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This research examined whether there is an elaborate system of protocols, protection, and prevention in place at the local self-government level in the event of a crisis caused by an epidemic or pandemic. The core idea of this paper was to evaluate the protocol's effectiveness at the local self-government. Analysis was conducted using responses of 16 local self-government authorities. During a crisis caused by an epidemic/a pandemic of infectious illnesses, surveys were done as a cross-section documenting and detecting the current state of local self-government functioning. Methods used in the study are defining the objectives of the research, conceptualization, analysis of legal regulations, economic analysis, and decomposition of the problem. Key results and arguments of this paper expanded existing research thus there are only certain empirical data from areas that have been affected by the infectious disease caused by the epidemic/pandemic. Data was collected, processed, and systematized to serve in model formulation. As a brief conclusion, this study suggested protocol effectiveness at the local self-government level representing the idea that emergency and crisis management should be organized to preserve the health and livelihood of the population in the area affected by the pandemic of infectious diseases and thus enable the functioning of economic activities and society as a whole.

China’s development assistance to the Western Balkans has been little researched and aid-funded projects are often mistermed as Chinese investments. This article aimed to shed light on specific ‘China Aid’ disbursement and management procedures by examining the signed agreements and contracted projects in five countries - Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, N. Macedonia, and Serbia during the period 2000-2020. The objective was to determine the impact of China’s development assistance on democratic governance and decision-making. Attride-Stirling’s thematic networks tool was used to analyze the procedures in each project cycle phase and their compliance with the principles of good governance and aid effectiveness. The findings suggest that the assistance, shaped by Chinese rules in combination with Western Balkans domestic agency, is marked by the opacity of the procedures, lack of accountability, disregard for rules in public finance management, and public procurement. Moreover, China could use its grant and loan agreements to influence sovereign decision-making on issues that affect China’s interests. To conclude, although China’s development assistance to the Western Balkans could benefit the recipients’ economic development, it also constrains their democratic governance and decision-making and serves China’s foreign policy interests.

This paper examined whether the revised enlargement methodology represented another step in the direction of gradual EU membership of the Western Balkans. The research problem was based on considerations that the EU enlargement domain has for years been characterized by political stagnation. The research aimed to show that a differentiated accession approach might have been beneficial for Serbia, as a front-runner membership candidate. In terms of methods, the author analyzes the concepts and the applicability of the 'three-tiered accession' and 'staged accession', having in mind the recently altered enlargement methodology. The author argues that the gradual integration would have been beneficial for two reasons: 1) validating the candidates' already achieved progress, offering tangible incentives, and potentially preventing the democratic backsliding; 2) taking the pre-scheduled accession dates off the table. Considering that the EU is unlikely to expand further, the author concludes that the gradual membership concept might apply solely to the WB, while also reassuring the Member States regarding the primacy of individual merits and excluding the speedy accessions proposals.

Proces sekularizacije je učinio da klasična religioznost izgubi svoju tradicionalno dominantnu poziciju. Tu poziciju preuzimaju oblici tzv. svetovne religioznosti. Prema našem mišljenju, svetovna religioznost nije prepoznata u Srbiji kao religioznost postmodernog doba, već pre kao oblik prilagođenosti religije uslovima postmodernizma. Otuda smatramo da je klasična religioznost u Srbiji i dalje dominantna. Stav i poverenje prema crkvi upravo tumačimo kao konvencionalnu religioznost. Stav i poverenje prema crkvi sagledavamo kroz dva pitanja. Prvo pitanje meri stav prema crkvi kroz dvovalentno izražavanje stava o tome da li crkva daje odgovore na moralna pitanja, duhovne potrebe, porodične i socijalne probleme. Drugo pitanje tiče se poverenja u crkvu. Oba pitanja smo merili u odnosu na obrazovanje, pol, na relaciji ruralno/urbano i u odnosu na pripadnost religijskim konfesijama. U radu smo se oslanjali na analizu sekundarnih podataka EVS-a (European Value Study) na bazi anketne metode u svim državama Evrope. Hipoteze od kojih smo pošli u radu bile su da se sa povećanjem nivoa obrazovanja smanjuje stepen poverenja u crkvu a da je stav prema crkvi negativniji, da je kod žena pozitivniji stav prema crkvi i veće poverenje nego kod muškaraca, da je viši stepen poverenja i pozitivniji stav prema crkvi u selu nego u gradu i da je viši stepen poverenja i pozitivan stav prema crkvi, odnosno prema verskim zajednicama, kod muslimana nego kod pravoslavaca, katolika i protestanata. Teorijski, naše pretpostavke su zasnovane na teoriji sekularizacije. U tom smislu, društvene promene su umanjile uticaj religije u društvu, a na pojedince se deluje mehanizmima profanog društva. Fokusirali smo se na građane Srbije, gde su uticaji tranzicije poziciju religije učinili složenijom., The process of secularization made classical religiosity lose its traditionally dominant position. This position is taken over by forms of the so-called secular religiosity. In our view, secular religiosity is not recognized in Serbia as religiosity of the postmodern age, but rather as a form of adaptation of religion to the conditions of postmodernism. Therefore, we believe that classical religiosity is still dominant in Serbia. We just interpret attitude and trust in church as conventional religiosity. Attitudes towards and trust in church are examined through two questions. The first question measures the attitude towards church through a bivalent attitude of whether church gives answers to moral questions, spiritual needs, family and social issues. The second question is about trust in church. We measured both issues in relation to education, gender, rural/urban relation, and religious affiliation. In this paper, we have relied on the analysis of secondary EVS (European Value Study) data based on a survey conducted in all European countries. The hypotheses we started from in the paper were that as the level of education increases, the level of trust in church decreases, and that the attitude towards church is more negative, that women have a more positive attitude towards church and greater trust than men, that the level of trust is higher and there is a more positive attitude towards church in the village compared to the city, and that there is a higher degree of trust and a positive attitude towards church, i.e. religious communities, among Muslims compared to Orthodox, Catholics and Protestants. Theoretically, our assumptions are based on secularization theory. In this sense, social changes have diminished the impact of religion in society, and individuals are influenced by the mechanisms of a profane society. We have focused on the citizens of Serbia, where the effects of transition made the position of religion more complex.

The state of emergency was declared in the Republic of Serbia on 15 March 2020, due to the COVID-19 pandemic, which lasted until 6 May 2020. During the state of emergency, certain human rights were restricted and suspended, which are otherwise protected and guaranteed by the Constitution. One of the measures introduced by the state was the possibility for the defendant to attend the main hearing via Skype. The basic question arises whether the right to a fair trial is violated in this way, since it is one of the rights that cannot be limited or suspended even during a state of emergency. In this regard, this paper addresses the national legal framework under which trials are permitted and conducted via Skype during a state of emergency and relevant case law of the European Court of Human Rights.

New technologies have opened several risks to safety of journalists. More importantly, in the state of emergency caused by the Covid-19 outbreak, journalists and media actors have shifted their activities online more than ever, which also made them more prone to digital threats and attacks. In some regimes there are even organized intimidation campaigns against political opponents causing chilling effect and self-censorship, and jeopardizing freedom of expression in general. Hungary as a member of the European Union since 2004 and Serbia as a leading candidate to join the EU are two countries where the problems and concerns about media freedom is growing every day. The fear from the unknown during the international pandemic gave opportunity to some governments to hide their real political agendas and cover their desire for the 'good-old-fashioned' censorship. The number of countries where some kind of censorship could be found is growing every day. The authors will show two country-case-studies from Hungary and Serbia, where the leaders and the political situations are very similar and could show a (good or bad) example to other countries that would like to follow the illiberal views on media issues.

From November 2012 to May 2013, the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) rendered its verdicts in four trials involving eight former Croatian, Kosovo, and Serbian military, police and intelligence officials. These acquittals drew the attention of politicians, human rights organisations and victims' associations, each for different reasons. This article focuses on internal political contexts in Croatia, Serbia and Kosovo, following the return of the acquitted officials to their countries. It analyses the use of these verdicts by domestic political elites to legitimise their exclusive narratives of war and shows that these verdicts will be used to achieve goals quite different from those envisaged by international tribunals. The reactions to the acquittals will be analysed as a manifestation of conflicting national political contexts, resulting from a combination of multiple factors between local, national and international actors.

Voucher system of education implies the use of vouchers as instruments of financing public and private education. Unlike the traditional ways of financing education, the voucher system creates the assumptions for increasing the freedom of choice regarding educational programs within different levels of education. Paper will use scientific methods of systematization and analysis of existing literature regarding school vouchers, in order to give a critical review of the influence of vouchers on increasing the competitiveness of education. The paper will also present the results of the research of student and parental attitudes about towards voucherization of education. Research sample includes respondents from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Republic of Croatia and Republic of Serbia. Along with the conclusion, the paper also offers some recommendations regarding the use of vouchers for the improvement of local education systems.

The matter of EU enlargement to the Western Balkans has become overshadowed by pressing issues such as Brexit, the rise of the radical right and international terrorism. Notwithstanding the pressure to address these issues accordingly, increasing tensions and ethnic outbursts across the Western Balkan region are reason enough for the European Union to devote significant attention to accession talks. This article addresses the Western Balkan countries’ Europeanization process with consideration of Russia as an external actor. By assessing the candidate countries’ progress amid EU negotiations, the article suggests that the countries’ bilateral ties with Russia have an impact on the Europeanization process which is particularly visible in Chapter 31 Foreign, security, and defence policy of the acquis communautaire. The broader geopolitical framework that comprises the multifaceted relationship between the EU and Russia is crucial for understanding the dynamics of EU-Western Balkans-Russia triangle.

The paper contributes to the research on the structure of socio-political attitudes through an analysis of survey data from Serbia. The main problem tackles two research traditions: one dealing with the existence of stable political attitudes and ideological orientations among the mass public, and the other dealing with the dimensionality of political attitudes or ideology. The analysis revealed a complex hierarchical organization of political attitudes. First-order factor analysis resulted in 15 attitudinal dimensions including nationalism, militarism, and traditionalism. The second-order factors resulted in 4 general ideological dimensions, labeled as the socialist conservatism, right-wing conservatism, social order and hierarchy orientation, and post-materialist orientation. The results are discussed with reference to the literature on hierarchical organization of political attitudes. (author's abstract)

Irregular migration on the Western Balkan route has marked an unprecedented number during the last five years. Evidence indicates that both, non-European nationals and Western Balkan citizens have been involved in this complex migratory flow being exposed to various risks of human trafficking. But Western Balkan countries are source, transit and destination countries of human trafficking while their states are not well organized to implement a comprehensive and well-coordinated regional response to combat it. This paper aims at examining challenges faced by the Western Balkan countries to converge anti-trafficking response while facing increased irregular migratory waves. Using secondary data it illustrates various disparities and differences among them concluding that a well-coordinated, multi-faceted and integrated regional response is needed to combat this humanitarian problem. (author's abstract)

The authors explore the discourses around the exclusion of the Roma in Serbia in two dimensions: social welfare sector and media reports. The paper is structured around the presentation of dimensions contributing to multiple deprivation of Roma in society (from education to labor market participation, social welfare and health care, as well as housing); a review of public policies directed toward the improvement of their position; and analysis of the discourses on Roma within the contexts of the social welfare sector and media reporting. A review of related literature and public policy documents was followed by a qualitative analysis of media reports as well as a review of the secondary sources regarding media discourses on the Roma. This was followed by evidence gathered from semi-structured interviews and discussions with stakeholders in the social welfare sector. The main conclusions of the paper point to the mutual reinforcement of the discourses on the Roma in the social welfare sector and media reports, with their subsequent mutual contribution to social exclusion.

Vojvodina, an autonomous province in the Republic of Serbia, is ethnically one of the most heterogeneous regions of Europe and therefore represents an inexhaustible subject of research. There are more than 20 ethnic groups living in Vojvodina. According to the most recent 2011 census, there are 1,931,809 people living in Vojvodina and the Serbs make the largest ethnic group, 66.7% of the total population. Hungarians make 13.0% of the total population of Vojvodina and with a somewhat smaller proportion come the Slovaks, Croats, Rroma and Rromanians. In the period between the two censuses the reduction in the number of members of all ethnic groups was recorded and the only ethnic group that increased in number was the Rroma. Different socio-economic and demographic trends have had a great influence on the reduction of the share of members of almost all ethnic groups in the total population of Vojvodina in the last decades. First of all, it was influenced by forced migrations in the nineties of the previous century caused by the war on the territory of former Yugoslavia and its disintegration, a period of transition. The goal of this paper is to analyze the ethnic structure of the population in Vojvodina, as well as the factors which have had the most significant impact on the changes in the structure at the end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st century. The importance of this analysis is reflected in better understanding of the status of different ethnic groups in Vojvodina and a better quality of their inclusion in social, cultural and political life.

"This paper employs the factor analysis technique and data from the UNDP/UNICEF Social Inclusion Survey to construct a material deprivation index for fi ve transitional societies in the Balkans (FYR Macedonia and Serbia), Eastern Europe (Moldova and Ukraine) and Central Asia (Kazakhstan). The distribution of deprivation between these societies can be largely explained by their level of economic development, but within-county variance is not limited to monetary dimension. Controlling for settlement type, human capital and employment status in multivariate settings, the paper tests the hypothesis of the continuous importance of occupational social class and the emerging role of diff erent life phases in individuals’ welfare outcomes. The results reveal that all specifi ed social classes and most of the defi ned life phases have diverse and statistically signifi cant eff ects on the constructed deprivation index and the likelihood of being under 70 per cent of the median deprivation threshold. Belonging to non-skilled manual, farmers and skilled manual social class as well as being a child or lone parent were revealed to have the highest risk of material deprivation. These fi ndings are in line with the conclusions made for the Western welfare democracies on the complementary nature of social class and life course dimensions in explaining social hardship." (author's abstract)

The analysis relies on the concepts of participative democracy and ecological citizenship. The paper discusses dilemmas related to development of (ecological) citizenship in matured democratic systems as well as in post-socialist countries. The main analytical focus is on the challenges of generating environmentally responsible citizens in Serbia. This analysis is based on empirical data obtained through questionnaire research on representative sample for citizens in Serbia (N=1950) in 2010. One of the main conclusions is that dominant model of the citizen in Serbia is „orientation to the state“, since most of the respondents expect from state actors to play a leading role in achieving higher standards and better quality of the environment. For developing a model of the responsible citizens (who would consider the environmental protection to be a civic duty), there is a lack of essential citizens’ confidence in institutions, as well as in their fellow citizens.