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The Afghan people suffered a lot from war on terror, security issues, and political and economic instability since US invasion in 2001. Pakistan being an important neighbouring country of Afghanistan can play a vital role in bringing amity and stability through facilitating peace process. Both the US administration and Afghan government demand Pakistan to influence and bring the Taliban to the table talks. In this context, this study aims to explore Pakistan’s role in the ongoing peace process that has so far created an understanding among the stakeholders that a peaceful and stable Afghanistan is in the interest of the region. The study finds that there are greater issues to be dealt with carefully e.g., the governance system of the country, the constitution, and a viable power-sharing formula to be acceptable to all the stakeholders. Any successful peace deal needs a strong commitment on the part of all the stakeholders. Peace is the need of the hour not only for Afghanistan but for the whole region as well. Pakistan needs to continue her support to the Afghanistan’s stability and play its due role in the peace negotiations in the greater regional interests.

The Afghan people suffered a lot from war on terror, security issues, and political and economic instability since US invasion in 2001. Pakistan being an important neighbouring country of Afghanistan can play a vital role in bringing amity and stability through facilitating peace process. Both the US administration and Afghan government demand Pakistan to influence and bring the Taliban to the table talks. In this context, this study aims to explore Pakistan’s role in the ongoing peace process that has so far created an understanding among the stakeholders that a peaceful and stable Afghanistan is in the interest of the region. The study finds that there are greater issues to be dealt with carefully e.g., the governance system of the country, the constitution, and a viable power-sharing formula to be acceptable to all the stakeholders. Any successful peace deal needs a strong commitment on the part of all the stakeholders. Peace is the need of the hour not only for Afghanistan but for the whole region as well. Pakistan needs to continue her support to the Afghanistan’s stability and play its due role in the peace negotiations in the greater regional interests.

The Afghan people suffered a lot from war on terror, security issues, and political and economic instability since US invasion in 2001. Pakistan being an important neighbouring country of Afghanistan can play a vital role in bringing amity and stability through facilitating peace process. Both the US administration and Afghan government demand Pakistan to influence and bring the Taliban to the table talks. In this context, this study aims to explore Pakistan’s role in the ongoing peace process that has so far created an understanding among the stakeholders that a peaceful and stable Afghanistan is in the interest of the region. The study finds that there are greater issues to be dealt with carefully e.g., the governance system of the country, the constitution, and a viable power-sharing formula to be acceptable to all the stakeholders. Any successful peace deal needs a strong commitment on the part of all the stakeholders. Peace is the need of the hour not only for Afghanistan but for the whole region as well. Pakistan needs to continue her support to the Afghanistan’s stability and play its due role in the peace negotiations in the greater regional interests.

Vote bank of almost all the political parties in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) is fluctuating in every general election. It is believed that a significant ratio of floating voters exists in KP. These voters play a significant role as key deciders in every general election. But the basic question is "who are the floating voters and how do they influence the outcomes of the general elections in KP? This study is an attempt to test the floating voters’ hypothesis in KP. For testing this hypothesis, a four variable scale that includes, decision to vote; political awareness; satisfaction from the performance of the political party and interest in political and/or party affairs is used. Data collection is done through a closed-ended survey questionnaire and a multi-stage sampling technique is used for this purpose. Data is collected from three geographical regions of KP i.e., North, Centre, and South. The study population is total voters of KP, and a representative sample of 1200 respondents is determined through a statistical formula. Chi-Square test is used for the correlations of independent and dependent variables. The analysis of data confirmed the "floating voters’ hypothesis" and identified a significant ratio of floating voters in the KP.

Vote bank of almost all the political parties in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) is fluctuating in every general election. It is believed that a significant ratio of floating voters exists in KP. These voters play a significant role as key deciders in every general election. But the basic question is "who are the floating voters and how do they influence the outcomes of the general elections in KP? This study is an attempt to test the floating voters’ hypothesis in KP. For testing this hypothesis, a four variable scale that includes, decision to vote; political awareness; satisfaction from the performance of the political party and interest in political and/or party affairs is used. Data collection is done through a closed-ended survey questionnaire and a multi-stage sampling technique is used for this purpose. Data is collected from three geographical regions of KP i.e., North, Centre, and South. The study population is total voters of KP, and a representative sample of 1200 respondents is determined through a statistical formula. Chi-Square test is used for the correlations of independent and dependent variables. The analysis of data confirmed the "floating voters’ hypothesis" and identified a significant ratio of floating voters in the KP.

Vote bank of almost all the political parties in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) is fluctuating in every general election. It is believed that a significant ratio of floating voters exists in KP. These voters play a significant role as key deciders in every general election. But the basic question is "who are the floating voters and how do they influence the outcomes of the general elections in KP? This study is an attempt to test the floating voters’ hypothesis in KP. For testing this hypothesis, a four variable scale that includes, decision to vote; political awareness; satisfaction from the performance of the political party and interest in political and/or party affairs is used. Data collection is done through a closed-ended survey questionnaire and a multi-stage sampling technique is used for this purpose. Data is collected from three geographical regions of KP i.e., North, Centre, and South. The study population is total voters of KP, and a representative sample of 1200 respondents is determined through a statistical formula. Chi-Square test is used for the correlations of independent and dependent variables. The analysis of data confirmed the "floating voters’ hypothesis" and identified a significant ratio of floating voters in the KP.

Vote bank of almost all the political parties in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) is fluctuating in every general election. It is believed that a significant ratio of floating voters exists in KP. These voters play a significant role as key deciders in every general election. But the basic question is "who are the floating voters and how do they influence the outcomes of the general elections in KP? This study is an attempt to test the floating voters’ hypothesis in KP. For testing this hypothesis, a four variable scale that includes, decision to vote; political awareness; satisfaction from the performance of the political party and interest in political and/or party affairs is used. Data collection is done through a closed-ended survey questionnaire and a multi-stage sampling technique is used for this purpose. Data is collected from three geographical regions of KP i.e., North, Centre, and South. The study population is total voters of KP, and a representative sample of 1200 respondents is determined through a statistical formula. Chi-Square test is used for the correlations of independent and dependent variables. The analysis of data confirmed the "floating voters’ hypothesis" and identified a significant ratio of floating voters in the KP.

Vote bank of almost all the political parties in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) is fluctuating in every general election. It is believed that a significant ratio of floating voters exists in KP. These voters play a significant role as key deciders in every general election. But the basic question is "who are the floating voters and how do they influence the outcomes of the general elections in KP? This study is an attempt to test the floating voters’ hypothesis in KP. For testing this hypothesis, a four variable scale that includes, decision to vote; political awareness; satisfaction from the performance of the political party and interest in political and/or party affairs is used. Data collection is done through a closed-ended survey questionnaire and a multi-stage sampling technique is used for this purpose. Data is collected from three geographical regions of KP i.e., North, Centre, and South. The study population is total voters of KP, and a representative sample of 1200 respondents is determined through a statistical formula. Chi-Square test is used for the correlations of independent and dependent variables. The analysis of data confirmed the "floating voters’ hypothesis" and identified a significant ratio of floating voters in the KP.

The aim of this study is to find the political determinants of voting behaviour in the selected districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. It is a quantitative study and aims at knowing the political factors of voting behaviour in the earlier three general elections i.e., 2002, 2008 and 2013. Its major purpose is to see the changing trend of the voters in the above-mentioned elections. It has investigated 292 respondents who had cast vote in any of the target elections. The researchers asked questions through Likert scale designed questionnaire under the purposive sampling technique. The study finds a significant association of political factors such as candidate’s affiliation, political party affiliation, party leadership affiliation and party ideology with the voting behaviour. The results of the data show changing scenario as the importance of numerous factors is replaced by others. The study recommends that local political leadership as well as the Election Commission of Pakistan should come forward to actively launch an awareness movement for women participation in elections. It should focus on the importance of vote towards increasing the ratio of participation in voting process, especially women’s voting.

This paper aims to analyse the reasons of strained civil-military relations between the Army under General Pervaiz Musharraf as Chief of Army Staff and the civilian government under the premiership of Nawaz Sharif. A mixed method approach has been adopted for collection of primary and secondary data for this descriptive, theoretical, and qualitative study. The analysis shows that the relations between the two institutions i.e., the civilian government and the military were deteriorated due to an ill-fated Kargil war launched by the then Army Chief solely on his own decision. The war under the guise of Kashmiri mujahedeen movement became an unpleasant event for Pakistan in the international community. The situation compelled the elected government to declare withdrawal of the para-military forces unilaterally thus causing further damages in terms of human and material losses. The military, opposition parties and other groups in the country blamed the civilian government for this failure. Therefore, the post Kargil war developments became a major source of contention between civil and military leadership. The events and reasons leading to the removal of Army Chief, dismissal of elected government and dissolution of national and provincial assemblies have been critically analysed in this study.

The aim of this study is to find the political determinants of voting behaviour in the selected districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. It is a quantitative study and aims at knowing the political factors of voting behaviour in the earlier three general elections i.e., 2002, 2008 and 2013. Its major purpose is to see the changing trend of the voters in the above-mentioned elections. It has investigated 292 respondents who had cast vote in any of the target elections. The researchers asked questions through Likert scale designed questionnaire under the purposive sampling technique. The study finds a significant association of political factors such as candidate’s affiliation, political party affiliation, party leadership affiliation and party ideology with the voting behaviour. The results of the data show changing scenario as the importance of numerous factors is replaced by others. The study recommends that local political leadership as well as the Election Commission of Pakistan should come forward to actively launch an awareness movement for women participation in elections. It should focus on the importance of vote towards increasing the ratio of participation in voting process, especially women’s voting.

This paper aims to analyse the reasons of strained civil-military relations between the Army under General Pervaiz Musharraf as Chief of Army Staff and the civilian government under the premiership of Nawaz Sharif. A mixed method approach has been adopted for collection of primary and secondary data for this descriptive, theoretical, and qualitative study. The analysis shows that the relations between the two institutions i.e., the civilian government and the military were deteriorated due to an ill-fated Kargil war launched by the then Army Chief solely on his own decision. The war under the guise of Kashmiri mujahedeen movement became an unpleasant event for Pakistan in the international community. The situation compelled the elected government to declare withdrawal of the para-military forces unilaterally thus causing further damages in terms of human and material losses. The military, opposition parties and other groups in the country blamed the civilian government for this failure. Therefore, the post Kargil war developments became a major source of contention between civil and military leadership. The events and reasons leading to the removal of Army Chief, dismissal of elected government and dissolution of national and provincial assemblies have been critically analysed in this study.

This paper aims to analyse the reasons of strained civil-military relations between the Army under General Pervaiz Musharraf as Chief of Army Staff and the civilian government under the premiership of Nawaz Sharif. A mixed method approach has been adopted for collection of primary and secondary data for this descriptive, theoretical, and qualitative study. The analysis shows that the relations between the two institutions i.e., the civilian government and the military were deteriorated due to an ill-fated Kargil war launched by the then Army Chief solely on his own decision. The war under the guise of Kashmiri mujahedeen movement became an unpleasant event for Pakistan in the international community. The situation compelled the elected government to declare withdrawal of the para-military forces unilaterally thus causing further damages in terms of human and material losses. The military, opposition parties and other groups in the country blamed the civilian government for this failure. Therefore, the post Kargil war developments became a major source of contention between civil and military leadership. The events and reasons leading to the removal of Army Chief, dismissal of elected government and dissolution of national and provincial assemblies have been critically analysed in this study.

The aim of this study is to find the political determinants of voting behaviour in the selected districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. It is a quantitative study and aims at knowing the political factors of voting behaviour in the earlier three general elections i.e., 2002, 2008 and 2013. Its major purpose is to see the changing trend of the voters in the above-mentioned elections. It has investigated 292 respondents who had cast vote in any of the target elections. The researchers asked questions through Likert scale designed questionnaire under the purposive sampling technique. The study finds a significant association of political factors such as candidate’s affiliation, political party affiliation, party leadership affiliation and party ideology with the voting behaviour. The results of the data show changing scenario as the importance of numerous factors is replaced by others. The study recommends that local political leadership as well as the Election Commission of Pakistan should come forward to actively launch an awareness movement for women participation in elections. It should focus on the importance of vote towards increasing the ratio of participation in voting process, especially women’s voting.

The aim of this study is to find the political determinants of voting behaviour in the selected districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. It is a quantitative study and aims at knowing the political factors of voting behaviour in the earlier three general elections i.e., 2002, 2008 and 2013. Its major purpose is to see the changing trend of the voters in the above-mentioned elections. It has investigated 292 respondents who had cast vote in any of the target elections. The researchers asked questions through Likert scale designed questionnaire under the purposive sampling technique. The study finds a significant association of political factors such as candidate’s affiliation, political party affiliation, party leadership affiliation and party ideology with the voting behaviour. The results of the data show changing scenario as the importance of numerous factors is replaced by others. The study recommends that local political leadership as well as the Election Commission of Pakistan should come forward to actively launch an awareness movement for women participation in elections. It should focus on the importance of vote towards increasing the ratio of participation in voting process, especially women’s voting.

This paper aims to analyse the reasons of strained civil-military relations between the Army under General Pervaiz Musharraf as Chief of Army Staff and the civilian government under the premiership of Nawaz Sharif. A mixed method approach has been adopted for collection of primary and secondary data for this descriptive, theoretical, and qualitative study. The analysis shows that the relations between the two institutions i.e., the civilian government and the military were deteriorated due to an ill-fated Kargil war launched by the then Army Chief solely on his own decision. The war under the guise of Kashmiri mujahedeen movement became an unpleasant event for Pakistan in the international community. The situation compelled the elected government to declare withdrawal of the para-military forces unilaterally thus causing further damages in terms of human and material losses. The military, opposition parties and other groups in the country blamed the civilian government for this failure. Therefore, the post Kargil war developments became a major source of contention between civil and military leadership. The events and reasons leading to the removal of Army Chief, dismissal of elected government and dissolution of national and provincial assemblies have been critically analysed in this study.

The aim of this study is to find the political determinants of voting behaviour in the selected districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. It is a quantitative study and aims at knowing the political factors of voting behaviour in the earlier three general elections i.e., 2002, 2008 and 2013. Its major purpose is to see the changing trend of the voters in the above-mentioned elections. It has investigated 292 respondents who had cast vote in any of the target elections. The researchers asked questions through Likert scale designed questionnaire under the purposive sampling technique. The study finds a significant association of political factors such as candidate’s affiliation, political party affiliation, party leadership affiliation and party ideology with the voting behaviour. The results of the data show changing scenario as the importance of numerous factors is replaced by others. The study recommends that local political leadership as well as the Election Commission of Pakistan should come forward to actively launch an awareness movement for women participation in elections. It should focus on the importance of vote towards increasing the ratio of participation in voting process, especially women’s voting.

This paper aims to analyse the reasons of strained civil-military relations between the Army under General Pervaiz Musharraf as Chief of Army Staff and the civilian government under the premiership of Nawaz Sharif. A mixed method approach has been adopted for collection of primary and secondary data for this descriptive, theoretical, and qualitative study. The analysis shows that the relations between the two institutions i.e., the civilian government and the military were deteriorated due to an ill-fated Kargil war launched by the then Army Chief solely on his own decision. The war under the guise of Kashmiri mujahedeen movement became an unpleasant event for Pakistan in the international community. The situation compelled the elected government to declare withdrawal of the para-military forces unilaterally thus causing further damages in terms of human and material losses. The military, opposition parties and other groups in the country blamed the civilian government for this failure. Therefore, the post Kargil war developments became a major source of contention between civil and military leadership. The events and reasons leading to the removal of Army Chief, dismissal of elected government and dissolution of national and provincial assemblies have been critically analysed in this study.

The aim of this study is to find the political determinants of voting behaviour in the selected districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. It is a quantitative study and aims at knowing the political factors of voting behaviour in the earlier three general elections i.e., 2002, 2008 and 2013. Its major purpose is to see the changing trend of the voters in the above-mentioned elections. It has investigated 292 respondents who had cast vote in any of the target elections. The researchers asked questions through Likert scale designed questionnaire under the purposive sampling technique. The study finds a significant association of political factors such as candidate’s affiliation, political party affiliation, party leadership affiliation and party ideology with the voting behaviour. The results of the data show changing scenario as the importance of numerous factors is replaced by others. The study recommends that local political leadership as well as the Election Commission of Pakistan should come forward to actively launch an awareness movement for women participation in elections. It should focus on the importance of vote towards increasing the ratio of participation in voting process, especially women’s voting.

This paper aims to analyse the reasons of strained civil-military relations between the Army under General Pervaiz Musharraf as Chief of Army Staff and the civilian government under the premiership of Nawaz Sharif. A mixed method approach has been adopted for collection of primary and secondary data for this descriptive, theoretical, and qualitative study. The analysis shows that the relations between the two institutions i.e., the civilian government and the military were deteriorated due to an ill-fated Kargil war launched by the then Army Chief solely on his own decision. The war under the guise of Kashmiri mujahedeen movement became an unpleasant event for Pakistan in the international community. The situation compelled the elected government to declare withdrawal of the para-military forces unilaterally thus causing further damages in terms of human and material losses. The military, opposition parties and other groups in the country blamed the civilian government for this failure. Therefore, the post Kargil war developments became a major source of contention between civil and military leadership. The events and reasons leading to the removal of Army Chief, dismissal of elected government and dissolution of national and provincial assemblies have been critically analysed in this study.

Democracy, transition to democracy and democratic consolidation have widely been debated across the world and have prominent position in third world countries. Democracy in developing countries particularly in Pakistan is confronting long standing problem of consolidation of power by civilians. In democracy the strength of the state institutions depends on the relationship among central government with opposition and with provincial governments. Pakistan consists of a centre and four federating units having mix nationalities. This paper investigates the factors which have provoked confrontational politics both within the parliament between ruling and opposition parties and with provincial governments especially Punjab during Benazir Bhutto’s rule. The paper focuses on the question whether it was the same follies which Benazir Bhutto played with during her second term with opposition in the centre and their governments in provinces. To find answers to these questions, secondary data has been used and to supplement newspapers have been consulted for obtaining first-hand information of public officials. The relationship among the ruling party in the centre with opposition and the provincial governments often remained unpleasant and unfriendly. It is argued that personal the national considerations augmented the confrontation and conflicts among national and regional level political parties.

Democracy, transition to democracy and democratic consolidation have widely been debated across the world and have prominent position in third world countries. Democracy in developing countries particularly in Pakistan is confronting long standing problem of consolidation of power by civilians. In democracy the strength of the state institutions depends on the relationship among central government with opposition and with provincial governments. Pakistan consists of a centre and four federating units having mix nationalities. This paper investigates the factors which have provoked confrontational politics both within the parliament between ruling and opposition parties and with provincial governments especially Punjab during Benazir Bhutto’s rule. The paper focuses on the question whether it was the same follies which Benazir Bhutto played with during her second term with opposition in the centre and their governments in provinces. To find answers to these questions, secondary data has been used and to supplement newspapers have been consulted for obtaining first-hand information of public officials. The relationship among the ruling party in the centre with opposition and the provincial governments often remained unpleasant and unfriendly. It is argued that personal the national considerations augmented the confrontation and conflicts among national and regional level political parties.

Democracy, transition to democracy and democratic consolidation have widely been debated across the world and have prominent position in third world countries. Democracy in developing countries particularly in Pakistan is confronting long standing problem of consolidation of power by civilians. In democracy the strength of the state institutions depends on the relationship among central government with opposition and with provincial governments. Pakistan consists of a centre and four federating units having mix nationalities. This paper investigates the factors which have provoked confrontational politics both within the parliament between ruling and opposition parties and with provincial governments especially Punjab during Benazir Bhutto’s rule. The paper focuses on the question whether it was the same follies which Benazir Bhutto played with during her second term with opposition in the centre and their governments in provinces. To find answers to these questions, secondary data has been used and to supplement newspapers have been consulted for obtaining first-hand information of public officials. The relationship among the ruling party in the centre with opposition and the provincial governments often remained unpleasant and unfriendly. It is argued that personal the national considerations augmented the confrontation and conflicts among national and regional level political parties.

Democracy, transition to democracy and democratic consolidation have widely been debated across the world and have prominent position in third world countries. Democracy in developing countries particularly in Pakistan is confronting long standing problem of consolidation of power by civilians. In democracy the strength of the state institutions depends on the relationship among central government with opposition and with provincial governments. Pakistan consists of a centre and four federating units having mix nationalities. This paper investigates the factors which have provoked confrontational politics both within the parliament between ruling and opposition parties and with provincial governments especially Punjab during Benazir Bhutto’s rule. The paper focuses on the question whether it was the same follies which Benazir Bhutto played with during her second term with opposition in the centre and their governments in provinces. To find answers to these questions, secondary data has been used and to supplement newspapers have been consulted for obtaining first-hand information of public officials. The relationship among the ruling party in the centre with opposition and the provincial governments often remained unpleasant and unfriendly. It is argued that personal the national considerations augmented the confrontation and conflicts among national and regional level political parties.

Democracy, transition to democracy and democratic consolidation have widely been debated across the world and have prominent position in third world countries. Democracy in developing countries particularly in Pakistan is confronting long standing problem of consolidation of power by civilians. In democracy the strength of the state institutions depends on the relationship among central government with opposition and with provincial governments. Pakistan consists of a centre and four federating units having mix nationalities. This paper investigates the factors which have provoked confrontational politics both within the parliament between ruling and opposition parties and with provincial governments especially Punjab during Benazir Bhutto’s rule. The paper focuses on the question whether it was the same follies which Benazir Bhutto played with during her second term with opposition in the centre and their governments in provinces. To find answers to these questions, secondary data has been used and to supplement newspapers have been consulted for obtaining first-hand information of public officials. The relationship among the ruling party in the centre with opposition and the provincial governments often remained unpleasant and unfriendly. It is argued that personal the national considerations augmented the confrontation and conflicts among national and regional level political parties.

Democracy, transition to democracy and democratic consolidation have widely been debated across the world and have prominent position in third world countries. Democracy in developing countries particularly in Pakistan is confronting long standing problem of consolidation of power by civilians. In democracy the strength of the state institutions depends on the relationship among central government with opposition and with provincial governments. Pakistan consists of a centre and four federating units having mix nationalities. This paper investigates the factors which have provoked confrontational politics both within the parliament between ruling and opposition parties and with provincial governments especially Punjab during Benazir Bhutto’s rule. The paper focuses on the question whether it was the same follies which Benazir Bhutto played with during her second term with opposition in the centre and their governments in provinces. To find answers to these questions, secondary data has been used and to supplement newspapers have been consulted for obtaining first-hand information of public officials. The relationship among the ruling party in the centre with opposition and the provincial governments often remained unpleasant and unfriendly. It is argued that personal the national considerations augmented the confrontation and conflicts among national and regional level political parties.