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Does Trumpism spell the end of ethics and morality in international affairs? This essay argues that it does not. One should not see the crisis of the Liberal International Order as the end of international ethics but rather as an opportunity to reaffirm, redefine, and broaden it. The system of universal morality associated with the liberal order (also known as liberal hegemony) was underpinned by the power and interest of the leading Western nations and gave scant recognition to the ethical and moral claims and contributions of other cultures and civilizations. This structure needs to change. While the discourse on the "clash of civilizations" persists and the leaders of some emerging powers are engaging in civilizational nationalism, the world should and can develop a more universal system of ethics, through dialogue among different civilizations and traditions. Without such an effort, merely lamenting the decline of US global hegemony and, more generally, of Western dominance and predicting disarray, chaos, and disorder in a post-liberal world can turn out to be self-defeating and self-fulfilling. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In progress at the University of Michigan and the National Museum of African American History and Culture, this digital humanities project proposes a virtual writer's house-museum for James Baldwin (1924–1987)—a civil rights movement activist, a black queer intellectual who lived overseas and one of the most important twentieth-century American writers. "Archiving James Baldwin's House" focuses on documenting and making accessible to students, researchers, and fans "Chez Baldwin," the residence where he spent his last sixteen years and where he created his most enduring household. It argues that the remnants of lives we study often lead us outside our comfort zones and become sources of unexpected narrative and visual information; both material and digital, they become personal and physical presences in our lives, extensions of ourselves. Along with the house, "Archiving" showcases artifacts abandoned as debris and refuse that were central to Baldwin's daily life: his voluminous library, foreign editions of his works, research files, phone logs, photographs, journals and magazines, vinyl records, art pieces and posters, even one of his typewriters. These objects—the only surviving archive of Baldwin's life matter—demand preservation as evidence of his black queer dwelling practices that inflected his later works and his vision of late twentieth-century US national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on attacks on academic freedom by tracing the longue durée of the principle originating in professionalization of the academy with its underpinning liberal ideology and U.S. nationalism. It mentions interrogation of racism and settler colonialism in the name of civility and social transformation. It also mentions legislative activities that threaten the autonomy and viability of higher education institutions.

An essay is presented about the studies of transnational American literary research on virulent nationalism during the time of U.S. President Donald Trump. The topics discussed include the travel bans in the U.S., the American literature during the 20th and 21st century, and the writings of author Mark Twain on the invasion of the U.S. on the Philippines.

The article reports on the American West being reinvented to create, circulate and reinforce nationalist narratives of belonging and social exclusion. It refers to Leslie Marmon Silko’s novel "Ceremony" that reveals the construction of the West as a point of origin of U.S. national security during international conflict.

Donald Trump's victory highlighted the growing strength of a populist brand of nationalism in the United States. He stressed the themes of economic protectionism, the need for greater burden sharing in Washington's security alliances, and a much tighter immigration policy. Both during the campaign and since entering the Oval Office, Trump embraced the label of "America First," explaining that his administration's top priority would be to defend and advance America's national interests, rather than promoting the interests of allies or abstract global values. It remains to be seen just how nationalistic, perhaps even insular, U.S. foreign policy will become under a Trump administration, but at the least, it will be more demanding of allies, trading partners, and other powers in the international system. However, U.S. policymakers will have to contend with a growing populist nationalism in other countries as well. The spread of such sentiments is likely to make international cooperation much more difficult, except on narrow issues where the national interests of various nations overlap greatly. The coming years will, therefore, more closely resemble the international system of the 19th and early 20th centuries than the system that has existed since the end of World War II. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented on the impact of earlier uprising, including the American Revolution of 1776, French Revolution of 1789 and the Eastern and Western European Revolution in 1848, on the American Civil War. It discusses various concerns focusing on human equality, socialism, and political autonomy and freedom. The author also discusses the work of R. R. Palmer "The Age of the Democratic Revolution," the establishment of the American Colonization Society, and republican nationalism.

Using a series of letters written by Saxon immigrants living in the United States during the 1930s, this article complicates prevailing views about German ethnic consciousness after World War I. The author argues that immigrants, far from simply being "assimilated" Americans, continued to draw upon their heritage to negotiate challenges unique to their particular group. Subjected to pressures from increasingly exclusive German and American nationalisms, they tried to define Germanness as compatible with the "American Way of life," even though that eventually proved to be impossible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contrary to popularly espoused views in media and policy circles, the underpinnings of US foreign policy find basis not only in the country's liberal value system, but also in a deeply-held and largely unique concept of nationalism. In fact, moral ideals are often a purported justification for US foreign policy. Another important driver is the country's national pride. Consideration of US foreign policy—particularly since the Cold War—makes clear that US nationalism has had a prominent role in nation's policymaking. This article discusses US nationalism, as well as three obstacles that make it difficult to detect the notable influence America's national pride has on the country's foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses how the U.S. Military Academy in West Point, New York has been portrayed in Antebellum American travel literature, focusing on how travel literature fit into the U.S. print culture and helped promote a national identity. Other topics include how travel literature influenced state formation in the early 19th century, the history of the Military Academy in the 19th century, and the role of the Hudson River in enticing tourists to West Point.

The Daughters of the American Revolution (DAR), one of many white lineal societies that emerged in the late-nineteenth century, promoted a fantasy of the nation as an extended white family, united by blood. Yet the DAR faced internal and external challenges before it could transform documented Revolutionary blood into political capital. The organization accomplished this by asserting its biological credentials selectively, not just in racial and class terms, but also in reference to the fitness of its ancestors and descendants. The DAR's "will to descend," and the ambition of its leaders, meant that patriotic character had to be demonstrated as well as celebrated. By narrating a compelling, ethno-nationalist interpretation of U.S. history--inclusive and elitist, democratic and demonstratively exclusionary--the DAR began to exercise a marked influence over political culture within a decade of its founding, culminating in its enthusiastic support for the War with Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented examining the philosophical and literary aesthetics of the American poet and critic Robert Pinsky concerning the theme of memory. Topics addressed include Pinsky's views regarding the greatness of the United States as a nation seen in his 1999 essay "Poetry and American Memory," the theme of memory in his poetic and scholarly output, and Pinsky's identity as a modernist.

This essay explores notions of nationhood, migrants, and settlers in U.S. history. The historic theories of Samuel P. Huntington presented in his book "Who Are We: The Challenges to America's National Identity" are explored. Other subjects considered include Massachusetts Bay Colony Governor John Winthrop and the Puritan settlers, French-American author Hector St. John Crèvecoeur, and the Revolutionary-era pamphlet "Common Sense" by Thomas Paine.