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Globalization is portrayed by some analysts as forcing convergence to a liberal norm, while others argue for the continued efficacy of organized market forms of capitalism, to use Peter Hall’s description, despite globalization. Has there been a general move toward liberal market structures among European economies? And are there discernable differences in economic performance that can be traced to these transformations (or lack thereof)? This paper seeks to explore these questions empirically through an examination of institutional change and economic performance in six advanced industrial economies that offer a mix of liberal and coordinated economic structures (i.e., the United States, Britain, and Ireland on the liberal side; France, Germany, and the Netherlands as coordinated economies). The convergence question is often posed strictly in economic policy terms, an unfortunate limitation given that globalization reduces states’ ability to control economic change. The key question is how the broader institutions of economic and social regulation -- society rather than government -- respond to globalization. As such this paper first produces an empirical index based on capital mobility, labor relationships, economic regulation, and social attitudes for gauging whether markets in these states have largely liberalized or remain relatively coordinated. Comparative economic performance since 1989 (marking both the fall of the Berlin Wall and the introduction of the World Wide Web) will then be examined to see if there is any correlation between political-economic responses to globalization and economic outcomes. The hypothesis is that there will be more diversity among European capitalist economies than the mainstream reading of globalization would predict, but that more coordinated economies face rising opportunity costs that will comparatively hinder economic performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the call for contributions to this conference the European Union (EU) was named as a singularly successful example of economic integration. There is little doubt it has been. Another widespread view (and indeed empirical correlation) links economic development with democratic governance. Thence the convenient expectation that by expanding east the new EU must be supporting the democratic consolidation of its formerly communist members. Unfortunately, this expectation is less than firmly based. This paper, first, makes the theoretically founded argument that the correlation between prosperity and democracy depends on a minimally equitable distribution of the created wealth. While this argument should not come as a surprise, the obstinacy with which its common sense is disregarded suggests that democracy, not to mention equity, are subordinate goals in this integration process. This paper, second, provides empirical support for this suggestion. First, a look at the EU's institutional structure and policy priorities reveals a clear imbalance in favor or the common market and in disfavor of a common fiscal and social policy as well as democratic accountability. While this imbalance is obvious to some, their attempts to rectify it are an uphill struggle. Second, a look at the EU's strategy vis-à-vis its candidate countries reveals a striking disregard for the socio-economic implications of transition and for EU-fostered technocratic threats to democratic consolidation. While formal democracy is of course a criterion for membership, other EU policies conflict with the development of democracy beyond minimal formal criteria. Thus, official rhetoric notwithstanding, the institutional design and policies of the enlarging European Union clearly aim more at creating wealth for the few than at empowering the many. Other attempts at regional integration should prioritize among the values to be realized before heedlessly copying the EU's design. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a growing consensus that economic development alone will not result in democratization, universal values, and just societies. Investments in global governance seem necessary. But the discussion about global governance has often falsely featured the idea that there can be obvious joint solutions for obvious common problems. In fact, different actors pursue strikingly different, and often conflicting, versions of global governance. This paper explores the ongoing struggle for the governance of the global economy, featuring the competing proposals of transnational corporations and unions. This controversy has recently been transnationalized. The well-known activities of nationally based actors regarding their own governments, and the lobbying activities of international umbrella organizations regarding international organizations, are now complemented by transnational activities of nationally based actors. It is those new transnational actions that the paper focuses on, using recent conflicts between U.S.-based unions and Transnational Enterprises in the Americas, Asia, and Europe as the backdrop for a discussion of the contribution of such actions to the development of international values and norms. The paper argues that such contribution is necessarily limited because of the highly voluntaristic quality of both the corporations' and the unions' actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP) as a case study of European integration. Applying the theoretical lenses of various European integration approaches (intergovernmentalism, domestic politics, neofunctionalism and an 'expertocratic' approach) it seeks to understand how to explain the creation of the SGP as well as its subsequent (non-)application. The findings show that different approaches are able to illuminate different parts of the process. The paper thus argues that only an eclectically constructed combination of the approaches provides a satisfying explanation of this fundamental element of the rules-based Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While comparison of initial conditions for institution-building in Europe and Asia would lead us to a pessimistic and defeatist view with regard to the prospect for economic integration in East Asia, the move to integration in this region is now gaining momentum any way. The driving force of regional cooperation in East Asia may come from sources that are different from the Europe?s case. Once integration process starts up, however, it is possible that the process resembles the European experience more and more, because it is the logic of market that works at the core. Drawing on the analysis of Europe?s experience, this paper focuses on possible problems that could arise as a result of economic integration in East Asia. As integration of economies of East Asia proceeds, the market force unleashed in the process will propel economic growth in this region, but it will also possibly worsen inequality problem as well. Such market failures could in turn engender strong anti-integration sentiments in quarters of participating countries that question the legitimacy of the whole integration project, throwing all enterprise of economic integration into disarray. Such negative sentiments also can be mobilized for electoral purposes, further making it hard to sustain cooperative framework among states. The point here is that Europe shows the significance of being attentive to the consequences of economic integration: distributional problems and resulting erosion of legitimacy. In this regard, Europe?s experience is valuable for East Asia in delineating a roadmap for future steps toward regional integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Almost two decades have now passed since the launching of the Mediterranean Action Plan since 1975. A number of similar regional initiatives were launched throughout Europe since then as, for instance, the Barcelona, Helsinki, Oslo and Paris Conventions on coastal areas. Concerning mountain areas, the Alpine Convention was opened for signature in 1991 and it was followed in 2003 by its "sister" Carpathian Convention. This paper proposes an appraisal of the design of the Alpine Convention in the light of how it was written, one decade of implementation and how it is impacting the development of the Carpathian Convention and future multilateral agreements for the protection and sustainable development of other mountain regions. While the former had remarkable effects on the design of both conventions, the latter strongly impacted their respective implementation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The newest constitutional changes in Yugoslavia, dissolution of Yugoslavia and elevation of the two components of it (Serbia and Montenegro) a the level of practically two independent states is contributing a strong negative influence to the further process of European Economic Integratoin. Creation of the state SCG (Serbia and Montegnegro) is going to have negative effects upon the process of economic growth internally as well as upon the process of regional stability in the Balkans. Conclusion and suggestion of the author is either to separate two units fully and have two independent states, or make correction and create a more homogenous country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nowhere is the gap between winners and losers in the Central and East European (CEE) transition more evident than in its subnational, cross-regional variation. Both globalization and economic integration in the European marketplace have strongly impacted the geographic and regional distribution of the benefits and costs of integrating markets. Declining activity rates and purchasing power in the less advanced CEE regions and rapidly increasing economic disparities across more and less advanced CEE regions place significant burdens on the future outlook of these less developed regions. Empirical evidence suggests that in CEE the real losers of European integration are low and unskilled workers with little education in declining regions. Variation in regional rates of economic growth and development is of course not news in the wider European Union. Despite evidence of increasing economic convergence across states, increasing regional disparities are a global phenomenon (Sala-I-Martin, 2002) and are likewise well recognized in the European context (Quah, 1996). The appearance of regional disparities in CEE however represents one of the greatest challenges both to the political and economic stability of CEE and to the Union as a whole. This is above all the case because the less developed regions of CEE have experienced some of the worst features of the economic transition.FDI has flowed far more strongly to CEE’s more developed regions, indirectly contributing to rising economic disparities across the more and less advanced regions. And economic decline in the CEE’s less advanced regions has thus far not been stemmed by attempts at creating regional support mechanisms. Central governments themselves are torn between investing in the less developed regions and cementing economic development at the national level (Ellison, 2007). Thus the question remains how best to promote the economic development of the less developed regions.What strategies should be employed to attract investment to and build employment in these regions remains controversial. This paper asks what can be done? Will EU structural and cohesion funds or the Lisbon Agenda help reverse these trends? Can more FDI be directed to the less developed regions of Central and Eastern Europe through other public policy tools? This paper will provide an empirical analysis of the factors influencing subnational regional economic development. Using data on the subnational regional distribution of FDI flows, this paper will ask what factors best explain the regional distribution of FDI flows and will further explore the impact of this and other variablesâ€"in particular New Economy modelsâ€"on the prospects for regional economic development. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given their economic capacity and tradition as the major providers of Overseas Development Aid, global development policy is an obvious field for much more advanced co-operation between Europe and Japan. However, while there are similar intentions and responsibilities, actual policies and preferences differ. Apart from different regional emphases, there are also different normative considerations that guide European and Japanese development assistance. Japan and Europe seem agree on a philosophy that emphasises humanitarian considerations, an appreciation of the concept of “human security”, the recognition of global interdependence, environmental conservation and potential for self-help as desirable conditions for development aid. When actual decisions on donations are made, many other considerations, among them traditional notions of regional hegemony and trade interest, seem to guide policy-makers in both regions. The paper looks at shared and differing concepts of Japanese and European development aid and asks whether better co-ordination between the poles could change the global debate on development aid. The paper has a normative agenda which is, however, rooted in a remarkably deep understanding of the practicalities of Japanese ODA. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Population aging, low fertility and population decline are typically discussed in the context of Western Europe and other Northern states. However, over the last fifty years these trends have begun to replace the high fertility and youthfulness of developing country populations. Worldwide, demographic convergence is occurring but the North and South are likely to experience the effects of these trends differently. Though in both the North and the South population aging and low fertility bring concerns over social security and pensions to the fore, in the South the ramifications are much more severe because they are compounded by challenges of development. More than half of developing countries now identify aging as a major concern and many, if not most, of households in developing countries affected by AIDS are headed by an elderly family member. There are negative long-term social and economic consequences of this structure. Additionally, in developing states, migration, conflict, and HIV/AIDS affect the support traditionally transferred to older generations by younger ones?the problem is not merely pension-related. This paper first briefly compares the historical and current population trends of the North and South, describing the degree of convergence. It then discusses the applicability of Northern experiences to those in the South, noting areas where learning has or could occur to stave off potential problems in the South. Finally, the paper discusses the political and economic impacts of population trends in the South vis-à-vis the North. In particular, the paper details how these age structure imbalances and rapid changes in fertility create challenges for the economic and political health and stability of states in the South, which are trying to develop in the face of these population shifts. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This paper addresses the persistent disparities between the North and South from the perspective of transatlantic trade competition and contending strategies of development assistance. In the words of Timothy Garton Ash, ?America is, in aid policy, the world?s leading miser, but Europe is, in trade, the world?s leading hypocrite? (2004: 155). Going beyond the brief examples given by Garton Ash, I analyze how both economic superpowers pursue trade and development policies with an aim of explaining the relative impact of each set of policies on the broad goals of economic development. The paper begins with a descriptive and normative analysis of the official discourse in Washington and Brussels regarding the linkage between trade and development policies and the respective commitments to poverty reduction in the developing world. The second part of the paper offers an empirical analysis comparing the specific trade positions of the European Union and the United States throughout the ?Doha Development Round? as well as their specific actions taken to achieve the UN Millennium Development Goals. Examining both the normative discourse and specific actions and policies of both trade giants allows a more comprehensive answer to the following question: Is one approach morally superior to the other, or do both approaches reflect a form of dueling imperialisms? A normatively grounded, empirically supported answer to this question may have significant implications forl strategies for combating global poverty and growing inequality between the North and South and secondarily, contribute to the theoretical debates regarding the transatlantic rivalry for global leadership. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the mid-1940s the academy has seen the rise and embedding of the field of international development studies especially in North America and Europe. While mediated by local historical, political and economic conditions, the ideas embodied in this field have greatly influenced academic and policy debates pertaining to processes of political, cultural and economic change in the diverse social formations commonly referred to as the global South. In the main, the hegemonic ideas underpinning the evolution of development studies have been ahistorical, reductionist and technocratic. This paper, then, interrogates the constitutive ideas underpinning development discourse in the current phase of globalization as they pertain to the role of institutions of global governance, specifically the World Bank and the World Trade Organization, in politico-economic processes in contemporary Africa. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On virtually all indicators - economic development, strength of democratic institutions, political stability, and security, for example -- the ?New Europe? is divided along an axis that goes from northeast to southwest. Even among the ?old? members of the European Union states in the south [Greece and southern Italy and, to a lesser extent portions of Spain and Portugal] fall significantly behind the countries of the ?North? on most of these indicators. Moreover, although in some respects the new East-Central European members of the European Union fare quite poorly in comparison with the countries of Western and Northern Europe, it is in the south, specifically Southeastern Europe, where the economic, political and security gaps are the greatest. Our focus in this paper will be on economic and political issues associated with the instability and insecurity that still characterize most of the countries of the Balkans and the prospects for the divisions in Europe being closed over the next generation, or so. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper traces the enduring influence of the dirigiste traditions on contemporary French macroeconomic policymaking, arguing that French policy both within and towards the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP) is consistent with long-standing French dirigiste preferences and policy traditions. Specifically it explores how, within the SGP, French governments have created and defended significant fiscal policy space, and how the scope for discretionary policy-making has in fact been enhanced by the credibility accrued through European rule-based governance. Furthermore, it analyses how, in their policies towards the SGP, French governments have successfully influenced the reshaping of the fiscal policy architecture, introducing a more dirigiste interventionism in the interpretation and implementation of the SGP, loosening constraints in accordance with dirigiste preferences. French policymakers have thus played a ?long-run game? with European economic governance ? initially accepting ordo-liberal orthodoxy, only to subsequently ?move the goalposts? in a more dirigiste direction. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

THE PAPER DEALS WITH CONTEMPORARY ECONOMIC SITUATION IN THE AREA OF NORTH AND SOUTH OF EUROPE. IT SHOWS THE SIMILARITIES AND DIFFERENCES AND CHANCES FOR BRINGING CLOSER LESS DEVELOPED PART OF EUROPE. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After a long-lasting period of economic growth and catching-up efforts with the US technological leadership, in the 90th major European economies entered a trend of slow growth, and patchy technological progress. Literature identifies the source of thi ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the demise of the Soviet Union and the dawn of the post-Cold War Era, economic stability and viability has increasingly become the main measure of might for states. With the emphasis on economic growth and a global economic presence, comes a focus on the means by which states have chosen to obtain these policy goals. International cooperation through economic integration has drawn increasing attention as a tool of economic growth. Historically, a vast amount of work on economic integration has centered around European integration and the development of the European Union. The main objective of this research is twofold. We first examine six major theories of integration that were originally developed to explain the European experience. These theories can also be applied to the study of the formation and development of other international regional organizations, such as Economic Cooperation organization (ECO). These theories include: Functionalism, Neofunctionalism, Dialectical Functionalism, Intergovernmentalism, Supranationalism, and Corporatism. Secondly, we discuss the nature, role, and structural organization of ECO in order to identify which integration theory would more clearly and comprehensively explain ECO's goals and operations. These research topics are significant since they are central to the study of international politics and help to identify and analyze forces that contribute to the formation of larger political communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent studies shows mixed results on the relationship between economic growth and conflict. This study assesses this relationship as differentiated by geographic regions suggesting, with up-dated GDP data, that economic growth historically made Europe and Asia more war prone. This study aggregates at the regional level of analysis using a count dependent variable. A key conceptual/ definitional issue is "region". This obligatory question is always a key issue in geography, naturally. The main goal is to not be arbitrary in our definition of region but to utilize culture or another variable that actually help define region, and that is theoretically important in order to describe why regionality should matter at all. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past few years, many studies have focused on the success of the European Regional Policy; specifically, the question regarding the ability of the European Regional Development Fund, in conjunction with the Structural Funds, to achieve regional convergence. Using models developed by economists, we can test for the existence and speed of economic convergence at the level of the European regions. While this is a useful first step the use of GDP per capita is seen as a limited representation of convergence, as well as a measure of the achievements of the ERDF and the Structural Funds. The authors employ additional indicators to better approximate what the EU envisions as to how convergence should be measured: “Cohesion has been taken . . . primarily to refer to the reduction in economic and other disparities between regions and addressing problems of social exclusion, threatened or actual” (European Commission 1997, 1). In addition to offering a more varied representation of cohesion, the authors also expand on previous models of convergence by including both economic and political factors which can affect this process. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The promotion of democracy is one of the core objectives of the EU's Neighborhood Policy in Eastern Europe and the Mediterranean. To achieve this goal, the EU can use three basic mechanisms: leverage through political conditionality, the establishment of intersocietal linkages, and the networks of functional governace it maintains with the neighboring countries. In a panel cross-sectional time-series analysis covering the period between 1988 and 2004, we test the conditions of effectiveness for these three mechanisms against structural, socioeconomic factors of democratization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]