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Archaeological models of economic organization in complex societies frequently hinge on indications of craft specialization. Interpretations of such specialization in the Hawaiian islands often involve large-scale production of basalt adzes at Mauna Kea, the largest known quarry in the Pacific region. The recent discovery of expedient non-specialized production of adzes at Pohakuloa outside the main quarry of Mauna Kea, illustrates another dimension of Hawaiian economic systems. The identification of both small-scale and large-scale adze production has important implications for archaeological studies of craft specialization. The Hawaiian example illustrates that some aspects of production, such as context scale, and intensity, may vary within a single technological tradition. This study also suggests that previous interpretations of craft production that have emphasized differences across time — or across different categories — must also address variation among individual groups of contemporary ...

L'A. explore le role des maisons de guerre dans la structuration de l'espace politique et economique de la savane en Afrique occidentale aux 18 eme et 19 eme siecles. La region etudiee est delimitee par les rivieres Bani, Bandama, et Mouhoun (territoire aux frontieres actuelles du Burkina Faso, de la Cote d'Ivoire, et du Mali). Le concept de maison de guerre est propose comme outil analytique et ethnographique pour l'interpretation de l'histoire politique de la region. Reconnaissant les processus politiques regionaux depassant les limites culturelles et ethniques locales, l'A. conteste cependant la pertinence de la notion d'Etat centralisee, et propose une analyse plus fine de l'organisation politique. Il soutient que l'objectif des maisons de guerre n'etait pas le controle territorial, mais qu'elles fonctionnaient comme des entreprises privees. Les strategies diplomatiques et guerrieres des leaders de maisons avaient pour objectif de combiner l'action militaire, le commerce et les activites productives, afin d'augmenter leur pouvoir. L'A. centre son analyse sur le groupe des maisons de guerre nommees sonanki, qui ont adopte le patronyme de Watara, et qui est originaire de la region autour de la ville de Kong.

Charles Tilly (1984) has advocated the study of “big structures, large processes and huge comparisons” as the surest path to knowledge in the present conjuncture. This essay follows his lead with a comparative study of the transformation of the sugar industry in Martinique and Cuba during the nineteenth century. Slavery in the Americas is commonly viewed as an archaic form of social and economic organization that is incompatible with modern forms of economy and polity emerging in the nineteenth century. Such a perspective presumes the singularity of slavery and represents its abolition throughout the hemisphere as a linear transition to capitalist modernity.

This volume derives from a conference held in 1987 to commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of the publication of Coase's classic article. The first chapter affords an overview of the volume. It is followed by a republication of the 1937 article, and by the three lectures Coase presented at the conference. These lectures provide a lively and informative history of the origins and development of his thought. Subsequent chapters explore a wide-range of theoretical and empirical issues that have arisen in the transaction cost economic tradition. They illustrate the power of the transaction cost approach to enhance understanding not only of business firms, but of problems of economic organization generally.

Behavior, Agency Costs and Ownership Structure." J. Financial Econ., October 1976, pp. 305-360. . "Rights and Production Functions: An Application of Labor-managed Firms and Codetermination." J. Business, October 1979, pp. 469-506. Marshall, Alfred. Principles of Economics, 8th ed. London: Macmillan, 1920. Marshall, Leon Carroll. Readings in Industrial Society: A Study in the Structure and Function of Modern Economic Organization. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1918.

IN MARCH 1902, 3000 men were in St. John's prepared to go to the ice when rumours of lowered wages precipitated a major strike. The event produced minimal violence and delayed the fleet's sailing for only two days. Nevertheless, it was the only major sealing labour action in the era of the famous "wooden walls" and for the first time some limits were placed on the power of the Water Street merchant elite. Long-range causes involve many aspects of Newfoundland political, social, and economic organization; results included sealing safety legislation and encouragement of the foundation of William Coaker's Fisherman's Protective Union. The article discusses the background, evolution, and significance of the strike. EN MARS 1902, alors que 3000 hommes a St. John se preparaient a une expedition sur les glaces, une greve majeure eclata a la rumeur qu'on allait reduire les salaires. Elle se deroula presque sans violence et son declenchement ne retarda le depart de la flotte que pour deux jours. Neanmoins, ce fut la seule greve des travailleurs employes a la chasse des phoques a l'epoque des fameux "wooden walls" et, pour la premiere fois, on restreignit le pouvoir de l'elite marchande de Water Street. Plusieurs aspects de l'organisation politique, socials et economique expliquent la greve et, parmi les consequences du conflit, il faut relever la legislation concernant la securite des chasseurs et l'impulsion donnee a la fondation de la Fisherman's Protective Union de William Coaker. L'article met en relief l'origine, l'evolution et la signification de la greve.

Employees often acquire local (private) information in the process of discharging their delegated duties. An informational asymmetry exists whenever information is known to employees but not to the firm's owners. Informational asymmetries can create a control problem for the owners if the employees use private information to make decisions consistent with their own self-interests but not consistent with the interests of the owners. The owners may try to reduce this control problem by installing management control systems which mitigate this asymmetry. One such particular procedure is participative budgeting, wherein an employee (who possesses private information) communicates some or all of this information to a superior who, in turn, uses this information in setting the budget (and associated performance standards) by which that employee is evaluated. Controversy currently exists about whether such communication is strictly valuable. In this study, I develop reasonable conditions under which communication can be strictly valuable in an economic organization. The development is provided in section 3. A related and even more fundamental economic controversy is the issue of whether strict gains can occur when asymmetries are intentionally created in economic organizations. In managerial accounting, such an event would correspond to providing an employee private access to a

The region of Messenia in extreme SW Greece has recently received unusual attention not only from archaeologists but also from philologists, historians, and various social and natural scientists. This article represents an attempt to synthesize some of the data thus generated in order to explore the locational concerns of the inhabitants in the Late Bronze Age (1600-1100 B.C.). Some statistical techniques are used to generate a prediction of the regional population, to investigate the differential distribution of the population over the varied landscape, and to attempt to understand the significance of the population distribution in terms of the social and economic organization of the developed kingdom of Pylos (13th century B.C.).

Spatial patterns of administrative area reform at the international level and their underlying considerations have been identified through a survey of relevant literature on the theme. While the First World countries of Europe reorganized their local authority areas into bigger and fewer ones with a view to adapting them to the emerging patterns of daily life, their counterparts in North America and Australia did not deem this necessary. The Second World countries invariably replaced their traditional structures by new ones, seeking a unity between administrative and economic organization of space. The Third World countries generally continued with their inherited structures, with some occasional ad hoc modifications mostly toward subdivision. In general, administrative area reform was influenced more by political ideology than by the development level of different countries.

The evidence discussed in this paper supports Alfred Marshall's insistence upon the essential continuity of nineteenth-century economic doctrine. The notion (common to both 'Cambridge' and 'neo-classical' commentators) of a sharp break between classicism and neo-classicism is shown to be untenable, considering, on the one hand, the Ricardo-J.S. Mill appreciation of the fundamental principles of allocation theory; and, on the other, Leon Walras's appreciation of long-run cost analysis. The British classical economists were, it is made clear, in accord with J.B. Say regarding opportunity cost and imputation. De l'identite substantielle des conceptions ricardienne et neo-classique de l'organisation economique. Le mat6riel discut6 dans ce memoire vient soutenir la position d'Alfred Marshall qui insistait sur la continuite essentielle dans l'evolution de la doctrine economique au dix-neuvieme siecle. On montre que l'idee (qu'on retrouve tant chez les commentateurs 'neo-classiques' que 'Cambridgiens') d'une cassure brutale entre l'ecole classique et l'ecole neo-classique est indefendable: une cassure entre l'appr6ciation des principes fondamentaux de la theorie de 1'allocation des ressources chez Ricardo et J.S. Mill, d'une part, et l'appreciation de l'analyse des couits en longue periode chez Walras, d'autre part. On demontre clairement que les economistes classiques britanniques etaient d'accord avec J.B. Say sur les questions de couts d'opportunite et d'imputation.

a controlled environment, these experiments have economic implications. Thus a survey of the empirical evidence of these experiments, as it relates to neoclassical economic theory should be of interest to economists. This is especially true in a period of time when economic analysis is being extended to subjects previously uninvestigated by economists [10; 11; 46; 47; 48], while at the same time its basic assumptions are being challenged from within the profession [20; 21; 24]. The purpose of this review is to indicate some assumptions and implications of neoclassical economic theory, along with alternative theories, that come to different conclusions, about which we have additional empirical observations on the basis of these experiments. The general areas discussed in this paper about which these experiments provide data are: (i) incentives and related assumptions about economic organization, (ii) the theory of occupational choice and (iii) the theory of consumer behavior. In general these experiments support the qualitative predictions of neoclassical economic theory. The data is strongest in its support of the neoclassical view of incentives and of occupational choice. Primarily only qualitative rather than quantitative measures were attempted in these studies, but where quantitative estimates were made, [7; 8; 52], these quantitative estimates were largely consistent with the predictions of economic theory as well. The bulk of the studies of token economies

In a previous paper an effort was made to demonstrate that the economic orbit of the super-met opolitan agglomerate which has developed in the Laurentic Basin of eastern North America between New York and Chicago extends to the Caribbean.' Producers and consumers who live and work in the area composed by the orbit are mutually dependent for goods and services. The system of exchange is concentrated in the agglomerate, which is the focus of the trade of the entire orbit and the central organization through which normal economic relations within the orbit and with the outside are established and maintained. The West Indian countries were described as lying on or near the periphery of the orbit and as marginal in their trade orientation and in their general economic relations with the New York-Chicago agglomerate. They are less dominated by the trade and financial interests of the agglomerate than other areas which fall more definitely within the orbit, and they have the alternative of trading with this or with some other super-metropolitan agglomerate. All the West Indies were formerly colonies of mother countries which are part of the super-metropolitan agglomerate of Western Europe and many of them are still colonies politically, if not economically, of European countries. Their economic ties with Europe remain strong and are reinforced by traditional commercial, financial, cultural, and political patterns and associations. As the New York-Chicago agglomerate has grown in commercial and industrial importance and as it has extended its orbit outward, the West Indies have become more and more under the dominance of this newer expanding economic organization and their ties with the old agglomerate have become more strained and weakened. The entry of the West Indian areas more and more into the new orbit presents problems of reorientation and reorganization which are characteristic of their marginal status. New trade and financial interests conflict with traditional financial structures and trade channels. International conventions and political ties are often survivals of past economic relationships which hamper reorientation. The older economic ties, moreover, are sometimes exceedingly advantageous to the marginal areas and are a mainstay until full integration within the new orbit is accomplished; in other words, until the area ceases to be marginal.

As used in this article, indigenous cooperatives refer to those informal arrangements under which some or all members of different families help one another by working together or by consuming food and drink together while maintaining their separate existence as economic entities. This definition, I hope, clearly distinguishes them from modern cooperatives, which are joint undertakings formed for the purpose of running a modern business. I speak of African indigenous cooperatives because the ones that I have experience of are based on African practices and customs. While I am aware from the writings of economic anthropologists that this mode of economic organization is used in other continents, it is conceivable that details may differ among different peoples.1 Such issues, however, are not my concern here.

The records of civilized societies have tended to be written by, for, and about the elite. Thus, history says very little about the lower classes. This is particularly true of outcastes who are ideologically outside of normal society. In early Japan when census tabulations were taken the outcastes were not usually included because they were not considered to be real people. Some maps were made without outcaste settlements drawn in and maps were foreshortened to exclude their communities. Later, when they were listed in a census, they stand out by being listed separately from "people." They were usually lost to the census takers after their "liberation" in 1871 because after that

The intent of this paper is to consider the manner in which our historic and current system of social and economic organization perpetuates interregional growth and income differentials once they come into existence. The rather general failure of American leaders to understand certain basic causes for such differentials, even as they persist in this country, leads to confusion in the formulation of domestic public policy and in international relations. Here, it will be argued that a free market system of organization, by nature, causes advanced regions (whatever the original cause for advance) to grow, at least in part, at the expense of other regions. Consequently, once income differences emerge they tend to become selfperpetuating, unless some exogenous influence, e.g., government or chance, acts to offset market forces. These results flow from a process of circular causation-income differences causing differentials in savings and investments, human capacities and ambitions, etc., and these, in turn, causing differentials in income.' With appropriate alterations, a similar argument might be made regarding international income differences.

The Mourides of Senegal: The Political and Economic Organization of an Islamic Brotherhood. By Donal B. Cruise O'Brien. New York and London: Oxford University Press, 1971. Pp. xiv, 321. $11.25. The Sufi Orders in Islam. By J. S. Trimingham. New York and Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971. Pp. viii, 333. $10.50. In Search of the Miraculous. By P. D. Ouspensky. New York: Harcourt, Brace, and World, Inc., 1949. Pp. xi, 399. $2.75. The Psychology of Man's Possible Evolution. By P. D. Ouspensky. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1968. Pp. vii, 99. $.95. The Fourth Way. By P. D. Ouspensky. New York: Vintage Books, 1971. Pp. xi, 446. $2.95. The Way of the Sufi. By Idries Shah. New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., Inc., 1970. Pp. 288. $1.95. The Sufis. By Idries Shah. Garden City: Doubleday and Co., Inc., 1971. Pp. xxvii, 451. $2.45. Understanding Islam. By Frithjof Schuon. Baltimore: Penguin Books, Inc., 1972. Pp. 159. $1.45. Dimensions of Islam. By Frithjof Schuon. London: George Allen and Unwin, Ltd., 1970. Pp. 167. $5.50.

*T HE forms of economic organization, together with their geographic distribution, are obvious keys to differences in landscape, and set the limits within which particular geographic structures may develop. In many parts of the world, several distinct economies coexist in the same area, giving an opportunity for comparison of their respective geographic expressions. This is a description of one such area in which different economies occur side-by-side, the Rio Blanco valley of central Chiapas in Mexico. The Rio Blanco zone provides a fair sample of the large area of Tzeltal and Tsotsil Indian settlement in the Chiapas Highlands, still comparatively unintegrated with the modern commercial world. The system of Indian livelihood and the economic frameworks within which it operates stand quite apart from the slowly-advancing commercial order, and much of the land is still completely under the Indian's sway. What is of interest there is not the occurrence of a particular pattern of small villages, tiny patches of irrigated land, and spotty milpa clearings (all of which are familiar enough to anyone who has traveled in this part of the world) but the institutional mechanisms that regulate and distribute economic activity so as to produce such a landscape, and to set it off from other types nearby. Therefore, this article treats not so much geography, ill itself, as those mechanisms that control the scope and kind of geographic patterns that may be seen.

THE words of the distinguished British economist are as significant today as when they were written seven years ago; for, while suggestions as to how to work out an efficient and satisfactory social and economic organization continue to be offered and experimented with on an unpre cedented scale, the problem itself still remains to be solved. During the last decade two attempts at a solution have attracted particular attention, one made by Russian Communism, the other by Italian Fascism. Apparently at opposite poles in their general creed and philosophy, they have one fundamental aim in common: the realization of a new scheme for the social and

Inability TO read Russian or the languages of Eastern Europe is a severe handicap in making any analysis of the U.S.S.R. and associated European states, and the geographer is necessarily dependent upon such information as is available in trans? lations. But the amount of such information on post-war developments is now con? siderable, though much of it is in the form of isolated reports and short statements of policy. There have been a number of searching economic analyses since the war, concerned mainly with economic development plans and prospects in Eastern Europe and with international trade, but there has been very little geographical analysis. One main feature of such an analysis will be the spatial patterns of economic activity, and it is with such patterns that this paper is concerned? patterns on the largest scale. It presents no new facts on the U.S.S.R. or Eastern Europe, but it suggests that an overall pattern of economic activity may be discerned, and that the pattern evolved in the U.S.S.R. has been reproduced in Eastern Europe. It asks to be read with an economic atlas.

T THE economic relations of the American colonies and their European administrators have frequently been described as a struggle between the colonial desire for a free economy and the imperial insistence on economic regulation. Although this approach may suffice for the British colonies during the eighteenth century, in the case of seventeenth-century New Amsterdam it fails to explain a situation in which the traditional roles were often reversed. The officials in New Amsterdam, regardless of whether they were burghers or representatives of the Dutch West India Company, promulgated a series of rules that provided for the supervision of virtually every phase of the local economy. The authorities in the mother country, while imposing duties on the entire colony's overseas commerce, repeatedly objected to those regulations that tended to circumscribe the economic freedom of the individual in either New Amsterdam or in other parts of the province. On the one hand were those in New Amsterdam who wished to perpetuate a type of economic organization that had characterized the towns of the late Middle Ages; on the other were those in Amsterdam who were opposed to the continuation of a system which, in large part, had been outmoded by the very forces that had made their city the center of European capitalism. In this instance, it was the Old World that rejected its old ways and the New World that resisted new ideas.