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Political psychology has a pivotal role in the discipline of international relations, particularly in handling the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. The conflict severely affects all global aspects, from the economic to security, including Indonesia's G20 Presidency. This study aims to analyze how political psychology contributes to reducing or becoming the key to the performance of the Indonesian G20 Presidency in conjunction with the Russia-Ukraine conflict and diplomatic bluff by some countries. With descriptive qualitative research methods, and data collection techniques with literature studies from books, journals, and webpage news, data were analyzed, and conclusions were drawn. The Russia-Ukraine conflict not only threatens international peace and security order but also challenges Indonesia's G20 presidency as Russian Vladimir Putin gets invited to attend the summit. This article used the Tree Model, offering three mechanisms by prioritizing psychopolitics and psychoanalysis, which can be a reference for conflict resolution. This tree model is expected to be applied in response to the Russia-Ukraine conflict, bridge differences between all G20 members, and help Indonesia be well-prepared and successful for the summit.

La politique étrangère est définie différemment par les auteurs et partant des éléments que chacun d’eux a avancé, nous avons donné notre point de vue là-dessus. Aussi, avions-nous constater que la politique étrangère, branche des Relations Internationales, est entouré d’une part par la science politique et l’anthropologie politique et de l’autre par la géopolitique et la géostratégie. Mais, elle a su se démarquer pour être suffisamment autonome en dépit de sa connexité avec la diplomatie, le droit international et l’économie internationale et cela est perceptible compte tenu de l’orientation de ses études à travers plusieurs approches notamment, environnementale et psychologique., Foreign policy is define differently by the authors and from the elements that each of them has put, we have given our point of view on that. Also, we see that foreign policy, branch of international relations, is surrounded by political anthropology and other by geopolitics and strategy. But, it has separated to be sufficiently autonomous with its connected with diplomacy, international law and international economy and this is noticeable given the orientation of its studies through several approaches in particular, environmental and psychological.

Current power transitions in the context of China's rise and US retrenchment have significantly conditioned the forms and effects of regional leadership across different world regions. Against this empirical background, this Special Issue gathers innovative conceptual and theoretical perspectives to study the links between regional leadership and multipolarity in Europe, the Middle East, post-Soviet Eurasia, South America and South Asia. The introductory article provides a conceptual base for defining and explaing regional leadership and discusses the key arguments and findings of the individual articles.

The US faces many dilemmas in facing an XXI century China. The recent crisis that has occurred in the South China Sea and issues related to the trade war between the two global powers have significantly divided the positions of both states in world affairs. The US policy of engagement and coercion, forcing China into the US liberal order has shown slow progress. Therefore, it is critical to re-evaluate the US foreign policy strategy in facing an XXI century China, which shows discontent towards the values that are promoted by the US. This paper critically analyzes the US foreign policy approach to China, provides key elements of its success, and concludes the major issues faced throughout the process of interacting with the modern global superpower known as China.

Este artigo visa desdobrar a concepção brasileira da futura ordem global localizada entre os polos extremos de um concerto de grandes potências e de uma ordem mundial multirregional. O autor demonstra como os formuladores de política externa brasileira contribuem para um tipo de ordem global que oferece espaço de manobra para a potência emergente. As opções de política externa do Brasil são limitadas, diante do superior poder material (hard power) das grandes potências estabelecidas. A estratégia de soft balancing do Brasil envolve estratégias institucionais, como a formação de coalizões diplomáticas limitadas ou alianças para restringir o poder das grandes potências estabelecidas. O Brasil tem estado entre os mais poderosos condutores de mudança incremental na diplomacia mundial e é beneficiado em grande parte pelas conectadas mudanças de poder global. Em uma ordem global moldada por grandes potências por meio de arranjos e instituições internacionais, esses jogadores que efetivamente operam em ambos como inovadores, construtores de coalizões e porta-vozes, ao mesmo tempo em que preservam grande parcela de soberania e autonomia, têm o potencial de influenciar substancialmente os resultados da futura política global., This article aims to unfold the Brazilian conception of the future global order located between the extreme poles of a concert of great powers and a multiregional world order. The author demonstrates how Brazilian foreign policy makers contribute to the kind of global order, which offers most room to manoeuvre to the rising power. The foreign policy options of Brazil are limited in view of the superior hard power of the established great powers. Brazil's soft balancing strategy involves institutional strategies such as the formation of limited diplomatic coalitions or ententes to constrain the power of the established great powers. Brazil has been amongst the most powerful drivers of incremental change in world diplomacy and it benefits most from the connected global power shifts. In a global order shaped by great powers through international groupings and institutions, those players who effectively operate within them as innovators, coalition builders and spokesmen while preserving great amounts of sovereignty and autonomy have the potential to substantially influence the outcomes of future global politics.

The rise of new powers and attendant shifts in the global balance of power have led to calls for UN Security Council reform. Established powers have often responded by linking increased influence in the international system with the assumption of more international responsibility by aspirant powers. Based on ethical and philosophical approaches from the individual and state levels, and a case study of Brazil, this article analyses the way in which the notion of responsibility is discursively constructed, demonstrating the manner in which it has been used as an ever-shifting goalpost to deny emerging powers participation at the highest levels of global strategic decision-making. Most often, this is done by equating "responsibility" with the ability and willingness to use robust military force.

This thematic issue addresses how strategic narratives affect international order. Strategic narratives are conceived of as stories with a political purpose or narratives used by political actors to affect the behavior of others. The articles in this issue address two significant areas important to the study of international relations: how strategic narratives support or undermine alliances, and how they affect norm formation and contestation. Within a post-Cold War world and in the midst of a changing media environment, strategic narratives affect how the world and its complex issues are understood. This special issue speaks to the difficulties associated with creating creative and committed international cooperation by noting how strategic narratives are working to shape the Post-Cold War international context.

The paper problematizes the national soft power strategies of authoritarian states arguing that many of their features stem from those countries’ political regime. In particular, the author focuses on such features as actors involved in soft power policies, the public media’s international and domestic rhetoric, the presence or absence of ideological commitments, strategies’ proactiveness/reactiveness as well as their long- and short-termness. The author presents his argumentation in a fashion similar to what is called theory-building process tracing: first, he shows causal links between an autocratic political regime and each of those features, and then illustrates them with relevant examples taken from case studies and media publications on the soft power strategies of contemporary Russia and China.

In the past decade, change and innovation have been induced through intergovernmental foreign policy networks. New powers like Brazil have gained relative weight due to their status as agenda-setters, brokers, and coalition-builders. This paper examines the relevance of different foreign policy networks such as India-Brazil-South Africa (IBSA) and Brazil-South Africa-India-China (BASIC) for the Brazilian foreign policy since 2003.

This article aims to focus on the activity of the Commission of Enquiry of the League of Nations in Albania during 1921-1923. It helps to better understand the progress of the relations of this organization with Albania. How much did the work of this Commission influence the decisions of the League of Nations regarding the Albanian issue during these years? The topic is interesting because it has to do with some issues of historiography that need elucidation. The existing corpus mainly focuses on the foreign commissions in Albania and in the majority of the cases investigates the commission for the delimitation of borders and refers to the activity of Commission of Enquiry in Albania. The existing literature is limited to the accont of its presence and visits made in different cities in Albania. The article analyzes the reports that this Commission sent to the League of Nations and also the decisions that the latter took on the basis of the reports and advice of Commission members in order to better Albania's relations with the League of Nations in the economic and political sphere. In the economic field it is related to the assignment of economic counsellors whilst in the political one with the decisions that the League of Nations took based on Commission reports for the country, and not on the international press. The decisions taken by the League of Nations during this time are an indicator of the efficiency of the activity of this Commission.

This editorial introduces the special issue, and considers what the articles in it tell us about the prospects of mass atrocity prevention. (author's abstract)

The concept of "triggers" enjoys wide usage in the atrocity prevention policymaking community. However, the concept has received limited academic analysis. This paper reviews the concept critically, develops a definition, and subjects the concept to empirical analysis. The paper offers a mild endorsement of the concept of triggers of atrocity. The paper identifies four main categories of triggering event but cautions that triggers cannot be separated from context or decision-makers (authors abstract)

Globalization represents a significant paradigm shift in political science. Whereas well into the 1990s, most sub-fields of the discipline focused on the nation-state, the actions of governments, and the relationships between governments and other societal actors, globalization has forced us to revise many of our existing theories. In a truly globalizing environment, politics cannot focus solely on the state. Scholars across the discipline have moved away from studying governments to studying governance within both a national and international context. Domestically, the evolving interest in the policy network/community approach demonstrates the increasing role of the private and community sectors in governance arrangements. Internationally, regime theory has extended the frontiers of political science to study private regimes, multinational corporations and the ever-increasing importance of NGOs. Despite calls from scholars like Rosenau to speak of a post-international system following the end of the Cold war1, or from Keohane and Milner to better understand the relationship between domestic politics and international politics2, little theorizing work has actually been able to incorporate knowledge from the sub-fields of political science in order to present a truly holistic view of the emerging global order. (author's abstract)

The adoption of the principle of the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) by all United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) member states in 2005, and its reaffirmation in dozens of United Nations Security Council (UNSC) resolutions, indicate that there is a growing consensus around the world that egregious human rights violations necessitate a cooperative and decisive international response. But just as the political debates raged surrounding the precise articulation of RtoP between 2001 and 2005, so too goes the contemporary debate surrounding the implementation of RtoP. Regional divergences in RtoP implementation, in particular, have been noted by many scholars, as regional organizations implement those elements of RtoP that best suit their policy goals. This paper will apply recent scholarship on normlifecycles, specifically on “norm localization” to the operationalization of RtoP by regional organizations. We seek to explore regional divergences on RtoP implementation between the European Union (EU), League of Arab States (LAS), and the African Union (AU) on Libya and Syria. From this assessment, three main arguments will be put forward: (1) regional organizations remain politicized, reframing RtoP in divergent ways that dilute the strength of the norm, (2) politicization of the RtoP discourse constrains regional norm localization processes, (3) politicization and reframing of RtoP inhibit regional normative change and limit the potential for timely and decisive responses to protect civilians. (auhtor's abstract)

This essay will examine the emergence of transnational governance via supranational economic agreements which promote global imposition of liberalizing policies in the interests of transnational investors. The stalled multilateral World Trade Organization (WTO) process has given way to a plethora of regional and bilateral economic agreements covering a range of new issues - investment, intellectual property, services, and regulations - which trench ever more deeply on domestic decision-making. Informed by Phillip Cerny’s conception of "competition states", Colin Crouch’s (2000) lament about "post-democracy", Carroll and Sapinski's analysis of "global corporate elites", and David Held's depiction of "global governance complexes", the essay will examine the role of transnational corporate and institutional elites in advancing economic agreements which narrow the scope for democratic governance. These authors depict the combination of constraint and empowerment of states induced by these transnational agreements which force most liberal democracies to cut or tweak programs and regulations in economic and social fields to protect investor rights, while boosting restraints on citizens in areas like intellectual property - what Cerny (1997) calls the "paradox" of the competition state. Given the number and complexity of these transnational governance arrangements, this essay will focus on the transnational constraints of investor state arbitration and disputes settlement systems. This will be illustrated by examining the growth of investor disputes settlement claims in bilateral treaties and major European and North American economic agreements and the rise of arbitration cases which impose costs on states for violations of investor rights. The essay considers the implications of these new forms of transnational governance for democratic governments' responsive to popular demands. It concludes by suggesting the need for revisions to theories of the democratic state, which

States often pool their sovereignty, capacity and resources to provide regionally specific public goods, such as security or trade rules, and regional organisations play important roles in international relations as institutions that attempt to secure peace and contribute to achieving other similar global policy goals. We observe failures occurring in these arrangements and activities in two areas: substance and image. To analytically account for this, we distinguish four modes of substance and image change and link these to specific types of failure and (lack of) learning. To empirically ground and test our assumptions, we examine instances of image failure in ASEAN (political/security policy) and substantive policy failure in EU labour migration policy. In so doing, this article contributes to several different fields of study and concepts that have hitherto rarely engaged with one another: analyses of policy failure from public policy, and regional integration concerns from area studies and international relations. We conclude with suggestions for ways forward to further analyse and understand failures at the international and supranational levels. (author's abstract)

This commentary examines whether R2P is a fully-fledged norm. As a normative aspiration R2P is almost universally accepted. However as a standard of behaviour that states implement as a matter of course R2P is far from fully-fledged. By examining state responses to refugee crises in Syria it is argued that powerful states are failing in their special responsibility to protect. (author's abstract)

In recent years the UN Secretary-General has promoted mass atrocity prevention as the priority agenda for the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) at the UN, redirecting debates on R2P away from military interventionism towards improved state capacity to prevent atrocity crimes and protect populations. This focus has been illustrated in the UNSG’s annual reports on R2P since 2009, and the 2014 “Framework of Analysis for Atrocity Crimes”, that emphasise state institutional capacity and the identification of atrocity-risk indicators. Through a case-study of Pakistan, this article problematizes the relationship between internal security and the UN agenda on atrocity prevention to evaluate the viability of promoting atrocity prevention as currently conceived by the Office of the UNSG in high-risk contexts. It argues that an atrocity prevention agenda informed by a responsive regulation framework would be more effective in taking into account the relational dynamics of atrocity crimes. This includes accounting for the interaction between the microdynamics of political violence with macro-dynamics created by lengthy historical conflicts and strategic repertoires. (author's abstract)

The international community has determined it carries the responsibility to protect civilians from atrocity crimes if a state is unable or unwilling to do so. These crimes are often perpetrated in authoritarian regimes where they are legitimized through an exclusionary ideology. A comparative case study of Pol Pot and Milosevic indicates that whether the leader truly believes in the ideology he puts forward or merely uses it instrumentally to manipulate the population, is an important variable, which affects the manner in which third parties can respond effectively to these crimes. While Pol Pot was motivated by his ideological zeal, Milosevic used ideology to create a climate in which mass atrocities could be perpetrated in order to garner further power and prestige. In Max Weber’s terminology, Milosevic was guided by instrumental rationality while Pol Pot acted on the basis of value rationality. This case study compares two crucial moments - Vietnam's invasion of Cambodia and NATO's bombing of Serbia when the crisis in Kosovo escalated - to analyze the responsiveness of the two leaders. It is argued that ideological leaders are less responsive than non-ideological leaders to foreign policy measures targeted to stop or mitigate the occurrence of atrocities. (author's abstract)

Mass atrocity prevention has been controversial, both when members of the international community have taken action as well as when they have failed to do so. In 1999, then UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan challenged the international community to reconcile the need to respect state sovereignty with the need to protect populations from egregious human rights violations. R2P’s emergence offered an opportunity to move past the discourse and practice associated with its predecessor-“humanitarian intervention.” However, while R2P has succeeded in changing the discourse, it has failed to make a change in practice. A source of this failure is R2P’s “ulterior motive exemption.” Using the R2P intervention in Libya as a case study, this article concludes that because ulterior motives existed: (1) NATO’s primary intent of civilian protection quickly evolved into the intent to overthrow Muammar Qaddafi; (2) in exceeding its mandate, NATO committed an act of aggression; (3) NATO continued to militarily support the rebels while they were committing war crimes and severe human rights violations; (4) NATO’s actions resulted in civilian casualties, which NATO has refused to investigate; and (5) NATO abdicated its responsibility to protect Libyans from the human suffering that continued subsequent to Qaddafi’s execution. (author's abstract)

This paper examines early warning of, and political responses to, mass atrocities in East Timor in the late 1970s. Using newly-declassified intelligence and diplomatic records, it describes Indonesia’s invasion of East Timor in 1975 and its three year military campaign to crush the East Timorese resistance. It shows that the campaign resulted in mass deaths due to famine and disease, and considers the United Nations’ response to the unfolding crisis. It evaluates the level of international awareness of the humanitarian crisis in East Timor by inspecting contemporaneous eyewitness reports by foreign diplomats from states with a keen interest in Indonesia: Australia, the United States, New Zealand and Canada. In contrast to a popular, highly lauded view, the paper shows that these states did not “look away”; rather, they had early warning and ongoing knowledge of the catastrophe but provided military and diplomatic assistance to Indonesia. The paper contrasts a counter-productive effort by civil society activists with a very effective one, and thus demonstrates the role that robust scholarship can play in terminating atrocities. (author's abstract)

Advocates of elicitive conflict transformation (ECT) maintain that the parties to a conflict are the most important resource in efforts to render that conflict less violent. According to them, the transformation of the conflict is immanent to the conflict itself. The claim of ECT theorists is that classical conflict resolution has mostly aimed at overcoming a conflict by means of neutral mediation, while conflict transformation is not primarily concerned with terminating a conflict and considers the conflict worker as part of the conflict system. Although ECT is a communication-based model of conflict management and relies on human media, its media-theoretical aspects are not made explicit, raising the question of what role technological media play in the communicative processes that make up ECT techniques. Through an examination of the claimed differences between conflict resolution and conflict transformation, and focusing on the common roots of new media and the elicitive model in systems and cybernetic theory, this paper asks whether any peacebuilding potential of new media could be found in a specific anti-propagandistic quality of distributed technological media. It concludes by looking at any such potential in social media. (author's abstract)

The communication revolution has shifted the paradigm of diplomacy by emphasizing the role of public diplomacy, at the same time complicating the environment within which state-managed public diplomacy is conducted. The rise of regional media has provided weaker states with opportunities to challenge the monopoly of information on the part of the more powerful states. Al-Hurra, the American sponsored channel to the Arab World, stands as evidence of the challenges facing US policies in this part of the world because of the influential role of regional media. It was particularly Al-Jazeera that transformed the media sphere in the Arab World as well as globally in what became known as “Al-Jazeera effect”. The paper argues that identity presentation plays a major role in determining performance of the public diplomacy of the media. (author's abstract)

This article explores how strategic communication, public diplomacy, international governmental broadcasting, and social media networking can be brought together in a system of strategic influence and global engagement. The analysis offers a contrasting approach to various views of public diplomacy or strategic communication which privilege one form of governmental influence over others and treat partial aspects of national persuasion as complete pictures of government communication aimed at foreign audiences. Because so much of public diplomacy literature today emphasizes social media, it is necessary to determine how specific tools of influence such as international broadcasting, can be used in ways that fit new thinking in public diplomacy as well as continuously emerging new media ecologies. (author's abstract)

Dramatic symmetries in strategies and techniques of persuasion create challenges to the functioning of established actors in the global media ecology, including international broadcasters. This essay articulates an adaptation of the concept of asymmetric warfare to the field of propaganda, persuasion and recruitment. It examines the particular challenge of certain asymmetric entrants, including ISIS and categorizes how the more traditional entities and government institutions react to these new entrants in markets for loyalties. (author's abstract)

As Falk notes, the International Criminal Court represents an idealistic mentality, optimistic about the possibility of reforming the international system in order to prevent certain behaviour by establishing an international authority capable of punishment and deterrence. Growing support for the International Criminal Court can be directly related to the growth of legal regimes committed to the protection of human rights, and to the growth of international humanitarian law, which presupposes a conception of the individual as the bearer of rights and obligations, as well as an interest in protecting the individual from gross violations of human rights. Now that the International Criminal Court has received sufficient ratifications from Member States of the United Nations, it exists as a legal entity with jurisdiction over international crimes and a mandate to hold perpetrators of human rights abuses accountable for their actions. As such, the Court can be seen as a declaration that certain behaviour will not be tolerated by the international community, and that individuals will be held accountable for violating these standards. (author's abstract)

Governance has become the new buzz word in both economic and political science, particularly in terms of what governance means for the international arena. However, it is also a term that is confusing to many. What does it mean to speak about “governance”? Does it refer to the coordination of sectors of the economy, corporate governance, policy networks, “good governance” as a reform objective promoted by the IMF and the World Bank, public management, or public-private partnerships? (author's abstract)

This paper is an attempt at reconstituting the emergence of the international mechanisms of criminal justice after the Cold War from the point of view of the articulation between the fundamental norm of the modern system of states -sovereignty- and the corpus of human rights, more precisely, on the regime formation of international criminal justice. Our approach will focus on the political, rather than on the legal aspects of this process. While it is difficult enough to conceptualize and to theoretically justify the link between sovereignty and the possibility for individuals to become subjects of international law, a further obstacle to the emergence of international criminal justice is the overcoming of the strategic interests of particular states, especially great powers, in establishing such a jurisdiction. Since international law remains politically negotiable, we will try to look into the political context that allowed for the developments that led, at the end of the 1990s, to the creation of the ICC, as well as to the transformation of the meaning of "sovereignty", in order to include the responsibility to protect citizens against ethnic cleansing, genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. Thus, some of the questions addressed in this contribution will be: which is the conceptual link between sovereignty and human rights? Subsequently, how do individuals become subjects of international law? Which is the extent of the "universality" of human rights? The linkage between these sets of questions might provide a critical perspective on the transformation of international politics.

The policy was introduced by the U.S. President Barack Obama early in his first administration in 2010, marked specific changing to the U.S. foreign policy like never before. The U.S. continuously views South and South East Asia, including the Indian Ocean, as a crucial driver for America’s economic growth and prosperity throughout the 21st century. Numerous numbers of cooperation and partnership have been done to enhance the ties between the U.S. and the regions. The U.S. presence and involvement in most essential regional meetings and summits can also be seen as an effort to seek opportunities, politically, economically, as well as security. This article tries to analyze how the U.S. rebalance towards Asia policy, a term used for the U.S.' foreign policy influenced the regional stability in Asia-Pacific region.

Although multipolar, Global International Society has unipolar (imperial) trends too. Even if it is dominated by several stakeholders, current international system is a strong “state system”. Yet only a small number of states have structural power being able to influence the nature of international system. Multidimensional system of power determines hierarchy and balance of power in Global International Society. International agendas are interdependent – military, economic and environmental agendas provide the premises to promote unipolar trends.

"Starke Nichtverbreitungsregimes sind notwendig, um Sicherheit zu gewährleisten. Neue und effektivere Instrumente werden benötigt, um den Herausforderungen durch sekundäre Proliferateure und nichtstaatliche Organisationen zu begegnen." (Autorenreferat)

"Über die Zukunft der Beziehungen zwischen der VR China und Taiwan herrscht Uneinigkeit und Ungewissheit. Mögliche Szenarien beinhalten sowohl Vereinigung als auch militärische Auseinandersetzungen." (Autorenreferat)