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The development of metropolitan cities inevitably relies on natural resources beyond their boundary through trade of materials and products, particularly within the same urban agglomeration. Meanwhile trade facilitates the optimization of resource allocations under scarcity, among cities and sectors, and therefore generates economic gains. This study constructs an economic evaluation model combining a Multi-Regional Input-Output model and a Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) to quantify the economic impacts of virtual water trades among the 13 cities in the JingJinJi region (China national capital area), one of the most water-scarce regions in China. We found that the total virtual water trade among the 13 cities amounted to 927 million m3 in 2012, among which agricultural sectors contributed 90% while the industrial sector and service sector together made up the remaining 10%. While Beijing and Tianjin are the main virtual water importers, importing respectively 300.48 and 226.92 million m3 in 2012, Shijiazhuang was the largest virtual water exporter, exporting 173.29 million m3 virtual water in the same year. Due to their more advanced economic conditions, Beijing and Tianjin also have the highest shadow prices of water, at respectively 912.21 and 831.86 CNY per m3, compared to a range of 79.31 to 263.03 CNY per m3 in cities in Hebei. Virtual water flows from cities in Hebei to Beijing and Tianjin thus generate economic gains. It is estimated that virtual water trades in the JingJinJi region have generated a net economic gain of 403.62 billion CNY in 2012, particularly owing to trades of agricultural products from Shijiazhuang to Beijing and Tianjin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dietary improvement not only benefits human health conditions, but also offers the potential to reduce the human food system's environmental impact. With the world's largest population and people's bourgeoning lifestyle, China's food system is set to impose increasing pressures on the environment. We evaluated the minimum environmental footprints, including carbon footprint (CF), water footprint (WF) and ecological footprint (EF), of China's food systems into 2100. The minimum footprints of healthy eating are informative to policymakers when setting the environmental constraints for food systems. The results demonstrate that the minimum CF, WF and EF all increase in the near future and peak around 2030 to 2035, under different population scenarios. After the peak, population decline and aging result in decreasing trends of all environmental footprints until 2100. Considering age-gender specific nutritional needs, the food demands of teenagers in the 14–17 year group require the largest environmental footprints across the three indicators. Moreover, men's nutritional needs also lead to larger environmental footprints than women's across all age groups. By 2100, the minimum CF, WF and EF associated with China's food systems range from 616 to 899 million tons, 654 to 953 km3 and 6513 to 9500 billion gm2 respectively under different population scenarios. This study builds a bridge between demography and the environmental footprints of diet and demonstrates that the minimum environmental footprints of diet could vary by up to 46% in 2100 under different demographic scenarios. The results suggest to policymakers that setting the environmental constraints of food systems should be integrated with the planning of a future demographic path. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several studies have demonstrated the continuum of cooperation on transboundary rivers, but have largely focused on government to government (Track 1) cooperation and formal diplomacy. Formal arrangements like treaties, agreements, joint mechanisms, joint bodies, joint commissions (e.g., river basin organizations), etc., fall within the scope of transboundary waters cooperation. However, in some transboundary rivers, often due to political constraints, Track 1 cooperation might not be a feasible option. When governmental cooperation is a non-starter, effort and progress made outside the government domain through informal dialogues can play a significant role. It is therefore important to re-examine the definition of cooperation as it applies to international rivers, and potentially to broaden its scope. Such an examination raises important questions: What does international cooperation in this context actually mean? Is it formal (Track 1) cooperation related to sharing of water, data, and information only, or does it have a broader meaning? What, precisely, can be the entry point for such cooperation? Are informal transboundary dialogues and water diplomacy itself an entry point for cooperation on international rivers? This paper aimed to answer these critical questions drawing from the "Brahmaputra Dialogue" project initiated in 2013 under the South Asia Water Initiative (SAWI), which involved the four riparian countries of the Brahmaputra Basin. Several important focal points of cooperation emerged through this sustained dialogue, which went beyond sharing hydrological data or signing a basin-level treaty, broadening the definition of "cooperation". The paper, bringing evidence from the dialogue, argues that the Brahmaputra Dialogue process has led to a broader understanding of cooperation among basin stakeholders, which could influence water resource management of the basin in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]