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The language of one community has always been a form of individualization in relation to another community. It has always been a form of creating a consciousness of community belonging, of solidarity of individuals with the group. It is no wonder, therefore, that it has been used by certain states or political regimes to create and support identity disputes inside or outside a state, inside or outside communities. Language was then a political tool used by some states to create new forms of ethno-national identity that would justify membership/claiming territories or individualizing a population in relation to the main ethno-linguistic group. The purpose of this study is to identify and establish relationships between linguistic individualization and the political act or the political interest of the difference of opinions promotion of „ new" linguistic realities to justify or challenge certain state borders or ethno-national constructions. The space under analysis is that of Eastern and Balkan Europe, in particular that of the Republic of Moldova and Northern Macedonia. Methodologically, the focus of our analysis lies primarily on the identity boundaries generated by the specific ethno-religious, linguistic or cultural, but also by the nature of the mental specific to the area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union is interested in balance, efficient governance and economic progress at its eastern borders. In this context, Joint Operational Programmes were established between EU states and non-EU states on the eastern part of the old continent. Thus, the Eastern Partnership was proposed as a specific Eastern dimension of the European Neighbourhood Policy, its main objective being the creation, the intensification and the advancement of the necessary conditions for both political association and for the acceleration of the economic integration in the EU of Eastern European partner countries. Romania-Ukraine-Moldova Cross-Border Cooperation Programme 2007-2013 was an effective tool used for improving the economic and social situation, in the context of secure borders, by enhancing cooperation between partners on both borders, which led to the continuation of the project, in 2014-2020, with two distinct programmes, i.e. Romania-Ukraine and Romania-Moldova. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to highlight the results of Romania-Ukraine-Moldova POC 2007-2020, obtained as a result of the ex-post analysis as well as an ex-ante analysis of the new Romania-Ukraine Cooperation Programme 2014-2020, according to the model of evaluation on objectives. Finally, based on the results obtained, we shall try to outline proposals and forecasts for this programme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Finland's security is integrally linked with its immediate surroundings, Europe, and global development. Given that Finland considers Russia to be one of the main challenges to its security, cross-border security cooperation with it is limited. Over the years the Finnish border authorities have, nevertheless, developed effective joint working practices with their Russian counterparts which provide a unique communication channel, even in the present geopolitical climate. The present paper address the Finnish-Russia security cooperation, and its lack, within a wider European frame and pits the practical experiences against ongoing theoretical discussion on security and threat perceptions. It argues that despite the more multifaceted understandings of borders and the EUropeanised rhetoric, the Finnish-Russian border is still very much a classic state border guarded by two states from their respective perspectives. In the Finnish-Russian case the content of cooperation has more to do with border management than with more coherent border security, as the former is build on a more common ground than the latter. Increased cooperation and Russian convergence with EU models of border security and management would certainly be of benefit, but Russia's willingness to cooperate seems half-hearted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Border security along the Canada - United States border has evolved over the last century from conflict to cooperation to the current path of integration. The evolutionary process that has marked the development of border policy between Canada and the United States has a distinct institutional framework, whereby border security has developed along a specific pathway. Institutional momentum, and a commitment on the part of the current leaders, means integration will continue into the future. This will greatly change how security operations are conducted along the border, to the point where the border will become a zone of shared legal jurisdiction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is argued in this paper that the choice made by the vast majority of the international community to promote a systematic and extensive use of the uti possidetis principle for defining new international borders of newborn European States has not met the expectations of peace and stability. Starting from the explanation of the initial meaning of the principle in antique Roman law, a first part explores how the principle of uti possidetis was reactivated for decolonisation processes in Latin America, Asia and Africa, before being implemented in Europe following the dismemberment of the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia. A second part is dedicated to the assessment of this import for separations of States whose constituting territory is at stake. The intent is to expose its shortfalls and propose alternative solutions to improve the situations for which the use of uti possidetis principle has been counter-productive. One possible option is certainly to promote adjustments of borders under the supervision of the international community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is dedicated to the main challenges of Ukrainian-Romanian border security issues. The author pays attention to the different aspects of Ukrainian-Romanian relations in the context of border security. Primarily the author analyzes the historical background of Romanian-Ukrainian relations, tries to clarify the main tendencies and painful points in Ukrainian-Romanian relations during the XX century. The last decade of the previous century and the beginning of the XXI century changed the geopolitical situation in the Europe and of course affected on Ukrainian-Romanian relations including border question. In the article the main challenges in Ukrainian-Romanian border security issues are identified. The author comes to the conclusion that the coping with all these challenges is possible just by joint work and collaboration of both Ukraine and Romania. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After Lithuania's secession from the USSR and the ensuing disintegration of the Union, the Kaliningrad region, which was a part of the Soviet Union in 1945-1991, became a Russian exclave. Its administrative land border turned out to coincide with the state border of the Russian Federation. The barrier function of the border of the Kaliningrad region started to increase, which became especially pronounced after the accession of Poland and Lithuania first to NATO and then to the European Union. As a result of successful international negotiations, Russian cooperation with Poland and Lithuania, as well as NATO and the EU, the contact function of the Russian-Lithuanian and Russian-Polish borders is gradually increasing. The most indicative examples are the Russian-Lithuanian agreement on the simplified transit document, which is issued instead of a visa for the travel of Russian citizens from the Kaliningrad region to other Russian regions via Lithuania, as well as the Russian-Polish agreement on local border traffic, which has simplified the travel of the residents of the Kaliningrad region to the neighbouring Polish voivodships and that of the residents of the latter to the Kaliningrad region. The development of the Kaliningrad region as a "development corridor" between the Russian Federation and the European Union will contribute to a further decrease in the barrier and an increase in the contact function of the Russian-Polish and Russian-Lithuanian borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The profound socio-spatial transformations that have occurred in Post Cold-War Europe are becoming visible in border regions in terms of the influence of civil society cooperation, intermarriage, business networks, the increasing mobility of labour, local cross-border trade and tourism, etc. These processes suggest an acceleration of rapidly re-territorializing (e.g. 'post-national') dynamics in Europe. The Finnish-Russian case of 'Karelia' highlights the complexity of re-territorialisation in 'emerging' European Borderlands. Karelia is, on the one hand, a regional idea - part of an attempt to selectively use history, geographical representations and discourses of regional integration in order to create a sense of common purpose. This paper will present evidence of regionalisation processes taking shape in 'Finnish-Russian' Karelia based on the construction of 'familiarity' This region-building strategy harks back to the well-known Euroregion model developed within the context of European integration. However, if Euroregions can be seen as largely public sector projects of 'place-making' the construction of familiarity is a much more socially grounded process. In concluding I will speculate to what extent this European Borderland can be seen as a laboratory of post-national identity-formation and development practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today, Romania and Hungary are two countries sharing the same wish: to become active and responsible members of the new great European family. Even if the start was slightly differentiated - Hungary acceded to the EU in 2004 and Romania in 2007 - the post-adhesion evolutions of the two countries are demonstrating the same effort towards the complete integration in the European Union, through the adhesion to the Euro Zone. This paper intends to reveal if the border between the two states plays the role of either connection or demarcation between the economic evolutions of these two member-states of the European Union. On this matter, we will analyze the economic conjuncture, the evolution of the economic indexes and the condition of the different fields of the neighboring economies [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cooperation seems strictly necessary, and from this perspective the media can bring, with direct involvement of authorities, a contribution to strengthening the connections and the relationship between people and institutions. A company located in a process accentuated by globalization can not be conceived without taking into account the role of the media, to influence and control exercised by it. The impact of media is different, depending on which a public nature, but according to the typology and the different forms of media. The impact is different when we take into consideration the press, radio or television. The cultural contact are the importance of media in promoting common, human values, is very high. If this cultural space is doubled by a politic delimitated area, the media's role is even more significant. Cross-border cooperation and joint initiatives involves the development of interstate relations but also people. As a result of developing relations of good neighborliness in space requires new definition and the reclassification of border. Good Neighborhood is a basic condition for maintaining security in the border area, it is a principle of international law, legal form of the formulation containing the principle of the obligation to make, and the obligation not to do. Thus, the obligation to make can be expressed by the rule which requires subjects of international law to act as good neighbors. Media Action appears in this perspective as an important factor for the transmission and control of legal or social rules. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]