father, Henry Villard. He never understood the contradictions within the characters of both those stalwart Americans, or in himself. But it was those contradictions which made Villard the great editor that he was and Villard's periodical, the great paper that it was and is.

In March, 1937, the idea of publishing a magazine for the masses who had lost faith in the newspapers was discussed by three persons in Chicago. David A. Smart, young and rich, had made a success with a clothing-trade paper called Apparel Arts, Arnold Gingrich, novelist and art connoisseur, had years ago proposed a magazine for men only, the two had produced Esquire, now selling 600,000 copies a month, and later Coronets which thrived despite the depression and lack of advertising. The third man was Jay Cooke Allen, one of America's great journalists. Allen was to be editor. The magazine was to be called Ken-the Insiders' World. Ken's left-of-center policy was definitely settled when Smart, back in America, received a letter from Allen in Paris explaining the French Peoples Front.

The article focuses on some of the contributors to the periodical, the Nation. Few periodicals in the history of journalism can claim, like the Nation, to have preserved their original features essentially unchanged during fifty years of continuous existence. The Nation of the present day may safely challenge comparison with the number, which, on July 6, 1865, was issued by journalist E.L. Godkin, as editor-in-chief and Wendell Phillips Garrison, as literary editor. Perhaps not many subsequent issues have surpassed the initial number in solidity, maturity or judgment and attractiveness of style. Half-a-dozen men, the most conspicuous of whom was Charles Eliot Norton, represented the imposing list of contributors, which in the course of time came to include the foremost names in American literature and science, in the first number. To him, to journalist Frederick Law Olmsted, and to journalist James Miller McKim, the founding of the Nation is principally due.

In this article, the author critically examines the book "Obiter Scripta Lectures, Essays, and Reviews," by George Santayana. Editors of this volume deserve thanks for making easily available to the student of Santayana a number of his papers not easy to obtain. By far the best and the most important papers in this collection are the essentially technical ones, and this makes one wonder at the attitude which has sought to deny Santayana a place in the world of academic philosophy while granting him a "wisdom" for which he has become almost legendary.

Thirty-four years ago, in 1890, Frank Munsey bought the old "New York Evening Star." Since them he has at various times owned sixteen other newspapers in several cities. Into these enterprises he has put a sum commonly estimated at twenty millions of dollars. These facts dispose of the assumption, persistently prevalent, that in the journalistic field he is like a freshman who might find himself alone in a chemical laboratory and mix unknown substances with possibly spectacular, possibly ludicrous and possibly disastrous results.

This article focuses on the book "Tired Radicals and Other Papers," by Walter Weyl. It is the misfortune of even the best of journalists that his work as well as his name is writ in water. His influence may endure by the impulse and direction he gives to men of his own generation who help to build the future; his writings are scarcely more permanent than the modern and perishable paper on which they are written. It is even more of a tribute that some of them made enough impression when they first appeared to be recognized by the reader as old friends.

Most medical journal editors don't muddy their hands with advertising decisions, but the companies and societies that pay their salaries are not above agitating for a bigger piece of the $5 billion drug-industry advertising pie--and forcing editors to make their pages as industry-friendly as possible. Reed Elsevier's Excerpta Medica helps companies place positive articles about their drugs in top-tier medical journals, many of which are conveniently owned by medical firm Reed Elsevier. The Massachusetts Medical Society, which earns more than three-quarters of its income from journal revenues, pushes editors to be even more amenable to industry dollars, critics say.

The article critically appraises the book "Nitty Gritty: A White Editor in Black Journalism," by Ben Burns. Nitty Gritty is an invaluable memoir from a unique source. There were white journalists in a black press in the forties and fifties where Burns worked but no one had wider experience or rose to prominence at high variety of publications. Burns has fond memories of the black journalists he worked with, although some were initially uncomfortable if not hostile, and he finally had to concede that at some level the racial barrier was impassable.

Focuses on Alcibiades Gonzalez, a journalist from Paraguay and serving a prison sentence on trumped-up charges of advocating disobedience to the country's laws in his exposes in 'ABC Color,' the largest circulation paper in the country.

Focuses on illegal means used by journalists to gather sensational information. Penalty imposed on freelance journalist James Mitteager for using illegal means to gather information about a suspect's daily habits; Explanation provided by leading newspapers in the U.S. regarding lack of coverage of events by them; Reasons provided by journalists regarding use of illegal means by them to gather information.

Journalist Frederick Woltman seemed more than a mite surprised when asked for an interview to discuss his series of five articles, "The McCarthy Balance Sheet," which appeared in the New York World-Telegram and other Scripps-Howard papers on July 12, 13, 14, 15, and 16. Woltman came to two conclusions— the series would have to be short, otherwise it ran the risk of being boring, and it should be in the nature of a set of conclusions. Of the various U.S. Senator Joseph McCarthy investigations, he singled out the Voice of America inquiry for close study.

The article presents information about papers published in periodicals during October 1869. Four chapters of the article "Susan Fielding" open the Galaxy, though it is to the article "Put Yourself in his Place" that all novel-readers, habitual or occasional, will first turn. Two of the Galaxy's articles that are of more consequence than those of which mention has been made are Grant White's "Shakespearian Mares' Nests" and "Journey in Northern China." White gives provides a good verbal criticism, and throws light on a good many passages which many of the readers had not been understanding before. But he is not entirely free from those sudden and unaccountable fits of stone-blindness which afflict commentators.

Focuses on career of James E. Murray in the publishing industry of the U.S. Information about positions held by Murray in the industry; Analysis of journalist capabilities of Murray; His work for the journal called the "Republic."

The article focuses on various political developments around the world. The first news is on the Chicago Convention. The full roll, as fixed by the National Committee, will be 980-491 to nominate the U.S. President William Howard Taft has a far larger number than any other candidate. Another development has been about the representatives of 774 newspapers, who assembled in U.S. at their annual convention. They unanimously asked that the U.S. Congress and President to grant them "immediate relief from the exactions of combinations of paper-makers.

Russian revolutionary leader, Alexander Feodorovich Kerensky is forty-five years old. He is the head of a government which has ceased to exist and the editor of a paper which has ceased to appear. One pities him especially during his stay in the U.S. People in the U.S. have treated Kerensky as a great leader and as the representative of something which he knows he neither leads nor represents. In Europe, as he follows the depreciating currencies from Prague to Berlin to Paris, they leave him in peace. There he is merely the publisher of a thin little Russian émigrés' tabloid. It requires courage to live such a life after history has cast you into the dustbin, and on the Continent Kerensky either avoids the limelight or people don't bother to play it on him.

There have been some strange capers in papers of New York. In particular the Times has been departing from certain long established traditions of its own. Changes are interesting and not without merit. Even so the author was recently startled to find the Times using two headlines on the first page to announce that one of its reporters, Russell B. Porter, had been barred by the sit-down strikers from a plant in Flint. The author may point out that in the past it was not considered news when a reporter failed to get a story. His failure, whether caused by some fault of his own or an act of God, was considered a private matter concerning only himself and his editor.

In London, England, one hears, there is to be a new daily paper. The title and promoters are a secret, but the journal Outlook publishes extracts from the advance notices, from which he, too, has made extracts. People think it an unnecessary tradition that journalists should write muddily, ungrammatically, and in a style never seen outside Salisbury Square. No one connected with the new journal, say the promoters, need expect to get rich. And this is well, for he suspects that the percentage of reasonable persons on this ridiculous, irresponsible whirligig people inhabit is not high.

Wherever working newspapermen gather, the discussion turns sooner or later to the feasibility of starting a newspaper in a large city. Several publishers have morning or evening paper to one already established, but the Chicago Sun is the only major independent newspaper launched in recent years. The news and editorial policies of most metropolitan newspapers are conservative. The enormous expense of publishing a large newspaper has made it impossible for anyone but a multimillionaire to enter the field.

The article discusses the travails of a columnist. From the point of view of working newspapermen, maybe the author ought to qualify that word "working," since a columnist lives by peculiar hours. If he is employed on an afternoon paper he ought to be up out of bed and on the job by three in the afternoon. If he lingers longer than that he is just plain lazy. Writing his column takes from half an hour to an hour-depending on how many contributions he gets. After his work is done he gets ready for dinner and then he goes to a show and after that a night club perhaps- that's called gathering material and it's very arduous and every columnist has to do it whether he wants to or not.

Presents several letters relating to various articles published in previous issues. Response from reader showing displeasure to columnist Heywood Broun for his views on liberal paper; Comments from a reader on the impartiality of news media to the Federal Trade Commission investigation; Response from reader on the most famous trial of Italian workers Sacco-Vanzetti eight years ago.

The article focuses on the condition of journalism in the U.S. Journalism has probably grown much more fair than it was twenty or thirty years ago. Many papers which are called reactionary were scrupulous in their news treatment of the case of anarchists, Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti. Newspapers grow bigger and more courteous, most of them reflect the opinion of no single man, but of a group. When many take counsel moderation may be expected and possibly wisdom, but not much fire. In order to pursue the pleasant calling of personal journalism it becomes almost necessary for a writer to be owner and contributor as well. The feeling grows that newspapers prosper by carefully refraining from annoying any considerable group of people.

The article focuses on journalism in the U.S. in 2015. Topics include how journalism has changed throughout U.S. history. Topics include the importance of editorial independence in journalism, the awarding of prizes in the journalism profession, and the mass media coverage of politics and popular culture in the U.S.

The article discusses about news that can be photographed. Only a small fraction of the news can be photographed. It is impossible to photograph reparations, or tax reduction, or extra-territorial rights in China. Although reparations can not be photographed, but it is possible to print a picture of the agent general of reparations. If extraterritoriality be too tenuous, marines may be caught barracking in a university building from which Chinese students have been ejected. But these pictures are not news. They are personalities. They are "features." They bear at best somewhat the same relation to news as a Sunday supplement article to a story hot from the anvil of events.

The author of the article says that a public official in Washington never wants or expects the truth to be told about him. The average Washington correspondent soon comes to know that public servants there intend that only news "favorable" to them shall appear in the newspapers. That is, items calculated in their judgment to lose them no votes but, rather, to get them votes. This is the whole secret of tons of speeches delivered on the floor of the U.S. Congress, or merely printed in the Congressional Record and of millions of courteous and frantically helpful letters sent to constituents with unworthy axes to grind. The author then cites examples to prove his claim.

The Italian labor paper, the "Martello," published in New York City, prints in its issue of February 17 a list of Italian papers suppressed or suspended by the Fascisti. The items were taken from various Italian bourgeois papers: "Umanita Nova," the offices of this newspaper were occupied by the Fascisti, who also prevented the publication of the daily in another printing shop. The Vespro, edited by Schicchi, had to suspend publication for many weeks. The Avvenire Anarchico of Pisa has been suspended. The editor is in flight.

The article discusses about a journalist Arthur Krock, who works for the news paper "The New York Times". In the author's opinion Krock writings, particularly since he gave up the burdens of heading the Washington bureau of the paper, deal increasingly with legal matters, and his knowledgeability in the field is impressive. He cites chapter and verse, and evinces a shrewd grasp of the issues involved. Krock really knows what he is about. As befits one of his gravity and learning, Mr. Krock dwells almost exclusively on the highest jurisprudential.

Nowadays an English provincial newspaper, under the heading of "America Day by Day," gives its readers the news of what has happened in the U.S. the day before. Throughout Great Britain also, the daily papers publish longer or shorter accounts of American news. This article focuses on newspapers about a hundred years ago. A newspaper was mainly a composition of paragraphs of news, of letters to the editor, and of advertisements. The editor adopted the views of a correspondent who severely criticized the ministers of the day in their actions towards the American Colonies.

William Allen White, who died on January 29, 1944 was an American legend. He was the small-town boy who won international fame as a small-town editor. Some folks thought of him as a great liberal; he was really great as a super-average American, and he never thought of himself as anything else. In 1895, he borrowed $3,000 and bought the good-will and equipment of the Emporia Gazette and he knew how to do everything that had to be done in his one-room office. He could set type, feed the press, kick the jabber, keep books, solicit advertising, deliver papers, and write the whole sheet.

Argues against the importance given to leading newspapers published out of New York City and Washington D.C., and unethical methods adopted by these newspapers to maintain this importance. Instances where significant stories appearing in regional newspapers have not been given importance by legislators and bureaucrats until they were published in these newspapers; Instances where the leading newspapers have taken breaking news from other papers but not given them credit; Reason why these people should give importance to other newspapers as well, apart from selected few newspapers.