The paper investigates collective memories, their adaptations, creations and abuses, censored or suppressed memories, conflicting memories between the official politicalideological representations and alternative memories, identity's adaptations to changing political situations, etc. The case-study is the Northen part of Istria (nowadays Slovenia); which faced several waves of mass migrations during and after World War II, especially with the departure of the Italian speaking population, that occurred due to the annexation of the region to the new country (Yugoslavia) and the new (socialist) system. Subsequently, the emptied spaces were progressively inhabited by people from diff erent parts of Yugoslavia, while new relations between the natives and newcomers were being established. The aim of research is not just to understand the actual situation in Istria, but it will serve as a "case study" to understand the broader dimensions of processes taking place after the collapse of multinational empires and states, the expansion of nationalism, new ideological systems, homogenisations of national states, creations and exclusions of "the other" etc. The basic novelty of the research is the refocusing of attention from those who left to those who after great political-ideological turning points remain in the conflict space. Similarly to the identity, collective memory is constructed in opposition to other memories, or by assimilating them. At this point, discordances of memories can occur, which implies the confrontation of diff erent groups in the attempt to make the memory of one group prevail over the alternative memory of the other group and eventually to erase it. However, oblivion is not only an absence of memory, but it represents the censorship that enables a group to construct a satisfactory image of itself. "Suppressed memories", amnesias of pressures, complicity, enmities, remain hidden because of their incompatibility with the national collective memory. On the one hand, the identity of a community is founded precisely on tragic memories, on the notion of "the victim", on the other hand the same tragic events will be neglected, reinterpreted and censored by the winning collective (national) memory, which will refer to the concept of victim too. This is the case of the Istrian memories, the Slovenes feeling victim of the Italian fascism, while Italians feeling victim of the Yugoslav communist system. Between the two poles there are the memories of those who can generate alternative memories as observers, opposing in this way the hegemonic discourse of state power. In contrast to the official Slovene memory alternative memories reveal everyday pressures to Italian speaking population, mostly being made by immigrants. It's them who internalized the idea of new Yugoslav national memory, in which the Italians were seen as fascists and national enemies. Mostly local people (but also some immigrants) managed to resist this prevailing national discourse. The research confirmed the fi ndings that the newcomers and natives reciprocally drew a border between each other, although they are of the same nationality (until nowdays). As in other researches a dislike is felt towards newcomers, who are seen as being in a privileged position, because they would presumably get guaranteed jobs and abandoned apartments. Although these communities live together, their parallel histories never intersect, if they do, a conflict for the "real" historical truth happens. What they have in common is that they live among the material and immaterial remains of past periods, among diverse liéux de mémoire, but also liéux d'amnesie. Between the main two contrasting collective memories, are the completely overlooked immigrants from former Yugoslavia, mostly working class, which are treated as non-existant not just in public discourses but in the everyday life too. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]