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High-density polyethylene (HDPE) and polypropylene (PP) blends are widely used in industries requiring mechanically durable materials, yet the impact of processing parameters on blend performance remains underexplored. This study investigates the influence of blending sequence and screw speed on the properties of blends of HDPE and PP filled with 1.25 wt.% graphene nanoplatelets (GNPs). Changes in crystallization behaviour, tensile strength, and viscoelastic responses with blending sequence are studied. The addition of GNP increases the crystallization temperature (Tc) of PP in the PE/PP blend by 4 °C when GNP is pre-mixed with PE to form (PE+GNP)/PP blends. In contrast, when GNP is pre-mixed with PP to create (PP+GNP)/PE blends, the Tc of PP rises by approximately 11 °C, from 124 °C for the neat PE/PP blend to 135 °C. On the other hand, the Tc of PE remains unchanged regardless of the blending sequence. XRD patterns reveal the impact of blending regime on crystallinity, with GNP alignment affecting peak intensities confirming the more efficient interaction of GNPs with PP when premixed before blending with PE, (PP+GNP)/PE. Tensile moduli are less sensitive to the changes in processing, e.g., screw speed and blending sequence. In contrast, elongation at break and tensile toughness show distinct variations. The elongation at the break of the (PP+GNP)/PE blend decreases by 30% on increasing screw speed from 50 to 200 rpm. Moreover, the elongation at the break of (PE+GNP)/PP prepared at 100 rpm is ~40% higher than that of the (PP+GNP)/PE. (PE+GNP)/PP displays a 'quasi-co-continuous' morphology linked to its higher elastic modulus G′ compared to that of the (PP+GNP)/PE blend. This study highlights the importance and correlation between processing and blend properties, offering insights into fine-tuning polymer composite formulation for optimal performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work studies the effects of graphene nanoplatelets (GNPs) and hexagonal boron nitride (hBN) on the thermal and mechanical properties of polydimethylsiloxane (PDMS) matrix for use as thermal interface materials (TIMs). Solution mixing of 10 wt% GNPs and 40 wt% hBN with PDMS produced TIMs with through-plane thermal conductivity (TC) of 1.24 W m−1 K−1 showing a 519% increase relative to the neat matrix. A synergistic effect between GNPs and hBN was particularly demonstrated when in samples with 48 wt% total filler content, 8 wt% hBN was replaced by GNPs, and the TC was increased by 33%. The elongation at break of the hBN (40 wt%)/GNP (8 wt%) samples reached 151%, representing a 160% increase when compared to samples with only 40 wt% hBN. Moreover, the shore hardness of samples containing 40 wt% hBN was 68 A, and the introduction of 8 wt% GNPs caused a decrease to 38 A. DSC measurements on samples filled with hBN and GNPs showed a reduction up to 65% in Ultimate Heat of Curing, which was attributed to the presence of graphene flakes interfering with the curing of the matrix. Graphene was found to be an efficient filler in tuning the thermal and mechanical properties of TIMs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Yogalehrbuch is said to have been established in Central Asia and to have a similar terminology to the Sarvāstivāda. However, the exact background of the relation is yet unknown. This paper discusses two points. First, I examine the structure of ānāpānasmṛti and how the meditative images relate to the descriptions of Abhidharmic texts. The results show that the Yogalehrbuch adopts the steps of the Sarvāstivāda but does not reflect a highly systematized doctrine. The second is a comparison of its unique meditative images (oil, abhiṣeka, the Buddhas of the past, and Maitreya) with two meditation manuals, the Secret Essentials and the Methods of Curing, and two early esoteric sūtras. The results show that the abhiṣeka in the Yogalehrbuch is close to the two meditation manuals, while it represents more the life of Śākyamuni, which is also found in esoteric Buddhism, rather than the healing of illness. However, the Methods of Curing refers to a dhāraṇī similar to those found in two esoteric sūtras. The two sūtras use abhiṣeka as the name of dhāraṇīs, not as meditative images. From the above, it is hypothesized that the Yogalehrbuch was established within a background in which elements of early esoteric Buddhism could be found but had not yet seen the development of dhāraṇīs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The religious worldview of the mantranaya (esoteric Mahāyāna or Vajrayāna) can arguably be seen as rooted in the perspective that reality (tattva) is to be self-experienced (svasamvedya) through contemplative practices, serving as both their means (upāya) and expression (caryā). The tantric path-model of Padmavajra's Guhyasiddhi, an exegetical text in the Guhyasamāja tradition, supposedly enables individuals to rapidly realize reality, a state also referred to as mahāmudrā or other, within a single lifetime. This path-model describes a transformation leading to the revelation of ultimate realization leaving behind conventional means. These two levels correspond to two stages, the stage of arising (utpattikrama), serving as the foundation for the stage of the arisen (utpannakrama). While the first stage is like a supporting framework giving rise to the correct view, in the second stage, the practitioner cultivates the view that has arisen. The practices of the latter stage eventually become inseparable from the view itself, meaning they are practical expressions of the view exemplified in doctrines like unmattavrata and other forms of observances integral to the mahāmudrā doctrine. Thus, contemplative practices and the established worldview mutually inform each other in a reciprocal relationship. Simultaneously, this system of practice and view continues to influence and shape religious practices and rituals as they are transmitted, e.g., through teacher–disciple lineages (guruparaṃparā). In this paper, I will explore this relationship through the critical edition and annotated translation of Guhyasiddhi's first chapter by Padmavajra (ca. late 8th and early 9th century), in which a clear exposition of the relationship in question is presented. My analysis of it, thus connecting the work to more general Buddhist concepts, follows a two-level framework, that is, the well-known two-fold system of conventional/implicit (a) and definitive/explicit (b), which can be seen as equivalent to utpatti- (a) and utpannakrama (b). The efficiency of promoted practices accords with the practitioner's correct assessment of tattva which, following Padmavajra, is the basis for engagement in tantric practices per se. The first part provides the analysis, given in 1.1–1.5, of Padmavajra's system and is based on the second part, the annotated translation (2.1) and critical edition (2.2) of Padma-vajra's Guhyasiddhi chapter one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a continuation of an earlier study published by the current author dedicated to the virtually unexplored tantric Buddhist scholar of the phyi dar period, *Jñānākara (11th century), through the textual analysis of his masterpiece, the Introduction to the [Path of] Mantra (Skt. *Mantrāvatāra), now available only in the Tibetan translation as Gsang sngags 'jug pa. In the previous paper, I have discussed the broader historical framework of the eleventh-century Indo-Tibetan world and *Jñānākara's role in establishing, what I called, the "orthodoxy of tantric practice". I have also provided a critical edition of the root text, the *Mantrāvatāra, accompanied by an English translation. While the previous study focused mainly on the debatable and highly controversial issue of tantric sexual initiations adopted by the monastics and hermeneutical tools employed by *Jñānākara to refute the literal interpretation of tantric scriptures, the current paper will concentrate on the exposition of tantric practice understood as the accumulation of causes and conditions (hetu-pratyaya) leading to the status of the siddha. This paper will trace tantric and non-tantric elements in *Jñānākara's construction of the Buddhist siddha that integrated the kāya doctrine of the Yogācāra. My analysis will be based on *Jñānākara's auto-commentary to his root text, the Commentary to the Introduction to the [Path of] Mantra (Skt. *Mantrāvatāravṛtti, Tib. Gsang sngags 'jug pa 'grel pa) which has not received any scholarly attention so far. Special attention will be paid to the intertextual dimension of his discourse that integrates the Mahāyāna models of the bodhisattva path. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Da fangdeng rulaizang jing大方等如來藏經 (Skt. Tathāgatagarbha-sūtra), translated by Buddhabhadra佛陀跋陀羅 (358–429) is one of the early Chinese Buddhist canon texts where the term foxing佛性 (Jp. busshō; Buddha-nature) is clearly used to express Buddha-nature. However, the term foxing cannot be confirmed in other extant translations of the Tathāgatagarbha-sūtra. Another early text in the Chinese Buddhist canon, the Da banniepan jing大般涅槃經 (Skt. Mahāparinirvāṇa-mahāsūtra), translated by Dharmakṣema曇無讖 (385?–433), also used the term foxing, which cannot be correspondingly confirmed in the surviving Sanskrit fragments of this scripture. Some significant differences in foxing between the Sanskrit fragments and Dharmakṣema's translation of this sutra belong to the first twelve fascicles of Dharmakṣema's translation completed under his collaborators' support when he had not mastered the Chinese language. It is very likely that Faxian法顯 (337–422) translated a version of the Mahāparinirvāṇa-mahāsūtra that featured buddhadhātu as foxing. Buddhabhadra, in the same period, translated a version of the Tathāgatagarbha-sūtra, in which he favoured the term foxing over a literal translation of the Sanskrit. As another contemporary monk with these two, Dharmakṣema translated the Mahāparinirvāṇa-mahāsūtra, going further than Faxian by using the term foxing regularly. These texts influenced the Dilun monastic tradition地論宗. Among these, the term foxing and its Sinicism explanations played the most significant role, influencing the whole of the Chinese and even East Asian Buddhist thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on practices and teachings from Daoism, neo-Confucianism, and tantric Buddhism, Yoshida Kanetomo (1435–1511) created the system of Yuiitsu Shintō, also known eponymously as Yoshida Shintō, all the while making claims for Shintō as the world's original religion. Important for the establishment of Yoshida Shintō was the creation of a program of rituals. This essay examines one of the three rituals created for the Yoshida ritual program, the Yoshida Shintō goma ritual, which hybridizes tantric Buddhist ritual organization and Daoist symbolism. A pragmatics of ritual is developed as a means of identifying the factors that Yoshida felt were salient in presenting the goma as a Yoshida Shintō ritual. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I would firstly like to supplement my observations and the materials used in the earlier paper "The aśubhā Meditation in the Sarvāstivāda". I shall remark on the authenticity of the suicide tradition, and show further how the aśubhā meditation continued to be recommended in all the Buddhist traditions. A major concern of my discussion will focus on the Buddhist traditional understanding of the meditative transition from the experience of the impure to that of the pure. In the context of this developmental process, I shall further attempt to demonstrate that: along this traditional understanding, Mahāyānistic and even Tantric elements came to be interfused with the traditional—especially Abhidharma—meditative doctrines in the milieu of an increasing interest relating to buddha-visualization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay will explore the challenges presented by transgressive rituals, particularly the secret and wisdom-consort consecrations found in the Mahāyoga and Yoginī tantras. In particular, it examines how Atiśa Dīpaṅkara Śrījñāna aided in the dissemination of these traditions to Tibet during the eleventh century, in part through encouraging the enactment of transgressive rituals via internal visualization. I will do so through the exploration of a largely unstudied work by Atiśa, his commentary on a meditation manual (sādhana) attributed to the mahāsiddha Lūipa, "The Realization of the Cakrasaṃvara", Cakrasaṃvarābhisamaya. Through an examination of this work, I will argue that Atiśa played an important role in facilitating the acceptance of the Yoginītantras in Tibet, during a time when tantric traditions were subject to a considerable amount of scrutiny. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The interpretation of early Buddha images with a crown has long been a source of debate. Many scholars have concluded that the iconography of the crown is intended to denote Śākyamuni as a cakravartin or universal Buddha. A few have suggested it represents a sambhogakāya Buddha in Mahāyāna Buddhism. This art historical and Buddhological study examines the visual record of early crowned Buddhas along the Silk Road, focusing on the iconographic signifiers of the crown, silk items, and ornaments, and interprets them within a broader framework of Buddhist theoretical principals and practice. Not only is this a visual analysis of iconography, it also considers contemporary Buddhist literary evidence that shows the development of the iconography and ideology of the crowned Buddha. As a result of this examination, I propose that the recurring iconographic evidence and the textual evidence underscore the intention to depict a form of sambhogakāya Buddha as an early esoteric meditational construct. Moreover, many Buddhas perform one of the two mudrās that are particular to the esoteric form of Vairocana Buddha. Therefore, the iconography also signifies the ideology of the archetypal Ādi Buddha as an esoteric conception. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I would like to reframe our understanding of the role played by doxographies or classification of views (Skt. siddhānta, Ch. panjiao 判教, Tib. grub mtha') in the Buddhist tradition as it pertained to Tibetan attempts at defining and organizing the diversity of Buddhist contemplative practices that made their way into Tibet since the introduction of Buddhism to the Tibetan plateau in the seventh century, all the way up to the collapse of the Tibetan Empire in the ninth century. In order to do that, this article focuses on one such doxography, the Lamp for the Eye in Meditation (bsam gtan mig sgron), composed in the 10th century by the Tibetan scholar Nupchen Sangyé Yeshé. The first part of the article will place Nupchen's text in the larger historical and intellectual context of the literary genre of doxographies in India, China, and Tibet. The second part of the article will argue that Nupchen used the doxographical genre not only as a vehicle for organizing and articulating doctrinal and contemplative diversity, but also as a tool for the construction of a new and original system of Tibetan Buddhist practice known as 'the Great Perfection' (rdzogs chen). Finally, and as a small homage to the recent passing of the great religious studies scholar Jonathan Z. Smith, I would also like to reflect on the importance that the issues of definition, comparison, and classification—central concerns of Nupchen's as well as of Smith's works—have in creating and articulating religious difference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]