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Processing of quantifiers such as “many” and “few” relies on number knowledge, linguistic abilities, and working memory. Negative quantifiers (e.g., “few,” “less than half”) induce higher processing costs than their positive counterparts. Furthermore, the meaning of some quantifiers is flexible and thus adaptable. Importantly, in neurotypical individuals, changing the meaning of one quantifier also leads to a generalized change in meaning for its polar opposite (e.g., the change of the meaning of “many” leads to the change of that of “few”). Here, we extended this research to patients with fluent and non-fluent aphasia after stroke. In two experiments, participants heard sentences of the type “Many/few of the circles are yellow/blue,” each followed by a picture with different quantities of blue and yellow circles. The participants judged whether the sentence adequately described the picture. Each experiment consisted of three blocks: a baseline block to assess the participants’ criteria for both quantifiers, a training block to shift the criteria for “many,” and a test block, identical to the baseline to capture any changes in quantifier semantics. In Experiment 1, the change of the meaning of “many” was induced by using adaptation to small numbers (20–50%) of circles of the named color. In Experiment 2, explicit feedback was given in the training block after each response to rate proportions of 40% (or higher) as “many,” whereas 40% is normally rather rated as “few.” The objective was to determine whether people with fluent or non-fluent aphasia were able to process quantifiers appropriately and whether generalized semantic flexibility was present after brain damage. Sixteen out of 21 patients were able to perform the task. People with fluent aphasia showed the expected polarity effect in the reaction times and shifted their criteria for “many” with generalization to the untrained quantifier “few.” This effect, however, was only obtained after explicit feedback (Experiment 2) but not by mere adaptation (Experiment 1). In contrast, people with non-fluent aphasia did not change the quantifier semantics in either experiment. This study contributes to gaining new insights into quantifier processing and semantic flexibility in people with aphasia and general underlying processing mechanisms.

Recent evidence suggests that a period of sleep after a motor learning task is a relevant factor for memory consolidation. However, it is yet open whether this also holds true for language-related learning. Therefore, the present study compared the short- and long-term effects of a daytime nap, rest, or an activity task after vocabulary learning on learning outcome. Thirty healthy subjects were divided into three treatment groups. Each group received a pseudo-word learning task in which pictures of monsters were associated with unique pseudo-word names. At the end of the learning block a first test was administered. Then, one group went for a 90-min nap, one for a waking rest period, and one for a resting session with interfering activity at the end during which a new set of monster names was to be learned. After this block, all groups performed a first re-test of the names that they initially learned. On the morning of the following day, a second re-test was administered to all groups. The nap group showed significant improvement from test to re-test and a stable performance onto the second re-test. In contrast, the rest and the interference groups showed decline in performance from test to re-test, with persistently low performance at re-test 2. The 3 (GROUP) × 3 (TIME) ANOVA revealed a significant interaction, indicating that the type of activity (nap/rest/interfering action) after initial learning actually had an influence on the memory outcome. These data are discussed with respect to translation to clinical settings with suggestions for improvement of intervention outcome after speech-language therapy if it is followed by a nap rather than interfering activity.

Introduction: Tourette syndrome (TS) is a neuropsychiatric disorder with the core phenomenon of tics, whose origin and temporal pattern are unclear. We investigated the When and Where of tic generation and resting state networks (RSNs) via functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI).Methods: Tic-related activity and the underlying resting state networks in adult TS were studied within one fMRI session. Participants were instructed to lie in the scanner and to let tics occur freely. Tic onset times, as determined by video-observance were used as regressors and added to preceding time-bins of one second duration each to detect prior activation. RSN were identified by independent component analysis (ICA) and correlated to disease severity by the means of dual regression.Results: Two seconds before a tic, the supplementary motor area (SMA), ventral primary motor cortex, primary sensorimotor cortex and parietal operculum exhibited activation; one second before a tic, the anterior cingulate, putamen, insula, amygdala, cerebellum and the extrastriatal-visual cortex exhibited activation; with tic-onset, the thalamus, central operculum, primary motor and somatosensory cortices exhibited activation. Analysis of resting state data resulted in 21 components including the so-called default-mode network. Network strength in those regions in SMA of two premotor ICA maps that were also active prior to tic occurrence, correlated significantly with disease severity according to the Yale Global Tic Severity Scale (YGTTS) scores.Discussion: We demonstrate that the temporal pattern of tic generation follows the cortico-striato-thalamo-cortical circuit, and that cortical structures precede subcortical activation. The analysis of spontaneous fluctuations highlights the role of cortical premotor structures. Our study corroborates the notion of TS as a network disorder in which abnormal resting state network activity might contribute to the generation of tics in SMA.