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This paper traces motivational influences from the US-led invasion and occupation of Iraq to patterns of Islamist terrorism in Western Europe. The paper analyses the circumstances of two successful terrorist attacks in Western Europe occurring after the invasion in March 2003. First, we survey the mass casualty attack attributed to a group of al-Qaida associated radical Islamists in Madrid on 11 March 2004, and secondly, the slaughter of a Dutch filmmaker on the streets of Amsterdam, also by an al-Qaida inspired terrorist network. These terrorist attacks were launched in the context of intensified counter-terrorism efforts on the global scene, and the invasion and occupation of Iraq. The paper situates these acts of terrorism within the broader theory of so-called "spillover effects" from armed conflicts to international terrorism. The argument in this paper is that although there were no Iraqi insurgents involved in these two attacks, the Iraq war was a significant motivational factor for the terrorists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing primarily on interviews with decision-makers involved in the intervention in Haiti in 1994, this paper demonstrates that despite its perceived opposition to the use of force, public opinion was not only a determining influence on the decision to intervene, but also influenced the resources employed, the legitimization, and the duration of the intervention. The public opinion factor also helps explain why, shortly after the withdrawal from Mogadishu, the Clinton administration decided to intervene in Haiti yet neither in Bosnia nor Rwanda. Because the intervention was shaped partly based on the perception of the best acceptable option (Barbara Farnham, 1997) for the public and the elite, this paper shows that U.S. decisions on war and strategy are better understood as the result of a tension between political considerations (the need for public support being the major one) and the necessities of a war campaign. Based on interviews with decision-makers, this paper tests two propositions: 1) the influence of public opinion depends on the President's willingness to use political capital, and 2) public opinion's influence on the decision to intervene or to escalate depends on the possibility to design the intervention in a way that will lower the political risks associated to the use of force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The deployment of military forces abroad has been a major component of US grand strategy since the beginning of the Cold War. From providing security to the United States, its interests, and its allies, there are multiple reasons for maintaining forward deployments. It has been from this conict and economic perspective that the Field of international relations has typically approached the issue of military deployments. Beyond the work in political science, others have argued that the presence of American military personnel abroad creates a series of negative externalities that local communities suffer from. In this paper, we put some of these claims to the test by looking at the effect that military deployments have had on crime rates within the host state. More precisely, we examine whether or not US military deployments are significantly asso- ciated with higher levels of criminal activity across a large subset of possible crimes, including theft, physical and sexual assault, and murder. To that end, we employ cross-national crime statistics from the United Nations as well as recently collected data on US troop deployments to examine the impact that a US military presence has on a host country. Consequently, this paper contributes to a greater understanding of the impact that US military deployments, and US foreign policy more broadly, have had on other countries. By extension, this study will also enhance our understanding of the micro-level factors that might affect relationships between alliance partners by examining the roots of domestic opposition to a foreign military presence within a host country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of US nuclear strategy offers an interesting case study of idea influence: while the dominant historical narrative is filled with accounts of the enormous effect civilian strategists and their ideas had on US policies, critics note that actual correlation between expert ideas and expert ideas is sporadic at best. The present paper analyzes the influence of expert ideas on Cold War US nuclear strategy during the debate on counterforce in the late 1950s and early 1960s. It answers the question why the highly rational language of civilian strategist came to dominate the deterrence policy discourse for the better part of the Cold War. Contrary to existing theoretical accounts of idea influence, the paper conceptualizes influence as discursive: ideas are influential when they monopolize the language of the policy discourse, thereby acting as constraints on the beliefs and perceptions of key actors. In order to avoid the pitfalls of previous rational and reflectivist approaches, the selection of ideas for policy use is explained through the concept of persuasiveness. Persuasive ideas are not merely intellectually compelling, but also fit with existing policy problems, ideas, and the general policy environment. Thus, persuasiveness is able to explain strategic use, as well as discursive dominance and subsequent institutionalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research that taps into the biological basis of human cognitive potential has been active in the past decade. Outside of academia, multiple US government agencies, particularly the ones in security communities, also have rising interests in the research and development of cognitive neuroscience applications. In light of this, certain questions need to be investigated: why are the security communities interested in the research of cognitive sciences? What kinds of potential benefits and problems do the research and application of cognitive sciences bring? How do discoveries in cognitive science and neuroscience research relate to the way that human behaviors are theorized in politics and war? The advances in cognitive sciences and their security applications present complex problems, yet the definition of these problems continues to remain ambiguous. This paper explores the ways through which the emerging research and security applications in the cognitive sciences impact how one theorizes about politics and war. Particularly, by emphasizing the "human" element of armed conflicts, this paper shows that certain discoveries in cognitive sciences present potential challenges to some existing assumptions made about combatants in terms of human costs, soldier's morale, and cognitive autonomy. It is suggested that these assumptions have limited scope and utility in light of today's scientific progress and may need further consideration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the emerging threat to the Arctic region as the ice continues to melt and new areas are opened up to foreign penetration. It examines the current international political conditions, particularly in terms of territorial, maritime, and economic issues. With the growing search for new energy resources and the rise of China, the emergence of the Northwest Passage will create a new region of potential security threats and economic opportunities to both Canada and the United States. Trillions of dollars worth of natural resources are now becoming accessible with the melting of the Arctic ice. Thousands of new miles may have to be defended, both militarily and economically, above and below the surface. Will Canada be able to protect its claim to the region and be able and willing to increase its military capabilities to meet future foreign challenges? Can the U.S. stand by and watch others penetrate and threaten the region, especially if Russia and China do so? With its economy in serious trouble for the foreseeable future, the U.S. will be extremely pressed to increase its military forces to adequately protect the Arctic region. Will Canada be able to make up the difference and/or help finance the new U.S. effort? This paper analyzes and evaluates the issue and then makes recommendations on how best to proceed. It concludes with a proposal for an Arctic Regime to stabilize and secure the region for the long term, and it makes a number of suggestions on how to structure this new international organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two foundational concepts that have directly shaped the policy of digital engagement are Habermas's notion of the 'public sphere' and McLuhan's prophesy of an emerging 'global village.' In this paper, I argue that a misreading of these theorists, coupled with an awareness of the marketing and strategic antecedents of digital engagement, reveal that the primary goal of this approach is the legitimization American policies overseas. Moreover, a careful reading of what Habermas and McLuhan in fact say raises doubts as to the feasibility of the kind of world order envisioned by the Obama administration. Habermas, for example, would not recognize the possibility of constructing a consent-based transnational civil society, while McLuhan's vision of an internet-mediated future was, to say the least, pessimistic. By recognizing the complexities of their concepts, as well as the strategic underpinnings of digital engagement, this paper raises questions regarding the working assumptions informing this latest iteration of U.S. public diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper re-introduces deductive analysis to systems theorizing while still being sensitive to the wide variation of international systems, unit types and patterns of governance within those systems. The paper develops three sets of criteria to compare different types of systems and deduces specific behavioral consequences from the typology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to explain recent dramatic changes in US policy toward multilateral arms export control standards and explore its arms export practices with regard to conflict, democracy, and human rights over time. In late 2009, the United States surprised many diplomats, activists, and experts by announcing its support for the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) process, the popular UN initiative that seeks to limit conventional arms transfers to human rights violators and conflict zones. I argue that the Obama administration's sharp reversal of US opposition serves as a relatively low-cost part of its attempt to improve US image abroad through multilateral reengagement. In addition, the paper introduces new data on US small and major conventional arms transfer practices from 1981 to 2004. It finds that although the United States may set what many consider the international gold standard for national arms export policy, its export practice - like that of many other arms exporters - is often inattentive to the conflict and human rights records of its arms trade partners. Whether such trends, if continued to the present day, would detract from the United States' search for renewed status through international cooperation and "responsible" foreign policy may depend as much on its own policies and practice as on those of its peers in the international community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The choice of a governance regime has ceased being an exclusively domestic process. Though debates continue about its effectiveness and morality, democracy promotion has become a channel of virtual global governance, shifting and modifying the domestic authority of the democratizing country. However, the conditions and the extent of similar shifts are yet to be understood. This paper analyzes the conditions and the potential impact of the policies of the main democracy promoters, the EU and the USA, on the democratization processes of Armenia and Georgia. Special attention is paid to elections and civil society building projects as a way of influencing the choice of the authority and the choosers. This paper adapts the international socialization framework by introducing new variable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

U.S. global environmental policy during the Bush administration was widely considered to have fallen short of both global and national needs. Among other actions, critics faulted the administration's disparagement of scientific consensus on climate change and its withdrawal from the Kyoto Protocol, its ideological opposition to multilateral population assistance, its failure to exercise leadership on global sustainability initiatives, and a diversity of foreign policy decisions that have cost the United States much needed political support in critical regions of the world. This paper reviews some of the most important of these policy actions and looks ahead to the challenges Barack Obama will face as the 44th U.S. president. In particular, the paper examines the unique opportunities in 2009 and over the next several years for policy reassessment in energy use and climate change, population and development assistance, and sustainable development initiatives. It also considers the key policy actors who will likely play significant roles in the design, adoption, and implementation of a new generation of policies that can better address existing and emerging global environmental and resource problems. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two foundations of American democracy are the citizen-soldier and the necessary support by the citizenry for its government waging war. This paper is not focusing directly on the validity of these democratic foundations, the efficacy and dilemmas of creating citizen-soldiers, nor judging those who have or are serving. Rather, the paper strives to demonstrate how popular culture can be utilized in an academic setting to illustrate and examine these foundations. The Political Fiction and Film (PF&F) course discussed in this paper addresses, inter alia, the following questions: Why and how should Americans pay attention to their government's war-making actions? What is the intersection of Americans understanding of war, the government's support for and ability to wage war, the role of the military in carrying out war, and the role of citizen-soldiers to fight these wars? To this end, I have created an upper-division, political science course to assist students in analyzing American values toward the military and war, as well as to understand the dialectic process between popular culture and the American citizenry in shaping and being shaped by our reasons to fight. This course is different in that its basis is the use of film and literature as the primary learning tool and subject matter. Films and literature provide essential heuristic tools for today's technological-focused students, as well as the "mirrors" to illuminate popular culture and public perceptions of war. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper treats democracy as a problematic yet under-theorised feature of the relations between states, as shown by the US and EU understood as "states unions". In such systems, the retention of the units' sovereign status is fundamental to their anti-hierarchical design yet subject to ongoing contestation, leading to ambiguity over the nature and extent of units' sovereign status. Given this context, the paper analyses how democratization - the process of appealing directly or indirectly to the people to settle political conflict - brings to the fore the question of the hierarchical relationship between the system and the units in the US and EU. In the antebellum US, the original settlement for preventing hierarchy broke down as both the Union and the units sought to justify their positions in an appeal to the people to settle political conflict. Similar appeals by EU member states and European institutions during treaty re-negotiations have likewise led to a clash over the proper locus of popular sovereignty. Hence the US and EU experiences serve to expose the potentially adverse consequences of democratizing relations between states. Consequently, the paper suggests that whereas democracy within states is associated with the improvement of relations between such states, the extension of democratic practices beyond the state poses profound difficulties for political organization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes a two-step approach to improve our understanding of how US foreign policy signals affect the likelihood of coups in Latin America. First, a large body of qualitative literature has developed a "conventional wisdom" on this subject, suggesting that pressure from the US plays a key role in stabilizing favored leaders and destabilizing unfavored leaders. In contrast, quantitative scholarship analyzing coups focuses almost exclusively on intrastate factors. The first stage of the empirical analyses bring these two bodies of work together by providing quantitative evidence that hostile US signals increase the likelihood of coups, while supportive signals have a stabilizing effect. The second step in the paper moves beyond the conventional wisdom on the subject by (1) reconsidering theoretical assumptions within the conventional argument and (2) identifying anomalies within the preliminary empirical analyses. These efforts reveal several factors that are likely to impact how coup plotters respond to US signals. Among these factors, the second set of empirical analyses support the notion that US signals have a particularly important impact on the likelihood of coups when economic dependence on the US increases, during the middle of a US president's term in office, when they have moderate levels of consistency, and when they specifically mention the military. Overall, the first stage of this paper provides a robust confirmation of the conventional wisdom, while the second stage moves the literature down a path that is largely unexplored by previous work. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shows that domestic political factors are important in determining the outcomes of the WTO dispute settlement process by determining what factors make retaliatory threats credible and potentially harmful. In particular, this paper provides evidence that the 2002 US Steel tariffs were rescinded after a WTO ruling against the US not because of the economic power of the EU or legal factors alone, but also because of domestic political factors that were provoked from the smart retaliatory threat produced by the EU. The implications of this paper are that in order for retaliatory threats to have their full intended impact, they must be able to produce political consequences for the defendant government. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the how the reduced transaction costs of internet-mediated communication have affected the organized collective action in the guise of pressure group campaigns. Relying on a comparative analysis of the 1984 and 2008 Democratic Primary campaigns - both of which were heavily contested and eventually determined by the "Superdelegate" votes of party leaders - the paper asks why interest groups collectively organized a short-term pressure campaign in 2008 when no such organized public outcry occurred in 1984. It explores three overlapping causal narratives (1) path dependent critical junctures in the development of the Democratic party nominating system during the intervening 24 years, (2) increased media "bandwidth" in the form of 24-hour cable networks and internet sites, allowing for heightened information levels reaching motivated partisans, and (3) the introduction of internet-mediated political associations engaging their membership base in novel campaign techniques. The paper concludes that only (3) is a necessary condition of collective action in this situation, though it was not a sufficient condition, needing the more permissive environment created by (1) and (2). The paper concludes with a discussion of the internet's implications for group engagement in politics, in particular the divergent political economy of the new generation of political associations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the emerging 'triangle' in commercial relations between the EU, China and the United States, using the concepts of 'complex interdependence' and 'bi-multilateralism' as organising and evaluative devices. The paper argues that in the 'triangle' there are important areas of unevenness and variation reflecting differences of power, institutional factors and norms, but that nonetheless there can be discerned important elements of 'complex interdependence' as defined by Keohane and Nye. This can be observed in the bilateral relationships between the three parties; at the same time, however, the EU-China-US relationship is central to power, institutions and norms in the changing multilateral commercial system, centred on the World Trade Organisation. This means that many of the commercial policy negotiations between the three parties are essentially 'bi-multilateral': on the one hand, the management of bilateral relations creates externalities for the multilateral system, and on the other hand the evolution of the multilateral system creates new forces shaping the management of bilateral relationships. The paper explores two cases, China's entry into the WTO and the management of trade disputes over textiles, to illuminate the ways in which 'bi-multilateral' elements enter into the EU-China-US 'triangle'. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the effect of bilateral U.S. military and economic aid on the domestic use of repression in recipient countries in the context of Indonesia and the Philippines. Focusing exclusively on bilateral military aid misses the security functions played by economic aid, especially in cases where prima facie restrictions on military aid have been imposed for human rights reasons. The evidence presented in this paper suggests that the role of human rights violations and the use of repression in bilateral aid recipient countries may be considered on a case-by-case basis by U.S. policymakers. Despite the allegedly blind eye turned to human rights concerns during the early years of the global war on terror, there are signs that increases in repression may be feeding back into aid allocation decisions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the issues posed by riot control agents in arms control agreements involving the United States. Specifically, the paper examines the importance of riot control agents to U.S. national security, the degree to which issues involving rio ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the current wave of US bilateral agreements with respect to their strategic and political value at the plurilateral level. The US government has explicitly recognized its objective of leveraging bilateral agreements in order to influence regional and multilateral negotiations. Although it may be too early to assess the full effectiveness of this US strategy, the paper argues that there are clear signs that the exploitation of bilateral agreements will not independently achieve the goal of strengthening plurilateral patent norms. This finding is supported by an assessment of six potential roads from bilateralism to plurilateralism: chain reaction, pressure for inclusion, coalition building, emulation, legal interpretation, and adherence. The assertion that bilateral trade deals have a great impact on international patent lawmaking, made both by proponents and critics of TRIPs-Plus agreements, is unsubstantiated. The author concludes that the US Government Accountability Office and Congress are justified in questioning whether the negotiation of these bilateral agreements, at least in the realm of IP law, is a wise investment of US Trade Representative's resources. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the Iraqi leg of the creature referred to as a "Shiite Crescent" - a theoretical construction that postulates the existence of sectarian loyalties between the rulers of Iraq, Iran, Syria and Lebanon, as well as the possibility of these rulers entering into some kind of project of political unification or close coordination with the aim of dominating the Middle Eastern region as a whole. Based on historical evidence, the paper concludes that the likelihood of Iraq ever entering into this kind of purely sectarian alliance is slim. There is however a caveat, and this concerns external factors rather than drivers internal to the region: Five years of US rule and systematic empowerment of Iran in Iraq during the Bush administration followed by what could turn into an overly complaisant Iran policy by the new Obama administration. Together, these factors could create a situation in Iraq that would bring the country's much closer to Iran than the historical legacies of the region would suggest as a natural outcome. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines critical infrastructure protection as a form of risk regulation in a comparative perspective. While faced with many of the same challenges, Europeans and Americans approach risk and risk management very differently in a number of policy areas. The differences in how Europeans and Americans perceive and manage various kinds of dangers have philosophical as well as socio-political roots. The development of risk regulation with regard to critical infrastructure is shaped by the institutional context and, in the case of the EU and the US, the dynamics of federalism and globalization. In the face of growing public expectations and a diminishing real capacity to foresee and counteract risks, European and American policy-makers try to meet the challenge of protecting critical infrastructures in our society. Taking a historical-institutional approach to risk regulation, the differing ways in which the US and EU view and have approached this challenge forms the core of this paper's discussion. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to understand how and why China has been portrayed as the primary military threat in Taiwanese security discourse through an examination of offence-defence theory. It is based on the premise that those events or factors that one identifies as dangerous come to be ascribed as such only through an interpretation of their various dimensions of dangerousness. The paper first introduces the protracted debate among the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) government, the 'Pan-Blue' opposition parties and US officials and analysts over the 2004 Special Defence Budget controversy. In defence of its arms procurement program, the Chen Shui-bian administration resorted to a particular mode of interpreting danger, that is, the military balance across the Taiwan Strait has been shifting in China's favour and thus it is imperative to correct the imbalance through fielding the weapons systems provided by Washington. The paper then explores the underlying assumption of that pervasive interpretation in the official articulation of Chinese military threat in Taiwan and the United States, which holds that offensive advantages make war more likelyâ??a principal hypothesis of offence-defence theory. Rather than questioning the methodological ambiguities about how to define and measure the 'offence-defence balance', the paper argues that it is precisely these ambiguities that make China's threat image in Taiwan possible. The special budget case is indicative as to how Taiwan's defence policy is better understood as a political practice central to the constitution, production, and maintenance of a peace-loving Taiwanese identity contrary to the belligerent Chinese than as an instrument to build and maintain a capable defence posture against potential attacks from the mainland. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses the global health implications of security-oriented regulation of laboratory research on pathogenic micro-organisms. The challenge with such regulation, implemented to address government concerns about biological weapons use, is to maximise security benefits while minimising interference with legitimate scientific research conducted for therapeutic ends. The biotechnology sector performs basic research on infectious diseases, produces vaccines and other drugs, and instructs health professionals on how to use them. Too much biosecurity regulation might cripple commercial and academic enterprise in the life sciences and thereby diminish the ability of public health systemsâ??particularly their diagnostic and patient care elementsâ??to respond to an infectious disease outbreak. It may also hinder valuable international collaborations on addressing local and transnational infectious disease threats. On the other hand, the potential application of gene technology for offensive purposes highlights the powerful position held by scientists with access to pathogens and knowledge of what makes them dangerous. The paper compares biosecurity regulatory schemes in the United States and Australia, and offers more general observations about health and security trade-offs in a global context. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes to what extent existing public policy (the status quo) set the scope for international negotiation mandates in the case of the United States in the climate change negotiations. To that effect, the analysis explores whether the political dynamics between the actors and institutions that can change the status quo through collective action can help explain the U.S. position and mandate in the negotiations over time. Agenda setting and agenda control in the legislative process are found to be essential mechanisms for changing public policy, and the paper offers a comparative analysis of the consequences domestic agenda setting and agenda control had for U.S. participation in international climate talks in the period 1993-2008. The political institutions of the United States structured interaction among policymakers and affected policy outcome, and ultimately the chance of changing the policy status quo. To exemplify this, the paper provides a systematic comparison of Senate votes in the period 1993-2008 - votes related to greenhouse gas emissions reductions and efforts to limit the use of fossil fuels. Logistic regression analysis as well as qualitative methods are used to analyze the impact of political institutions and public policy on U.S. engagement in the international climate negotiations over time. The analysis is useful for future international negotiations, because it points out where the potential for change and influence is in the United States, a key actor in the climate negotiations; in party politics or interest group politics. An international treaty that would be ratified in the United States must accommodate these interests. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'National Vision' of the Bush Administration with regard to homeland security aimed to 'prevent the entry of terrorists and the instruments of terror while facilitating the legal flow of people, goods, and services'. International implications of homeland security measures have resulted in the emergence of new class of foreign policy makers: Customs and Border Protection, Transportation Security Administration, and other units in the Department of Homeland Security whose exposure to international partners increased considerably. This paper challenges a reader to make a certain conceptual shift and look at homeland security as a foreign policy issue as well as the internal security one. The analysis of transatlantic homeland security progresses in two steps. First, it explores the post-September 11th development of homeland security cooperation between the US and the EU in order to identify challenges to the transatlantic governance of homeland security. Then, the attention is paid to internal challenges stemming from domestic politics on each side but also to external ones posed by the international environment and third parties. Issues under discussion in this paper include aviation security and customs cooperation which represent most impressive but at the same time most problematic dimension of the contemporary transatlantic homeland security cooperation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The post 9/11 debate has presented Saudi Arabia and its religious-political identity and strategy of proselytizing as key explanatory factors, both of homegrown extremism and of Sunni extremism. Few scholarly works have specifically focused on U.S. decision-making within the Cold War Policy of containment and Washington's instrumentalization of Saudi propagation of Wahhabism within that framework. Due to the stigmatization of Arabs and Muslims within the War on Terror paradigm, and the emphasis on the role of Riyadh and Islamabad in the development of Sunni extremism, this paper makes a case for a more evenhanded research approach with regards to the genesis of Sunni extremism. This supposes a closer examination of U.S. decision-making, and of the perceptions and the images informing the decision-making process. This paper acknowledges that political Islam has undergone changes and influences that cannot be accounted for by Western influence. It argues however that the U.S.-Saudi-Pakistani partnership, which financed radical Sunni Islamist movements during the War in Afghanistan in an attempt to "roll-back" Soviet troops, have contributed to the development of "Sunni inspired extremism" This paper argues that the U.S. and its Saudi and Pakistani partners should therefore be seen as "enablers" of these movements. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper proposes a theoretical framework for understanding border/boundary practices of past empires and the emerging informal Empire in contemporary world politics. Hardt and Negri locate the source and mover of contemporary imperial practices in the emergence of a new sovereign rule that brings about a specific order with no spatial and temporal boundaries, seeking to take over "social life in its entirety" and dedicated to "perpetual and universal peace", we argue that both these recently observable developments and their difference from past colonial practices can be further refined by relying on a more closely Foucauldian theoretical framework based on the nature, operation and interplay of sovereignty and governmentality. In this context governmentality and sovereignty are viewed as two different modalities of power, which are presumed to combine with each other in various ways at different sites and events of world politics. In this sense "non-war", our master metaphor, can be conceived of as a particular intersection of sovereign and governmental practices that on the one hand, stands in contrast with "war proper" but also depends on (as it remains definable only through) the traditional concept of war. Additionally, it also makes accessible to analysis some features and specificities related to the current manifestations and articulations of (imperial) power. Following a conceptual circumscription of non-war embedded in a Foucauldian theory of power, the paper proceeds by elaborating and illustrating the theoretical and empirical relevance of the undertaking through a narrative presentation of selected historical examples ranging from early colonial Spanish theorizing about Amerindians through British imperial practices in Afghanistan and India to the recent US operations in Iraq. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The need to reconcile domestic intelligence requirements with the protection of civil liberties is a recurring and prominent theme in this war on terror. While this tension between domestic intelligence gathering and civil liberties can be seen in many contexts since 9/11, this paper focuses on the Bush administration's Terrorist Surveillance Program (TSP) where the National Security Agency (NSA) secretly wiretapped Americans without traditional Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) warrants and the resulting FISA reform legislation culminating in the FISA Amendments Act of 2008 (FAA). While in July 2008 the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) filed suit against the FAA arguing that it is unconstitutional, this paper argues that the FAA is most likely lawful and appears to be a nuanced compromise between the legitimate need to expeditiously gather intelligence against terrorists and the protection of Americans' civil liberties. In order to draw this conclusion, it is necessary to understand what traditional FISA requires, how the TSP program departed from that rubric, and how advances in technology and the nature of terrorism have impacted intelligence gathering.In the end, this article concludes that while there is potential for abuse if government officials violate the clear wording of the FAA, which allows warrantless surveillance to gather foreign intelligence from non-US persons reasonably believed to be outside the United States, the FAA contains enough ex poste review mechanisms in the forms of Congressional oversight committees, the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court, and various inspectors general that the Obama administration should allow the FAA to operate as-is and reevaluate its effectiveness and protection of civil liberties when it expires in 2012. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The central question of this paper is whether and how the new EU chemicals Regulation REACH could play a role in international chemicals governance. The REACH Regulation is one of the largest and most controversial pieces of legislation that the EU has ever adopted. It introduces a comprehensive and ambitious system for chemicals management, which moves away from a hazard-based approach to a risk-based approach. The introduction of an element of increased responsibility for private actors to provide information about specific properties of chemicals, to ensure that this information is used to assess possible risks and to ensure that the risks are appropriately managed are expected to lead to more anticipatory approach to chemicals management. Moreover, the application of the same registration, evaluation and authorisation requirements for all, existing and new, chemicals and the substitution obligation where possible, are expected to provide incentives for increased innovation activities.This paper first introduces the main features of the REACH Regulation. Then it describes the international system of chemicals governance before discussing the contribution that REACH could make to this system. In the subsequent section, the different ways in which REACH requirements could diffuse to other jurisdictions and benefit international governance are analysed. These conceptual considerations are then applied to the US and California in a brief discussion of first signs of the potential influence of REACH. Since the REACH Regulation only entered into force on 1 June 2007 and will only be fully implemented by 2016, the full international impact of REACH will only become clear at a future point in time. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States and Japan have maintained their strategic alignment for nearly an half century. This is the longest alliance ever for Japan and the second longest one for the United States besides NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization). However, theoretical understanding of this bilateral relashionship is relatively poor. In particular, existense of the alliance after the Cold War generated further explanative disturbance. This paper attempts to grapes U.S.-Japan alliance as an "security community," modeled by Karl Deutsch in the 1950s, that is more convincing theoretical framework than neorealism, neoliberalism and constructivism. Although his model was created upon "transatlantic" relationship between the United States and Western Europe, the author considers the model is largely applicable to "transpacific" alignment. This paper argues a mechanism of peaceful change on multilateralism, military planning, and common definition of threats by examining institutions, norms and identity between the two countries in the 1990s. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting in mid-2007, renewed instability in financial markets precipitated awareness of and attention to the global implications of the impending U.S. financial crisis. This paper analyzes the dynamics and effects of the U.S. subprime mortgage meltdown in order to highlight the hegemonic roles of the U.S. economy and currency in 1998-2008, examining data on banks, financial institutions, housing market and the policy responses. Also brief analysis of the role of central banks and governments is provided in order to elucidate the relevance of crisis management in the U.S. and world economy.Do the current bursting of the housing market bubble and U.S.-triggered financial crisis mark the weakening of U.S. global power? Or are they just another cyclical incidence that will essentially reproduce U.S. hegemony over international financial outcomes? This paper argues that it is misleading to generalize "power" in both these ways. Instead a more dynamic understanding of the contradictory outcomes of crisis management in a crisis-driven yet rapidly globalizing finance is necessary. Although it is too soon to tell whether U.S. policies to contain the contagion worldwide will be successful or not, the crisis is impeding the ability of the U.S. to achieve some national goals, including economic security for all Americans and the maintenance of a financial structure that allows for an efficient and smooth credit system. The rapid spread of the recession can be the starting point for regulators to design long-term policies that enhance financial stability and capital, such as sound lending practices, clear standards for conducting and funding future financial interventions, strengthened oversight of financial markets, liquidity and risk management, and enforcement ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1975, American foreign policy in Southeast Asia can be characterized as "benign neglect". After the 9/11 attack, the Southeast Asian region has become refuge of Al Qaeda members and a "second front" of US global counter-terrorism operation. The rapid rise of China presents new challenges to US foreign policy. China's growing influence comes at the expense of US power and influence in Southeast Asia, hastening US-China competition in the region and increasing the probability of the outbreak of conflict. In order to prevent the decline of US influence in the region and maintain its sole super power status in the world, the US has sought to enhance and promote its relations with ASEAN countries, this way, the US has taken steps to become re-involved in the region. The purpose of this paper is to clarify expectations of future US strategy towards Southeast Asia by exploring the causes of US re-involvement in Southeast Asia as well as strategies the Bush administration undertook. This paper analyzes US goals and interests in the region, influences of the development of terrorism on the US and the effects of the rapid rise of China. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

My argument in this paper is that global instruments against HIV/AIDS serve an intense security agenda whose purpose and practice outshine what governmental and program leaders argue in their HIV-security articulation. Taking the case of PEPFAR, the very intervention in HIV/AIDS for the sake of prevention, treatment, together withan array of related activities in health and development, constitutes, in itself, a manifestation of securitization. Promoting 'hope' and 'responsibility,' PEPFAR, moreover, capacitates psychologically and materially towards 'self-reliant economic growth' and eventual global marketplace integration and competition. This is securing through integration in liberal modes of production and trade. Such securitization is explainable by the dramatic intensity in volume of funds, organizations involved and politico-symbolic support which is allocated to the whole infra-structure of transnational, multilevel public-private partnerships. Securitization is pursued by a willto reengineer and normalize behaviors - at the sexual level, but also in terms of political economy - and achieve popular sympathy for the United States.This paper is divided into three parts. The first part articulates the AIDS-security response and the 2006 concept of counterinsurgency of the United States army, providing an understanding of it based on Michel Foucault's readings of biopolitics and governmentality. The second part describes the governance infra-structure of theresponse rooted on a sophisticated concept of partnership for PEPFAR, revealing continuities from the colonial experience. The third part concentrates on ongoing debates around an emerging actor in PEPFAR, the United States Africa Command (AFRICOM), with regard to the securitizing understanding of HIV/AIDS intervention. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the world of international organizations (IOs), numbers are powerful weapons. Numbers provide the 'factual' evidence with which member states assess the effectiveness of an IO, as well as a resource that can be deployed by an IO to legitimize its actions to a wider audience. This paper examines the use of numbers as a political tool in the expansion of the World Bank's 'poverty reduction turn' - a case where the facts do not simply speak for themselves. Drawing on recent innovations in principal-agent and constructivist approaches to the study of IOs, this paper argues that the use of poverty indicators by the World Bank as a legitimation device to enhance its authority and autonomy, and in turn the US use of poverty indicators as a monitoring device to enhance its capacity to evaluate and control the Bank, have combined to constitute a basis for a significant refocusing of the Bank's operations. Although this use of poverty indicators should be welcomed for the renewed concentration that it brings on poverty reduction, it is important that the Bank does not become prey to the 'pathology of numbers', too heavily concentrated on short-term targets to the detriment of its longer-term sustainable development aims. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I submitted this as a paper proposal for the 2008 San Francisco ISA conference. I also was required to submit the paper to the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) for its. CIA did not approve because I was employed at the time by CIA. While CIA did not co ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Growing demand for natural resources has become an issue of primary importance in China's foreign policy, and has led many observers to argue that conflict with the United States and other states in Asia is growing more likely. This paper evaluates the historical record on that question: under what circumstances have the resource needs of previous rising powers led to conflict with other states? I propose two independent variables: the ability to extract natural resources at home and the openness of the international trade system. In cases where the rising power has a large domestic resource base, and can supplement domestic production with easy access to foreign resources through trade, rising powers are less likely to generate conflict. In situations where the rising power has a limited resource base at home and the international trade system is closed, on the other hand, are more likely to lead to war. The paper evaluates three cases. For the United States in the late 19th century, massive domestic reserves and the first great era of globalization led to a "peaceful" rise. For Japan in the 1930s, an extremely poor resource base and rising trade barriers contributed to conflict. Finally, the paper turns its attention to China and argues that this important contemporary case more closely resembles the rise of the United States than that of Japan. China's domestic resource base remains quite large, and the international trade system is unprecedented in its level of openness. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Created more than five decades ago during the Eisenhower administration, the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board (PFIAB) fills a president's need for independent advice. Its size, duties, and make-up are determined by the president. No statute demands a particular number of members or type of membership. The PFIAB can be ignored by the president, used often, or disbanded altogether. Indeed, the PFIAB, its formation, use, and membership reflect on the personality of the president himself -- more specifically, his organizational personality. It is no accident that the PFIAB grew out of Eisenhower's formalistic style. Each president has altered the form and size of the Board to reflect his own management style. This paper will explore these presidential personalities to add their attitude toward the PFIAB. The modern presidents have had a distinct need for advice in negotiating the sometimes byzantine corridors of the intelligence community. Using brief interviews with some former PFIAB members, this paper asks whether superficial structural differences among presidential organizational styles affect the success of the Board, and if so, which elements are most important. It finds that while there is no perfect fit between one or another organizational style and success of the PFIAB, the most important elements are: relationship with the president, independence, size, access to intelligence, and secrecy. Relatedly, there is no one pattern relating size of the PFIAB with success. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Consistent with the convention's theme - "Exploring the Past, Anticipating the Future" - this paper returns to early American thinking about the nature of the relationship between liberal, democratic, republican self-governance and foreign policy. The general thrust of American foreign policy in the republic's first century - "isolationism" - is widely, though perhaps not with much nuance or focus, understood. What has been ignored, however, is the logic that yielded these "isolationist" prescriptions. Unlike the "isolationism" of the interwar years, which was rooted in an optimistic appraisal of the potential of individuals to restrain their passions, of peoples to comprehend a natural harmony of interests that would potentially yield amity, of societies organically to develop liberal institutions, and of republics to inculcate virtu, the major shapers of early American republicanism viewed liberalism and democracy with considerably more skepticism, even while remaining passionately and unshakably devoted to them. This skepticism was not rooted in an exceptionalist view of American virtues or in a racist or culturalist presumption of American superiority. It rested, rather, upon an assessment of human limitations and on a cold-eyed appraisal of the limited power of institutions of any sort to change the human condition. Providence had smiled upon America, making the American task of creating and maintaining liberal, democratic, republican self-governance easier than for most peoples. But even in America, the successful preservation of such self-governance was hardly foreordained. The internal logic of a "republican" foreign policy developed slowly. This developmental progress, arguably, reached its conclusion in the thinking of John Quincy Adams. Interestingly, there is nothing time-bound in John Quincy Adams's political philosophy or foreign policy, nor were these determined by America's relative weakness. As the late George Kennan noted, there is nothing implausible about applying J.Q. Adams's foreign policy principles to American foreign policymaking in the 21st century. Understanding what such a "republican" policy presumes about human nature and political institutions, however, is critical to any evaluation of the wisdom of such an application. This paper offers such an analysis. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Alfred Hitchock's Vertigo questioned many of the forced erasures of Chicano identity in the United States and inspires a contemporary questioning of these processes. These questions about erasure inform this essay and are important to many of the other texts analyzed in this essay, such as Sesshu Foster's Atomik Aztex. These questions about erasure also extends some of this questioning into a more expansive field considering some commonalities of oppressions that are singular to different marginalized groups. Using transnationalism and the border as a theme, this essay extends the questioning in cinematic, literary, lyrical, and visual texts to consider processes of what Balibar (1991) calls neo-racism (racism that is not based on phenotype). Balibar (1991) proposes that types of racism can shift from one group to another while remaining similar. For example European anti-Semitism and prejudice against North African Muslims follow the same patterns of behavior despite the fact that these two groups are often regarded as very different. While Balibar argues that the cause of the shift from neo-racism against Jews to neo-racism against Muslims is about economic crises built into Capitalism, this paper asks if there are also other causes both for a shift of neo-racism and for a shift against neo-racism? This paper also asks whether the texts analyzed may identify other groups subject to "neo-racism" that Balibar does not foreground? A third question is whether the conditions and effects of neo-racism could be turned back upon themselves into a precondition for empowerment of groups hitherto subject to neo-racism? In light of these questions, this essay states that the Chicana scholar, Gloria Anzaldúa's term La Facultdad, which states that marginalized people who survive the violence of marginalization are able to gain a way of seeing that empowers themselves, is a step toward making a shift against neo-racism that eventually renders powerless some of the conditions of neo-racism. Moreover, the term La Facultdad when applied to the texts considered helps to bring to the foreground new groups impacted by neo-racism such as trauma victims/the disabled, women, and silenced immigrant/diaspora populations. Although these groups may not have the same challenges or react in the same way, La Facultdad combined with an idea of neo-racism shows that these groups are targeted in the same manner. This targeting is shown by looking at their interaction with the nation-state in border regions. Moreover, La Facultdad helps to state that the experience of the groups mentioned above are worthy of consideration for dialogue about the border and process of nationalism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A window of opportunity has opened by 2009 for renewing and updating the strategic relationship between the European Union and the United States. With the Lisbon Reform Treaty presumably coming into force, the EU has concluded a review of the European Security Strategy of 2003. At the same time, the new US administration has embarked on its trajectory of partnerships and global governance, following the predecessor distinguished in its profile of action by the unilateralist National Security Strategy of 2002 bent on war on terrorism. The paper looks for establishing a comprehensive EU-US strategic forum at the summit level as an engine for a strengthened partnership, supplementing and amending the present dialogue on economic and societal issues and the EU-NATO/US relationship in security and defence as well processes for democracy promotion.In the context of the concepts of grand strategy and security strategy, the strategic adaptation and accommodation of the EU and the US will be analysed in the frameworks of policies of power, governance and values. Prospects for an enhanced partnership are assessed against the lessons learnt from the 911/Iraq driven transatlantic crisis and its underlying and proximate causes.For the European Union, the main challenge is the enhancement of its incomplete power in conflict resolution and crisis management, whereas for the United States it is the enhancement of its contribution to global governance by pursuing a policy of smart power. The paper concludes by presenting a model for a comprehensive EU/US strategic forum and process with its structural, institutional and normative implications for bilateral consultation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A system war in the current international environment would have disastrous consequences. As the current leading world power, the U.S. plays a crucial role in system war questions. During four decades of studying U.S. foreign policy moods, Jack E. Holmes, the lead author, has reviewed a great deal of numbers and long-term trends. The nature of U.S. foreign policy moods follows the pattern advanced in the work of Frank L. Klingberg in 1952 and Holmes in 1985. Recent papers on the ambivalence of American foreign policy point to several important patterns which are summarized in this paper. The regularity of these patterns suggests that the foreign policy choices of the U.S. are constrained by the long-term politico-military environment and American foreign policy moods. Sara Aardema, Lauren Johnson, and Colin Lawrence teamed up with Holmes to analyze the interaction of these trends. It is believed that the long-term patterns are strong enough that important cautionary notes need to be raised and that some actions should be taken to minimize, or the prospects of a future system war.The paper concludes that Americans have foreign policy choices, but that these choices are constrained. During the next several decades, it is important to avoid extremes in policy and to realize that there is a system war danger from long-term trends. Given the destruction involved in a system war, even a small reduction in the prospect that is explored in this paper is worthy of serious consideration. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Ungoverned spaces" are increasingly cited as a key threat to the U.S. government and itsinterests throughout the world. Often these spaces are seen as synonymous with failed states, orstates that are unable to effectively exercise sovereignty. A primary goal of U.S. defense strategynow is to improve "effective sovereignty" in such areas, in order to deny sanctuary to terrorists,WMD proliferators, narco-traffickers, and gangsters. According to the World Bank, in 2006 thenumber of states lacking effective sovereignty rose to twenty-six, from eleven in 1996. Thelarger project that this paper is part of proposes to analyze the concept of ungoverned spaces anddetermine whether they really are ungoverned and constitute threats to states. The essential issue,we find, is not lack of governance, but rather who governs these spaces. This paper aims todevelop a more accurate framework for understanding contemporary security threats in a worldof softened sovereignty. An improved understanding of when and how alternative forms ofgovernance shelter or encourage hostile non-state actors has important policy implications forhow states, particularly the United States, prioritize their responses to emerging threats. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the EU-China strategic partnership, signed in 2003, closer security cooperation is envisaged, but progress in this field has been little in this field. If the two security strategies - the ESS and the Chinese Paper on the New Security Concept, as well as the papers of the three major Member States of the EU, are compared, a lot of common terminology can be found.However, the connotation of these terms differ due to the differences in paradigms regarding the nature of governance of their national entities and of the international system, including the role for the US. Cooperation will therefore be most likely in the new fields of security cooperation such as pandemics, environmental threats and disaster relief. Based on this analysis, the paper will outline the opportunities and limits for EU-China security cooperation, in particular in an US-China-EU triangle ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the ongoing expansion of today’s global imagination brought about by the proliferation of transnational links, the question of individual and group loyalty has taken on new importance. Where the state had arguably been seen as the primary repository of citizen loyalty, now other forms of authority compete for individual affiliation, a trend that carries important implications for how national and international politics are managed. By examining the activities of “Israel advocacy” groups in Canada and the United States, this paper will examine the role of affective and philosophical factors in shaping foreign policy by examining the question of loyalty in international relations. How do individuals think about their role as citizens given the competing political categories of state, region, and international system, coupled with the many normative forces â€" such as religion and ethics, to name two â€" that circulate within global consciousness? The paper will employ a social-psychological framework to examine the role of individual identity within group contexts, and how groups mediate between the individual and the state to compete for citizen loyalty. The paper therefore seeks to continue discussions begun about the role of loyalty in an increasingly transnational state system, the role of religion and other forms of communal identity in shaping international affairs, and the intensifying debate among academics and policymakers regarding American (and, to a lesser extent, Canadian) foreign policy towards Israel and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do states forswear the nuclear option even as some covet the bomb? Past quantitative and case studies offer interesting insights on nuclear behavior, but there is need for more systematic theoretical and empirical knowledge of nuclear forbearance. This paper argues that states' nuclear choices are strongly affected by status and prestige aspirations in international politics. However, whether a state will abandon (or embrace) the bomb depends on preferences as to how status and prestige are best obtained. The paper develops a classification scheme for status and prestige objectives. Using statistical and case analysis the paper shows that, when assessed in conjunction with more commonly advocated security factors, status priorities offer a convincing explanation for nuclear forbearance. A number of distinct nuclear reversal pathways are identified—constellations of status and security variables that encourage states to relinquish their nuclear ambitions. This research provides evidence that status and prestige determinants of nuclear reversal have been underexamined, suggests reasons for the mixed nonproliferation results of norms and international diplomacy, and points to the need for better characterizations of nuclear decisions than are permitted by the "rogue" taxonomy in American policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Where is the consistency in allied cooperation in American-led 'Coalitions of the willing'? Why does it vary, not only which allies who have participated, but also, when they have done what? In sum, this questions how bound to follow U.S. allies are in the unipolar post-Cold War international system? The central argument posed in this paper is that the U.S. allies' decision to participate or not in American-led international ad hoc coalitions in the post-Cold War era are determined by the severity of a unipolar alliance security dilemma. The variation in participation is explained by that the severity of this dilemma varies across states and coalitions even though the relative distribution of capabilities in the international system is held constant - unipolar. The severity of the unipolar alliance security dilemma is determined primarily by the interests of the unipole in relation to the allies and the specific coalition. Secondary is the interest of the ally and extend of comparability between the two and the degree of mutual dependence. The point is that there is a pattern of participation and that allied states are bound to follow. They are, however, not bound to follow the unipole as such, but they are bound to follow the maneuver room determined by the unipole. This is based on structural realist alliance theory, which argues that the polarity is the most obvious determinacy of alliance partners. The aim of this paper is to provide a model that can be used to analyse when and under which conditions intra-alliance cooperation in ad hoc coalitions led by the unipole takes place in a unipolar international system. The novelty of the paper is threefold. First, neorealist alliance theory is further developed on unipolar international systems and which alliance dynamics is inherent in such a system. Second, knowledge of the logic behind formation of coalitions used to manage military interventions and led by a unipole is extended. Third, understanding of allied cooperation during a unipolar international system is elaborated. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What have been the explanations for 9/11? This paper maintains that there have been three broad types, focusing on US imperialism,a clash of civilizations, and regional politics/externalization. Contrary to most authors, all three explanations have elements of truth; the regional politics/externalization argument offers the most explanatory power, however. It asserts that Al Qaeda attacked the US on 9/11 in order to promote itself within the region, provoke Washington to retaliate by killing Muslims, and undermine "moderates" in the region deemed too close to America. Moreover, the clash of civilizations thesis is a stronger explanation for 9/11 than the reaction to US imperialism argument. Citing many authors, this paper evaluates the strengths and weaknesses of the three explanations. It demonstrates that these explanations make assumptions based on US foreign policy, values, and power. It concludes in showing that Al Qaeda has on the one hand been like other revolutionary movements--particularly in externalizing domestic or regional tensions by provoking hostility with the US, yet it has also been different as a terrorist organization in focusing more on violence for its own sake than in grassroots building or state building. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using John B. Thomson's book Political Scandal: Power and Visibility in the Media Age as a model, this paper will examine three late twenteith century scandals, Watergate, Iran-Contra, and the Lewinsky Affair to determine how and under what circumstances scandal impacts on American Foreign Policy. If Thompson is correct, what he labels the media age and other modern developments have created an environment where scandal cannot be marginalized and treated as aberrations. Scandal is part of an accelerating pattern of political discourse that has a particularly powerful impact on liberal democracy and foreign policy creation. Increasingly, foreign policy decisions are distorted by domestic scandal. When we factor in some interesting American cultural variables the problem of scandal and foreign policy becomes even more acute. Using Thompson's scandal typology: money, power, and sex, this paper explores whether some types of scandal have grater impact on foreign policy decisions as well as the manner in which scandal distorts foreign policy decisions in harmful ways. Finally, the paper will explore the question of whether the quickened pace of scandals in the United States in the Bush administration is a harbinger of permanent change in the dynamics of American Foreign Policy. Indeed fear of scandal may become more important than external threat. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

US-Turkish relationship post-World War II has been based on mutual strategic interest and common security policies vis-à-vis Turkey’s environment. During the Cold War, the US looked to Turkey as a steadfast barrier against Soviet Communist influence in the Middle East. In recent times, particularly since 9/11, the US has increasingly begun to look at Turkey as more than simply a geographic barrier, affecting a shift in the nature of this relationship. Laying out the trends and patterns that have led to the current state of the US-Turkish alliance, this paper argues that the most formative years of the alliance and the parameters of the relationship were established within the context of the Cold War.Taken from a historical vantage point and largely based upon archival research in Turkey, this paper seeks to demonstrate how a periphery state such as Turkey and an external power like the US constructed and then oriented their foreign policies in relation to the Middle East. By exploring the competing interests and identities that shape the Middle East policies of Turkey during the Cold War, the direct impact of Turkey’s ‘strategic alliance’ with the US can be seen.There is still no consensus among historians on the relative weight of external and regional forces in shaping the modern Middle East during the period of the Cold War. Within this context, Turkey role, as both a European and Middle Eastern ally of the United States is central. The close strategic partnership of the Cold War between the US and Turkey has been too often portrayed through overly optimistic and simplistic lenses with little attention paid to some of the underlying tensions in the relationship. As a result, recent rifts over US foreign policy initiatives in Turkey’s neighbourhood have not been understood in their proper historical context. The ‘crisis’ in US-Turkish relations that popular media sources sensationalized in the aftermath of US-led military actions in Iraq seemed to ignore the changing factors in the US-Turkish relationship. In analyzing the diplomatic and military relations between the US and Turkey during the Cold War this paper highlights the foundation on which the current relationship is built, as well as Turkey’s foreign policy toward the Middle East. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]