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La finalidad de este estudio fue indagar los perfiles valorativos de docentes en ejercicio y en formación, en base a dos modelos axiológicos considerados antagónicos (conservador y liberal), cada uno con una estructura bien definida. Cabe destacar que los enfoques teóricos no se presentan puros en la realidad debido a su profunda complejidad; sin embargo, este tipo de estudios permite vislumbrar cuál es el camino que la sociedad considera oportuno o viable para avanzar hacia el futuro. Se utilizó un diseño metodológico cuantitativo, de tipo descriptivo y de corte transversal. Los participantes relevados de primera fuente fueron estudiantes de profesorado de tercer año de los 5 institutos de formación docente más representativos de la Capital de Mendoza (Argentina) y sus respectivos docentes. La muestra fue de carácter intencional (n=337) con un alto porcentaje de mujeres (91,1%). Los resultados permitieron identificar tres factores: Autonomía, Igualdad y Tradición; a partir de ellos fue posible discriminar tendencias y perfiles predominantes., The purpose of this research was to identify the axiological profiles of practicing and training teachers, based on two axiological models considered antagonistic (conservative and liberal), each one with a well-defined structure. Theoretical approaches are not presented pure in reality due to their profound complexity, however, this type of study allows us to glimpse what is the path that society considers opportune or viable to advance towards the future. A quantitative, descriptive and cross-sectional methodological design was used. The participants surveyed from the first source were third-year teacher students from the 5 most representative teacher training institutes in the Capital of Mendoza (Argentina) and their respective professors. The sample was intentional (n = 337) with a high percentage of women (91.1%). The results allowed identifying three factors: Autonomy, Equality and Tradition, from them it was possible to discriminate prevailing trends and profiles.

The paper contributes to the research on the structure of socio-political attitudes through an analysis of survey data from Serbia. The main problem tackles two research traditions: one dealing with the existence of stable political attitudes and ideological orientations among the mass public, and the other dealing with the dimensionality of political attitudes or ideology. The analysis revealed a complex hierarchical organization of political attitudes. First-order factor analysis resulted in 15 attitudinal dimensions including nationalism, militarism, and traditionalism. The second-order factors resulted in 4 general ideological dimensions, labeled as the socialist conservatism, right-wing conservatism, social order and hierarchy orientation, and post-materialist orientation. The results are discussed with reference to the literature on hierarchical organization of political attitudes. (author's abstract)

An insistent focus on extremism and radicalization with regard to current Islamist trends masks the failures of pluralist citizenship, amid a larger crisis of identity. Whether in Muslim-majority societies or in the Euro-North American diaspora, "Islam" and "politics" are touted as explaining patterns of severe violence by state/non-state actors. Neither category accounts more than superficially for the complexities at hand, which revolve around exclusionary models of identity, faith and civil society. Successful narratives of inclusive citizenship depend on key markers outside of modernist secular orthodoxy. Theologies of inclusion are vital in fostering pluralist civic identities, mindful of the ascendance of puritanical-legalist theologies of exclusion as a salient facet of public cultures. Multiple surveys reveal the depth of exclusivist conservatism in diverse Muslim societies. These stances not only undermine civil society as a locus for engendering pluralist identities, but also undergird the militant trends that dominate the headlines. Targeting militants is often essential - yet is frequently accompanied by the willful alienation of Muslim citizens even within liberal democracies, and a growing "official" sectarianism among Muslim-majority polities. Convergent pluralisms of faith and civic identity are a vital antidote to the fog that obscures the roots as well as the implications of today's extremist trends. (author's abstract)

This paper is an illustration of certain specifications in the conservative discourse in a certain European western countries. Each one of the countries from the western hemisphere has its particular peculiarities that determine the usage of the political operation by the conservative parties. Certainly, the complexity of the conservative ideology study has been enriching with the perception of the most basic practices in the political activity of the right parties in some western countries. This paper consists of a short definition about the conservatism followed by its primary and secondary principles. Then, continues to an individual cases in a three highly developed European countries where as a sample are taken the most significant parties in the conservative and Christian Democrat ideology. The conservatism as a political ideology has been formed in the middle of the XVII century as a resistance towards the shifts and the challenges that were under influence of the enlightenment, industrialization and the urbanization. If the conservatism as a political theory, ideology and practice originates from the countries with foregoing activities, logically emerges a need to study their characteristics. The author’s intention is to represent the traits creating the content of that ideology and activity, what are the distinction marks that would be the most appealing of the certain country, as well as to prove the link with the parties from the conservative family on a European level. The study of the conservatism as a political ideology in the modern ideological- doctrinal spectrum would be certainly impossible if there is no closer look to those paradigms.

Following on from the previous article on the founding principles of the State in Eminescu's works, this article strives to show that the reference to nature, far from elucidating the question of the State in Junimea, in fact makes it more complicated. The notion of "nature" can take on different meanings and lead both to a rational, potentially universal, "natural right" and to a specific normativity, peculiar to a being/to a people and which differentiates it from others. Embedded in the naturalist model, the organism model allows the thinking out of both an authoritarian conservatism and an individualistic liberalism. It is therefore not certain that these two theses achieve a summary of Junimea's political ideology. However, the Junimists, just like the Forty-Eighters before them, knew very well how to exploit the diverging and complementary orientations of those themes in order to develop their national ideology.

This article aims to present three dimensions of the English political model (England's presence) in the political imaginary of the Romanian conservative leader Barbu Catargiu. The sources for this approach were the political leaflets of the politician (État social des Principautés danubiennes, Imprimerie de Bols-Wittouck, Bruxelles, 1855; De la Propriété en Moldo-Valachie, Imprimerie J. Kopainig, Bucarest, 1857; Encore quelques mots sur la propriété en Moldo-Valachie, Imprimerie A. Ulrich, Bucarest, 1860), the project and memoir of 1857 (De l'organisation du pouvoir; Des différentes classes de la population en Valachie et de leur position légale respective), as well as the parliamentary speeches, published in one volume for the first time in 1886. Many of the ideas expressed in these texts can also be found in the press articles published by Barbu Catargiu at the time (in the newspapers Conservatorul Progresist and Unirea). The analysis of the sources revealed that England represented, in the political imaginary of Barbu Catargiu, a model of organisation of public, economic and social life for the United Principalities, while being also an argumentative landmark in the debates in which the conservative leader was involved. This was not an uncommon option; both its collaborators between 1859-1862 (Apostol Arsache, Constantin N. Brăiloiu) and other prominent conservative leaders from the beginning of the 20th century (Alexandru Lahovary, Titu Maiorescu, Alexandru Marghiloman etc.) shared his beliefs. Essentially, the conservative can on that defined Barbu Catargiu's ideological identity valued three dimensions of the English political model, to which it was akin. On the one hand, the conservative leader praised the efficient state government, considered to be an expression of political stability, legal experience, respect for the old established order, and moderation in public and social life. On the other hand, he strongly believed that the good government was due t

Grigore N. Filipescu, engineer and lawyer, was a controversial and inconstant politician in Interwar Romania. He had passed through many political parties until 1929, when he founded his own political organization. He was also involved in other areas, being the president of the Romanian Telephone Company, conducting the construction of the Câmpina-Constanţa oil pipeline and organizing the first international fencing contests in Romania.

Religious freedom in Romania after 1989 has contributed decisively to changes in the religious structure in the country. From a religious point of view, the fall of the communist regime meant the end of abuse or interdictions for many people and communities. Discussing about ecumenism and inter-religious or inter-confessional dialogue in Bihor is, according to the current demographic realities, a need entailed by the ethno-confessional diversity and multiculturalism specific to the area. The religious diversity has led not only to inter-community tensions but also to better mutual knowledge, a phenomenon that has finally led to dialogue and the establishment of relationships. There is a visible tendency towards the realization of a unity in diversity in full awareness of the obstacles ahead. Beyond the energetic discourse of high Christian clericals, contemporary ecumenism has been met with several impediments imposed by the reality of some “minor” local issues that have remained unsolved over the years. At times, underlying theological issues have been a hindrance to a genuine ecumenical dialogue.