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This paper looks into the evolution of regional co-operation in Europe and East Asia since the mid-1990s and at the policies of Germany and Japan in those contexts. Using role concepts as analytical tools for the comparative analysis, the paper assesses the specific role concepts of Germany and Japan with regard to regional co-operation, both in the economic and in the security context. It is widely assumed that East Asia represents an entirely different context for regional co-operation from Europe, and therefore has developed a new, specifically Asian way of regionalism. So far, less attention has been paid to Japan´s specific aims and policies in promoting and supporting regionalism in East Asia. Has Japan been important in promoting shallow forms of regional integration in East Asia, in contrast to Germany´s support for deep integration? If so, how should this be seen from the perspective of the civilian power role concept? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the conference paper titled "The Impact of War and Successful Reconstruction: Evaluating the Bush Administration's Germany-Japan-Iraq Analogy" prepared for the "International Studies Association Convention" held in Honolulu, Hawaii. It examines the legitimacy of the analogical reasoning by the administration of U.S. President George W. Bush in the Iraq war based upon on an assessment of the commonalities across Japan, Italy and Germany. The paper mentions different meanings of path dependence theory according to several authors.

The article presents the conference paper "Repairing Historical Injustice: German and Japanese Military Sexual Slavery" delivered at the "Annual Meeting of the International Studies Association" in Hawaii. It examines the various factors supporting the views held by states about reparatory justice. According to the author, a new progressive of ethic of care and justice is needed to redress such injustices whereby the moral worth of victims is recognized and the injustice of the harm they suffered is acknowledged.

Although IR scholars have offered various explanations for the origins of sovereignty, the literature is yet to offer a convincing one. Rejecting the hypothesis to locate sovereignty with Westphalia, this paper traces the emergence of sovereignty to two nineteenth century developments: the dominance of the positivist legal theory and the ascendancy of European states over non-European states. Theoretically, this paper integrates critical legal theory and postcolonial theory into international relations theory. The critical legal theory clarifies how three doctrines that constructed sovereignty (state?s ultimate authority, territoriality, recognition) were directly related to the positivist (as opposed to earlier natural) legal theory. The postcolonial theory illuminates how the positivist legal theory?s construction of sovereignty was related to the legitimization of European and delegitimization of non-European political entities. Sovereignty both justified and enabled Europe? domination over non-European political entities. The empirical part of the paper examines the imposition of extraterritoriality (European states? exclusive jurisdiction over their citizens in non-European states) in Japan, China, Turkey, Iran, and Thailand to provide evidence that positivist legal theory?s attempt to conceptualize the interaction of European states? interaction with the non-European political entities crystallized the doctrine of sovereignty. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines what I term the ?second face of security.? Specifically, a state?s unilateral choice of arms, allies, or appeasement can strengthen the political power of some societal and economic actors in foreign states while others will be weakened politically and economically. The domestic winners will then apply pressure on the government to support their preferred grand strategy. In contrast, the more traditional ?first face of security? entails direct attempts to create security by influencing other governments to change their foreign policy. This is accomplished through military or economic statecraft such as the threat or use of military force, economic sanctions, foreign aid, or tariffs. In this paper I examine the intent of Britain?s appeasement policy towards Germany and Japan in the late 1930s. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Germany represents the model penitent in international affairs. Arguably more than any other nation, it has been willing to confront the dark sides of its history and apologize to its former victims. As a result, it is commonly maintained, the Federal Republic has been able to reap a wide variety of benefits. By reconciling itself with its neighbors, Germany has been able to put an end to the rivalries that historically have plagued central Europe while at the same time laying the foundations for Europe's unparalleled success in building a liberal regional order. Constructivists in particular have often held up German example as a model that others should emulate, including Japan, Russia, Austria and even the United States. Realist and other critics of this narrative have argued that in reality, German efforts to come clean about the past were far as clear cut as is often supposed. Moreover, there is a considerable body of evidence that suggests that German motives were far from pure. Calculations of national interest clearly influenced decisions to when and with whom Germany pursued reconciliation over the past. This paper will analyze the Federal Republic's efforts to deal with the past and compare it with other countries that have faced or face similar problems: Austria, France, Japan and Russia. Whereas once Germany was seen a more or less unique example of a country that has had to deal with the burdens of a troubled past, today there is a host of countries that are confronted with similar issues. This allows the application of the case study method to control for structural variables that may influence the decisions countries chose to take in dealing with the past including the nature of the crimes involved, the degree of regional integration, regime type and the balance of power. The paper will try to stake out a position between the naïve Constructivist and narrow Realist positions. While calculations of national interest undoubtedly influence countries' decisions to pursue historical justice issues, embedded historical narratives help or hinder such decisions, and the failure to harmonize historical narratives may have far reaching impact on a countries position in the international system. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews the current global context of foreign aid,particularly the distribution of development aid among the primary national donors -- the United States, Japan, Germany, Great Britain, and France. The chapter examines the stated objectives of these programs and the link between foreign aid and very differing foreign-policy agendas. A central assumption is that foreign aid is a reflection of donors' broader objectives in world politics. By examining both the quantity and "quality"of current aid programs, we gain a better comparative grasp of the global ambitions of the world's major industrial powers. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among various post-industrial economies, Japan is relatively new to the issues of immigration. Yet the country is rapidly catching up with Europeans, North Americans and others who have long struggled with the difficulties associated with immigration and immigrants. General attitude towards immigrants is adversarial, which is reflected in the restrictive immigration policy. Turning one?s eyes from state level to municipal level, however, administration in the area with higher proportion of foreign residents is keenly aware of the inadequacies of current immigration policy. Such local governments face difficulties that are not shared by other localities: for example, some municipalities find it a serious concern that children whose first language is not Japanese often have difficulties at school, then sometimes quit school, not being able to get jobs, literally dropping out of the social system, but such municipalities are limited in number. Furthermore, the central government maintains the stance that foreign citizens are not obligated to send their children to Japanese schools. Since many considers Japan as not a country of immigration without a question, governmental policies lack a notion that immigrants are also members of the society, assuming that they stay in Japan temporarily. Nevertheless, the number and proportion of foreign residents are increasing steadily, and European experiences clearly show that it is unrealistic to neglect immigrants? problems. This paper aims at analyzing the gap between the state level immigration policy and the difficulties that municipal governments tackle with. My focus is immigration in Japan, but I make comparison with German situation, in order to counter the claim that Japan as a nation state is uniquely homogenous and thus exclusion of immigrants is justified. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper assesses comparative environmental politics research related to state and social responses to the challenges posed by the threat of climate change. States and social actors have responded differently to climate change issues in the United States, Germany and Japan despite a generally common set of scientific information and global institutions. Domestic responses to global problems like climate change offer excellent opportunities to compare the effects of domestic political and social institutions across countries. In particular, domestic political structures significantly impact how environmental groups are formed, how they operate vis-à-vis their state's domestic and foreign policy making processes, and how they impact on policy outcomes. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The consolidation of stable, democratic pluralist institutions is obviously a complex and precarious process. Waves of scholarship have attempted to identify both those conditions necessary for successful transformations as well as those factors and pressures that may disrupt or impede the road to democracy. The military is one actor or, more accurately, set of actors that has been repeatedly identified as potentially problematic for this transition. For the most part, responses to this threat have centered on the construction of robust civil-military institutions so that the military is unable or unwilling to derail the process. Obviously, this is not an easy or straightforward task. In many cases, the armed forces were/are well-organized and cohesive in comparison to other domestic institutions. What choices do political and military leaders have when it comes to addressing the extremely difficult, yet vital, challenge of determining the role of the military in the future democracy? The focus of this paper is to analyze four cases in which decision-makers were forced to construct new civil-military institutions in a manner that ensured that the armed forces did not disrupt democratic process while also remaining combat effective.My investigation will center on how four countries approached the delicate task of designing their armed forces as their states attempted to consolidate democratic institutions. In keeping with the conference?s theme, I will analyze two states from the ?North,? the Federal Republic of Germany and Japan, as well as two states from the ?South,? South Africa and Bosnia-Herzegovina. The analysis will center primarily on the decision-making process in the early stages of the transition to democracy. At least four questions will be address. First, what choices and policies did political and military leaders make when it came to designing their states? civil-military institutions? At the most fundamental level, did they try to integrate the military with society or did they try to isolate the military from society? Second, what was the relative influence of domestic and international security concerns versus other considerations? The existence of allies and/or alliances is obviously related to this question. Third, how were the initial decisions adjusted or modified as domestic and international conditions changed? Finally, what lessons might these cases provide for Iraqi and Afghani decision-makers as they attempt to design their states? civil-military institutions? In the end, my analysis points to two basic choices ? either isolate the armed forces from domestic society (Japan and Bosnia-Herzegovina) or integrate them with the domestic society (Germany and South Africa). In the first option, decisions to isolate the military ascribe a more minimalist role for the military when it comes to the democratic consolidation process. With reference to the second choice, integration implies a more ambitious and proactive role for the military. However, my investigation also demonstrates that these initial choices have significant long-term consequences, ones that are not easily or inexpensively altered. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper re-investigates the finding reported by Organski and Kugler that nations recover from major war within twenty years regardless of the intensity of the conflict.These results are based on empirical findings by Arbetman who shows that developing nations may not recover from conflict and suffer permanent losses. I propose that this phenomenon is driven by the loss in human capital that is scarce in developing societies and abundant in developed ones. If preliminary results hold the fundamental implication is that societies like Afghanistan or Vietnam suffer the consequences of conflict far longer than advanced societies like Germany or Japan. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines some of the political and legal considerations raised by the prosecution of former leaders for the crime of aggression. It argues that a precondition of an effective prosecution is a careful assessment of both prevailing political circumstances and the opportunities and limits of the law. This is demonstrated via a comparison of the two most recent instances of prosecution - namely, at Nuremberg and at Tokyo in the aftermath of WW2. Three major differences between these prosecutions are identified: (1) the domestic political situation immediately prior to, and during, surrender; (2) the quality of available evidence against the former leaders; and (3) the actual conduct of the defendants in context. While the Allied occupation of an utterly defeated Germany permitted the capture of vast amounts of detailed evidence revealing a deliberate intention on the part of top Nazis to wage wars of conquest in Europe, this was not the case in Japan, which complicated to a very great extent the prosecution of Japanese defendants. As a result, the Nuremberg process remains a more effective example of prosecution for aggression than that conducted at Tokyo. Despite this outcome, it is concluded that both the Nuremberg and Tokyo trials provide important lessons for future criminal prosecutions of aggression. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the responses of the Japanese public to the participation of Tokyo, Japan in the War on Terror of the U.S. It considers whether the war on terrorism has changed preexisting beliefs in Japan about the efficacy of utilizing military force. It examines comparable data on public opinion in the U.S. and Germany for the sake of placing Japanese mass opinion in comparative perspective. Public opinion in Japan remains skeptical about the use of military force for purposes other than national defense, such as for combating terrorism.

What explains the failure of Germany and Japan after World War II, and contemporary Russia, to explore and condemn the repressive past after the collapse of the authoritarian order despite significant domestic and international pressures to do so? All th ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to address the difficulties of understanding between countries on courses of action regarding the regime of Climate Change, focusing the position of Japan and Germany on one hand and Brazil and India on the other, in the process that has ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]