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The paper examines Brazilians’ attitudes toward the BRICS, verifying whether the soft balancing strategy finds support on public opinion, by using survey data from the Brazil, the Americas and the World Project. Results indicate that the attitudes toward the BRICS countries are similar to those toward other relevant partners. Moreover, attitudes toward the BRICS are not associated with a rejection of the US, which points to the possibility of soft-balancing having support in national public opinion.

The increased political significance of South-South Cooperation (SSC), globally and within Brazilian Foreign Policy, has produced a variety of SSC accountability-related disputes. This paper unpacks the ways in which accountability has been problematised and negotiated in the last decade between the competing stakeholders and publics of Brazilian SSC along three intersecting dimensions: geopolitical, bureaucratic and state-society relations.

The aim of this paper is to assess the effect of official development assistance on economic growth and poverty reduction in Tajikistan, as well as to examine the recent role of South-South Cooperation. We used a panel data set on economic growth and poverty estimates in Tajikistan, and found that a 1% increase of official development assistance provoked a 1.6% rise in per capita GDP and a 0.48% decrease in poverty levels in Tajikistan. Despite the increased relevance of South-South Cooperation in Tajikistan, the current bilateral cooperation pattern does not allow us to think South–South aid will create employment and growth opportunities.

Na última década, mudanças e inovações foram introduzidas nas redes intergovernamentais de política externa. Novas potências como Brasil adquiriram um peso relativo devido ao seu novo status atuando como definidor de agendas, moderador e construtor de coalizões. Esse artigo examina a relevância de diferentes redes de política externa como o Fórum Índia-Brasil-África do Sul (IBAS) e Brasil-África do Sul-Índia-China (BASIC) para a política externa brasileira desde 2003. In the past decade, change and innovation have been induced through intergovernmental foreign policy networks. New powers like Brazil have gained relative weight due to their status as agenda-setters, brokers, and coalition-builders. This paper examines the relevance of different foreign policy networks such as India-Brazil-South Africa (IBSA) and Brazil-South Africa-India-China (BASIC) for the Brazilian foreign policy since 2003.

O artigo aborda a evolução das relações bilaterais entre o Brasil e o Suriname durante a primeira metade da década de 1980, e especificamente o processo de tomada de decisão que culminou com o envio da assim chamada missão Venturini ao Suriname. O texto fundamentase em evidência documental primária resgatada em dois arquivos brasileiros. Conclui-se que os objetivos fundamentais propostos pelo governo brasileiro com relação ao Suriname - então controlado pelo comandante Desiré Delano Bouterse - foram alcançados, particularmente no que diz respeito a evitar a instalação do conflito Leste-Oeste na sensível fronteira norte do país e na região amazônica, em geral. The paper explores the evolution of the bilateral relations between Brazil and Suriname during the 1980s, especially with the so-called Venturini mission to Suriname. The text uses original documents from two Brazilian archives. The article shows that the main goals of Figueiredo's administration with respect to Suriname were fulfilled, especially concerning the avoidance of an East-West conflict in the sensitive north frontier of the country and in the Amazon region.

Este artigo discute as políticas de proteção dos povos indígenas e a epístola do ecologismo dos excluídos nos países amazônicos. Aborda a Declaração das Nações Unidas sobre o Direito dos Povos Indígenas e a Resolução da Assembléia Geral da ONU que qualifica os efeitos das mudanças climáticas como uma ameaça à segurança internacional. Ambas levam a uma construção cognitiva por parcerias pela justiça social. O texto relembra a invasão de terras pela desordenada imigração. Descortina o potencial analítico oferecido pelo estudo das relações internacionais para aclarar perspectivas tanto da mitigação das mudanças climáticas por meio da Responsabilidade de Proteger (R2P) quanto do convívio das maiorias excluídas com as minorias indígenas protegidas. This article discusses the policies of protection for indigenous people and the environmentalist manifesto for the excluded in Amazonian countries. It addresses the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People and the resolution of the General Assembly that qualifies the effects of climate change as threats to international security. Both lead to cognitive constructions for social justice. The paper reminds us of the invasion of lands by disorderly immigration. More importantly, it unveils the analytical potential offered by the study of international relations to clarify the perspectives of both the mitigation of climate change through the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and the excluded majority that lives alongside the protected indigenous minorities.