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Le contraste entre la musique et les fictions litteraires et picturales est apparent. Cependant les experiences de l'auditeur sont riches en sensation imaginaire. Peut-on alors attribuer une part de fiction aux oeuvres musicales?

Aesthetics is often classified as a branch of value theory. This classification is curious and in some ways objectionable. Many important issues of aesthetics, as traditionally practiced, have no direct connection with notions of value or evaluation. This is as it should be, if aesthetics is the theoretical or philosophical examination of the cultural institution of art. For there is much to the institution besides evaluation, and one might argue that it is far more important to understand and appreciate works of art than to decide how good they are. It is arguable, also, that the interest we do have in evaluating works of art is a somewhat parochial feature of the cultural surroundings of the fine arts in Western society during the last several hundred years, that it is much less important in other contexts. We must not assume that all cultures in which people produce and enjoy or find satisfaction in what we call works of art even recognize anything much like our notion of aesthetic value. But there is no denying that this notion plays an important role in the practices surrounding the fine arts in recent Western culture, and for that reason alone it deserves attention. The notion of aesthetic value can look very questionable when we do attend to it, however. The worries are familiar. There is enormous variety among the works we take to be of high aesthetic quality, and our reasons for praising them, for pronouncing them aesthetically valuable, are astonishingly diverse. Some good or great works stimulate, some soothe, others are disturbingly provocative or upsetting. Some afford intellectual pleasures; others emotional experiences-fulfilling emotional experiences in some instances, distressing ones in others. Some works offer insight or illumination; others catharsis. Some provide escape from everyday cares; others help us to deal with them. Some require careful study and analysis; others wear their charms on their sleeves. Great works can be exuberant or gloomy; they can be intense, or serene, or painful, or funny. "Aesthetic value" appears to be an incredible grab bag. What justification is there for speaking of a single kind of value in cases of all of these sorts? The distinctiveness of aesthetic value, as well as its unity, threatens to evaporate under scrutiny. Formalists such as Clive Bell and Eduard Hanslick who postulate the autonomy of aesthetic value (or musical value) take a heroic course. Much of what we take to be aesthetically valuable about many works of art seems thoroughly intertwined with concerns of everyday life, with "practical" values of various kinds, with cognitive and moral and religious values. It just does not seem plausible that what is so wonderful aesthetically about much great poetry, for instance, has nothing at all to do with the insight we receive from it, or that the feelings one has in appreciating music aesthetically are entirely unlike and irrelevant to everyday emotions-even granting that to be informative or to elicit emotional responses is not thereby to have aesthetic value. Could it be that aesthetic value supervenes on or is otherwise dependent on the capacity to provide practical or cognitive or emotional benefits of various kinds? If so, it may be possible to preserve its unity; a single sort of value might supervene or depend on any of various other kinds of value. And the supervening or dependent value may itself be distinct from the "practical" and other everyday values that it supervenes or depends on. I will propose an account of aesthetic value

Acknowledgments Introduction PART 1: REPRESENTATIONS 1. Representation and Make-Believe 1. Imagining 2. Prompters 3. Objects of Imaginings 4. Imagining about Oneself 5. Props and Fictional Truths 6. Fictionality without Props: Dreams and Daydreams 7. Representations 8. Nonfigurative Art 9. Fictional Worlds 10. The Magic of Make-Believe 2. Fiction and Nonfiction 1. Nonfiction 2. Fiction versus Reality 3. Linguistic Strategies 4. Fiction and Assertion 5. Pretended and Represented Illocutionary Actions 6. Fiction Making as an Illocutionary Action? 7. Mixtures, Intermediates, Ambiguity, Indeterminacy 8. Legends and Myths 9. A Note on Truth and Reality 10. Two Kinds of Symbols? 3. Objects of Representation 1. What Objects Are 2. Representation and Matching 3. Determinants 4. Representing and Referring 5. Uses of Objects 6. Reflexive Representation 7. The Inessentiality of Objects 8. Nonactual Objects? 4. The Mechanics of Generation 1. Principles of Generation 2. Direct and Indirect Generation 3. Principles of Implication 4. The Mechanics of Direct Generation 5. Silly Questions 6. Consequences PART 2: APPRECIATING REPRESENTATIONS 5. Puzzles and Problems 1. Rescuing Heroines 2. Fearing Fictions 3. Fictionality and Other Intentional Properties 6. Participation 1. Participation in Children's Games 2. Appreciators as Participants 3. Verbal Participation 4. Restrictions on Participation 5. Asides to the Audience 6. Seeing the Unseen 7. Psychological Participation 1. Fearing Fictionally 2. Participating Psychologically 3. Paradoxes of Tragedy 4. Suspense and Surprise 5. The Point of Participation 6. Appreciation without Participation PART 3: MODES AND MANNERS 8. Depictive Representation 1. Depiction Defined 2. Looking at Pictures and Looking at Things 3. Styles of Depiction 4. Realism 5. Cross-Modal Depiction 6. Musical Depictions 7. Points of View (in Depictions) 8. Conclusion 9. Verbal Representations 1. Verbal Depiction 2. Narration 3. Two Kinds of Reliability 4. Nonverbal Narration 5. Absent and Effaced Narrators 6. Storytelling Narrators 7. Mediation 8. Points of View in Narrated Representations PART 4: SEMANTICS AND ONTOLOGY 10. Doing without Fictitious Entities 1. The Problem 2. Speaking within and about Fictional Worlds 3. Ordinary Statements 4. Unofficial Games 5. Variations 6. Logical Form 11. Existence 1. Betrayal and Disavowal 2. Claims of Existence and Nonexistence Works Cited Index

Photographs and pictures of other kinds have various strengths and weaknesses. But photography is commonly thought to excel in one dimension especially, that of realism. Andre Bazin and many others consider photographs to be extraordinarily realistic, realistic in a way or to an extent which is beyond the reach of paintings, drawings, and other "handmade" pictures. This attitude is encouraged by a rich assortment of familiar observations. Photographs of a crime are more likely to be admitted as evidence

The claim that the mass media exercise a strong influence on people's political attitudes and behavior enjoys a wide currency-though not any more than the disclaimer. Common sense tells us that the mass media affect how we perceive political reality and what part of it, since few experience politics firsthand. Yet voting research has generally failed to turn up evidence for sizeable media effects, at least as far as changing people's votes is concerned. Studies examining the media and electoral choice have stressed activation and reinforcement, but discounted conversion.' This does not necessarily reduce the role of the mass media to insignificance, but it provides little or no support for the proposition that electoral change, to the extent that it occurs, results from mass media influence. Whether or not one deplores it, the notion that media exposure is associated with more, rather than less, voting stability is perplexing. But few studies have offered evidence that would satisfactorily resolve this apparent puzzle. It is the goal of this study to probe the relationship between media use and voting stability. We shall examine two prominent hypotheses-one stressing partisan affect, the other one cognitive elaboration-and assess their explanatory power. Our interest focuses on the West German electorate during the 1960s and 1970s. This perspective allows for a fresh look at the problem in more than one way. First of all, the Federal Republic represents an especially interesting case for such an inquiry, having rebuilt a democratic system on the rubble of a defeated totalitarian regime. Attitudes supporting a democratic form of government, loyalties to newly formed or reemerged political parties and other political orientations had to be formed in the West German mass public. Such a need creates unique opportunities for the mass media to play an influential role. Second, the mass media in West Germany, while professing to be independent and nonpartisan, generally follow particular ideological and partisan lines, with

This article examines the continuing controversy about party identification in West Germany from a generational perspective. A causal analysis in which party identification is seen as the intervening variable between social background and voting behavior is conducted for six age cohorts with data from a 1972 election study. This reveals that the model fits better among young Germans than it does among older ones. The possibility that these results represent generational differences is then tested through cohort analysis with data from a 1953 survey. The article concludes with several hypotheses about the nature of the partisan acquisition process in West Germany.

1. Two important modes of representation in the arts are depiction and narration. My purpose in this paper is to compare them in certain respects. It will be necessary first to say a few things about representations in general, and to indicate roughly what I mean by "depiction" and "narration". This stage setting involves issues which I have discussed elsewhere (cf. [1] and [2] )1; I shall give them here only the minimal treatment necessary to get on with the plot. Propositions which are "true in a novel", "true in (the world of) a picture", etc., are "fictionally true". A novel or picture determines what is fictionally true; it "generates" fictional truths. Kafka's The Trial generates the fictional truth that Joseph K. is arrested, and Cezanne's The Card Players generates the fictional truth that two men are playing cards. Certain collections of fictional truths constitute "fictional worlds". Roughly, a fictional world consists of the fictional truths generated by a single work. There is no need to define "depiction" now. It will suffice to say simply that pictures, sculptures, and works in the visual arts generally, when they are representational, are depictive representations. Narrative representations are literary works in which there is a narrator or dramatic speaker. More precisely, a literary work is a narrative representation just in case it is fictionally true, of the words of the text, that there is someone who speaks (or writes) them. This (fictional) person is the narrator. The narrator may be a central character with a name and a piece of

Most recent discussions of the contemporary West German political system have emphasized the passive nature of individual involvement and participation in politics in that country. Lewis J. Edinger, for example, argues that the "quiescent subject" role is still quite pervasive in West Germany. He suggests that political participation occurs more as a result of the feeling that one must fulfill one's civic duty than that one can exercise some control over the political process through such political participation.1 In a thoughtful examination of rightest extremism in West Germany, Steven Warnecke comes to a similar conclusion. He contends that attitudes and values supportive of the existing democratic political structure are lacking. His argument is that this is manifested in the "continued existence of attitudes among substantial segments of the electorate which prevent a sense of responsibility for politics and political efficacy from developing, impede the legitimation of the role of public opinion, prevent the individual from seeing society as an emanation from himself and others, and impede the voter from perceiving government as the executive committee of society." 2 The implication of these and similar conclusions is that a democratic political culture simply does not exist in West Germany at the present time. Most of the studies on which these evaluations are based have

P EOPLE, objects, and events are pictured, or depicted, in representational paintings. In novels, by contrast, such things are described. Novels employ "verbal" symbols, whereas (we might say) paintings and other pictures use "visual" ones. This difference is both obvious and elusive. That there is a distinction of a fundamental sort between depicting and describing seems beyond question. But the difference threatens to vanish when we reach for it. In reading a novel to ourselves we look at the print on the pages. We examine a copy of Brothers Karamazov with our eyes in order to find out about Alyosha, as we visually investigate the canvas in order to learn about the peasants in Breughel's painting "Haymaking." Why then don't the marks on the pages of the novel count as "visual" symbols, and the novel as a "visual" art? Of course novels, unlike pictures, can be heard as well as seen, when they are read aloud. Does that mean that the novel is, indifferently, an aural or a visual art? The trouble is that novels seem not to be perceptual at all, in some sense in which paintings (and sculptures) are perceptual, despite the fact that novels, or copies or readings of them, are to be perceived. A too easy explanation is that paintings, or parts of them, look like or resemble what they picture-"Haymaking" looks like fields, peasants at work, haystacks, and so forth. But a copy of Brothers Karamazov does not look like the people and events it describes, nor does any of the print it contains. And neither do the sounds of an oral reading of the novel sound like what is described. There are serious difficulties in this proposal, some

One of the first native western grasses to be cultivated-approximately 1895-and one of the few to have commercial importance, slender wheatgrass (Agropyron trachycaulum) is still, in the delimitation of morphological variation and ecological adaptability, an almost unknown species. Slender wheatgrass has had a turbulent history of nomenclature as evidenced by the list of 32 synonyms cited in Hitchcock and Chase (1950). The highl! variable nature of slender wheatgrass has led to the application of new binomials to variations without too much reflection as to whether specific rank was warranted. Overestimation of the taxonomic importance of easily recognized characters such as the presence or absence of pubescence and of the awn on the lemma has contributed greatly to the confusion (Figure 1). The same conspicuous morphological characters can be used, however, to separate the large number of biotypes of slender wheatgrass into varieties or groups of biotypes. Within the limits of some of the varieties in turn may be found large numbers of biotypes differing from each other only in the relative degree of the conspicuous morphological characters. It is obvious that there is a definite need for the discovery of more deepseated characters upon which to base varietal separation. Perhaps as a direct result of the confusion in nomenclature (w h i c h effectively pigeonholes much information), the ecological adaptability of the many variations are virtually unknown. Schwendiman and Law (1946) say that “next to crested wheatgrass and smooth brome it is the best available perennial cultivated grass a da p t e d to semi-humid conservation seedings.” Piper in 1925 stated that “slender wheatgrass is very variable, the numerous forms being very different one from another. Perhaps in no other native grass is there better opportunity for selection in order to obtain the best form for each section where it is adapted.” The case history of the development of Primar slender wheatstrains adapted to summer rainfall areas-Mecca, Fyra and Grazier -have been developed by Canadian workers. R. A. Peterson (1953) has shown that slender wheatgrass is well adapted to high elevation reseeding. The grass is often listed as a promising species for reseeding in ponderosa pine, pinion-juniper and sagebrush associations. Other than these proven uses, however, agronomically important characters of the varieties, as related to intended region of use, are largely unknown. In terms of intensive range management on a long-time basis that information is sorely needed. To make an effective description and classification of the Agropyro/n