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Managing long-term peace and environmental education programs toward positive encounters and peace building in a region of intractable conflict requires constant evaluation and monitoring of students and school staff. This paper analyzes a program running for the second year in ten Israeli high schools. It is the only Israeli environmental and peace educational network for both adolescent Israeli Jews and Arabs. The program acknowledges that there is not one fixed formula for excellence in education; thus, it aims to match its curriculum to each school, attend to current events, and generate harmony between people and between people and nature. Constant evaluation and monitoring of students and school staff is done through multiple research tools; some include a pre-post research construction while others rely on ongoing data collection, observation, and reflection. The tools implemented in this program and the lessons learned are described and analyzed in this paper. The first part of the paper discusses aspects of environmental and peace education, including pedagogic implications and the difficulties of evaluation. The second part describes the case study, including the program's origins, its position in Israel's reality, and its implementation. Finally, the paper focuses on describing and illustrating the evaluation and monitoring methods used by the program.

The purpose of this bulletin is primarily to establish official common names of the California fishes which are handled commercially, or which are of particular interest to fishermen or dealers. The authority for this work is derived from a State law enacted in 1919, which provides that "the Fish and Game Commission shall have the power to decide what is the common usage name of any variety." Incidentally, the Bureau of Commercial Fisheries has attempted to provide a handbook for the convenience of marketmen, sportsmen and others who are interested in our natural resources. The restricted number and character of the species considered, the lack of complete keys, and the brevity of the description will make the book of small if any value to the pure scientist, for whom the work is not intended. The need for this work has arisen out of a confusion of names, which has interfered with obtaining the utmost value possible from the catch records. There are, for example, two species of salmon in California of significant commercial importance. They are both listed in the records as "salmon," although it would be advantageous to salmon investigations to have each species recorded separately. One species has been called the king salmon, Sacramento River salmon, Chinook salmon, quinnat salmon, Columbia River salmon, or spring salmon; the other species when recognized was known as silver salmon or silversides. Again, the young of the white sea bass was called sea trout in southern California; in the northern part of the State the sea trout is an entirely different species, not even closely related to the southern form. A very common category listed on the original records was the bluefish, a mythical species which might be Pacific cultus, cabezone, halfmoon, rockfish, opal-eye, sea trout, or corbina, depending on where and by whom the fish was caught. Any number of other examples might be given of this chaotic state of the common names of our fish, but those cited should suffice; the desirability of establishing a definite official name for each species is patent. The criterion "common usage name" has not been easy to apply. In California as elsewhere throughout the new world, common nomenclature did not grow up with the language as in Europe. The people who settled here naturally named things because of similarities—either real or apparent, superficial or significant—to familiar species in their homelands. Consequently these adopted names are not always expressions of true relationships. The horse mackerel, for example, is not a mackerel; the jack smelt bears little relationship to the true smelts; the white sea-bass is not a bass but a croaker. Where common usage requires, these names have been designated as official. However, where there have been many names for one kind of fish or many species of fish for one name, names least likely to cause confusion with other species have been adopted. Thus, it has been thought wise to call all of the species of the genus Sebastodes "rockfish," with certain individual descriptive adjectives; to abolish the term bluefish. Sometimes it has been necessary to assign adjectives to the specific names in order to distinguish between closely related species, as for example, Mexican corbina, California corbina, king salmon, silver salmon. In some instances it has been expedient arbitrarily to designate entirely new names. The scope of the book includes primarily the fish of importance and interest to commercial fishermen and dealers, although several species of slight significance are described. Purely game fishes like the trout, calico bass, large-mouthed black bass, are included because of their interest commercially from the legal point of view. The reader might be disappointed not to find some forms which appear occasionally in the markets in negligible quantities, such as the señorita or kelp fish, the dolphin, the cusk eel, or many of the kinds of shark or skate. These we have not felt of sufficient importance to be included in the scope of this bulletin. Where there are many closely related species listed under the same name, as for example, the rockfish, we present only those most frequently seen in the markets. It is our intention to revise this work in later years when there comes a shift in commercial importance of any of the species not described in the present compilation. The exploitation of certain marine or aquatic animals other than fish also comes within the governance of the Bureau of Commercial Fisheries of the Division of Fish and Game. These are the crustaceans (crabs, shrimps, lobsters, crayfish), the mollusks (abalones, squids, octopi, clams, cockles, scallops, oysters), and certain mammals (whales and seals). The crustaceans of commercial importance and three of the mollusks (squids, octopi, and abalone) are treated in this paper. The other mollusks, and the whales and seals have been the subject of other publications issued by the Bureau. The article on scientific names and the glossary of fishing gear have been included in the hope of promoting a better understanding of these subjects.

No true understanding of the California sardine fishery or of the sardine population can be reached until the size fluctuations which occur within each fishing season are clearly set forth. These rhythmic size changes, repeated with constant regularity season after season, must be analyzed and interpreted before any measure of other changes in the sardine fishery can be attempted. They result from successive movements of the various size-classes, composing the sardine population, into and out of each fishing area. In addition to these size changes within each sardine fishing season, there also occur significant size fluctuations from season to season. These result from an entirely different cause, the relative success or failure of each season's spawn. A measure of the amount of variation in the success of each season's spawning is as important as is the understanding of the size variations within each season. The size changes within each season are of greater magnitude, however, than are the size changes from season to season. Consequently the measure of the success of each spawning season must be based on an analysis which eliminates the effect of size variations within each season. The simplest way to do this is to divide each sardine season into units, each of which represents a time interval characterized by certain sized sardines. With the exception of the bait fishery and a limited canning of young fish at San Diego, the California sardine industry depends on adolescent and adult fish. These are not present in California fishing areas throughout the summer months in sufficient numbers to maintain the industry. As a result the sardine fishing season is confined to the fall, winter and early spring. In the two major fishing areas, Monterey and San Pedro, the fall fishery relies on smaller fish than does the winter fishery. Because of this consistent size difference, all recent conclusions drawn from the sardine studies have been based on a fall and a winter fishery and the two fisheries have been analyzed as distinct units. The data, so treated in this paper, demonstrate that, with few exceptions, each season the fall fish at Monterey are somewhat larger than are the fall fish at San Pedro, and the San Francisco fall fish are correspondingly larger than the Monterey fish. (There has never been a fall fishery at San Diego.) Certain superabundant year-classes have been discernible in the fishery and these groups have been traced from season to season. They have been followed through the fall fishery for three or four successive seasons until they grew to sizes larger than those taken in the fall months. These findings are interpreted as indicating that any given year-class will be taken in the fall fishery for three or four seasons only. On the other hand, the sardines from which the winter fishery draws evince quite different characteristics. They represent a much larger size range. Fish as small as those taken in the fall also are present in the winter, but in addition there occurs a high percentage of larger, older fish. In contrast to fall conditions, the winter fish at all fishing localities from San Francisco to San Diego are similar in size. The sizes have varied from season to season but for each season similar size-classes have been found in all the winter fisheries. The same superabundant year-classes discernible in the fall fishery have also been traced through the winter fishery, although the evidence is not as clear cut. But, because the winter fish comprise older as well as younger fish, these exceptionally abundant year-classes can be followed for a greater number of seasons. Some of them have been apparent for ten years or longer and have exerted a dominating influence for six or seven years. Since during the winter months all adult size-classes appear in the sardine catch, this fishery furnishes the best basis for a study of significant changes in the population and makes possible some measure of man's inroad on the supply. The length frequency polygons and deviation curves as herein presented indicate that the dominating factors influencing the changes in population abundance were, in the early years of the industry, the presence of these superabundant year-classes. These persisted in the fishery in spite of the moderately heavy toll taken by man. In the later years new superabundant groups have entered the fishery, but due to the greatly increased fishing intensity they can no longer be traced for the normal eight to ten seasons. These later groups have begun to lose their dominance in two or three years and after the third year have been below normal in abundance. This indicates that the present intense fishery is capable of reducing the number of fish of a year-class to a very low level within three or four years after the group appears in the fishery. Under normal conditions a year-class should retain sufficient numbers to make it important to the fishery for eight or ten years. This constitutes a sign of overfishing which in the near future may prove very serious.

The following paper has been compiled as an answer to the innumerable questions constantly asked by an interested public about the tuna fishery. Whereas the tunas of this coast are now the object of a biological study by the California State Fisheries Laboratory, this paper is in no sense a contribution to this study. It is merely a limited description of the fishery and the boats engaged therein. It is limited because it covers only one — the most important, the most interesting and most spectacular — branch of the tuna fishery, namely the high seas live bait fishery for skipjack and yellowfin tuna. Both these species are also caught by purse seine boats and by small live bait boats fishing in local waters, but their catches are minor and erratic. It is the steady deliveries of the larger bait boats throughout the year upon which the industry depends. In actual value of the product, tuna is second only to salmon on the entire Pacific coast. In tonnage landed, it ranks second in the fisheries of California. In 1936 the total pack of tuna approximated 2,600,000 cases. Virtually the entire catch of these two species is canned in southern California, with San Diego and San Pedro as the home ports of the fleet. Negligible quantities are sold to a limited fresh fish trade. There are five so-called tunas taken in California and each supports a fleet of more or less specialized boats which contribute to California's tuna pack. Descriptions of these fisheries may be found elsewhere, but the present account pertains exclusively to the live bait, hook and line fishery for yellowfin and skipjack followed by the larger boats. The tuna fleet comprises about 70 boats, built at a cost approaching $6,000,000. According to the size of the individual vessel, this fleet may be divided arbitrarily into two parts. Those under 90 feet are herein referred to as the "smaller tuna boats" and these will be discussed only incidentally. Those over 90 feet are designated as the "larger tuna boats," and the 50 vessels comprising this fleet are essentially the subject of this article. All statements and descriptions apply therefore to a representative average of this fleet. These tuna boats are the largest fishing vessels registered in this state and they were expressly designed and built to exploit the most extended fishery on this coast. On a single trip of perhaps seven or eight weeks they may travel a total distance of 6000 to 8000 miles and range 3000 miles from home. Necessarily, they are large for they must accommodate sufficient fuel capacity, a refrigerated fish hold that will carry a paying load, and a crew large enough to catch it. Their fuel capacity ranges from 10,000 to 30,000 gallons; their fish capacity from 150 to 350 tons; and the size of crew from 12 to 20 men, according to the size of the vessel. Almost any day at San Diego one of these tuna boats may be seen preparing for a trip. With all repairs completed, she proceeds to the fuel docks where the tanks are filled with diesel and lubricating oil. From here she proceeds to the icing dock. Three-hundred-pound blocks of ice are transferred from the waiting trucks to the conveyor and carried by this to the crusher overhead, from which they pour in an endless stream of fine particles to the blower beneath. This blower is used to distribute the ice uniformly to the farthest corners of the hold, thus eliminating much unnecessary shovelling. Meanwhile, loads of provisions and miscellaneous stores come aboard and the erstwhile trim tuna boat now takes on a dishevelled look of chaos, with crates and bales and boxes piled everywhere. Late in the afternoon order is restored and the vessel is deserted except for one or two who keep the engine watch, for with the taking on of ice an auxiliary is started to run the refrigerating plant and bait pumps, and one or the other auxiliary runs continuously for the duration of the trip. The sailing time is set and the remainder of the crew has gone ashore to spend the intervening time at home. Later in the evening the tuna boat will sail. With three long blasts on the whistle, a last farewell to the families and friends ashore, she heads for sea. The long trip has begun.

The proper administration of any fishery must be based on a knowledge of the abundance of the species on which that fishery relies and the variations in that abundance must be measured from year to year. Seldom can the absolute abundance of a population be measured, and for a marine species practically never. The fisheries researcher has, therefore, only one recourse; he must rely on relative measures of abundance. He can not say that a given species consisted of so many individuals in year A and a certain number in year B. He can only measure the abundance of year B in terms of year A and say that the population of year B was a certain percentage more or less than year A. For measuring this ratio, fisheries workers have set up certain yardsticks and as a rule use that yardstick which is most applicable to the fishery under study. The most commonly used of these measures of changing relative abundance of a population are the return to the fisherman per unit of effort expended, the variations in the length of time a given year-class can be detected in the fishery, the variations in the proportions of largest fish in relation to all sizes, and the development of new fishing grounds when older, first exploited grounds fail to meet the demand for fish. In more recent years, the results of marking experiments indicate that such studies may constitute a trust-worthy measure of changing population abundance. Frequently, no single measure of changing abundance will tell the entire tale and the use of several measures more accurately reveals the true condition of a fish population. For the sardine in California waters certain measures have been applicable for a longer time interval than have others. The last to be indicative has been the return per unit of effort. From its inception the industry expanded rapidly and no constant unit of fishing effort was expended. Each season a larger unit was applied and no unit was comparable with the former. Only in the past five or six seasons has the industry become sufficiently stabilized to make comparable from year to year the return per unit of effort. This paper presents such a return for the Monterey and San Pedro sardine fisheries from 1932–33 to 1937–38. The unit used is based on the lunar month catches of selected boats expressed in percentages of each boat's catch for the corresponding lunar month of the previous season. The geometric mean of these percentages measures the variations in the return to the fishermen by means of the effort expended. In each locality the fishing season is made up of two more or less distinct divisions, the fall and the winter fisheries. The distinction is based on the sizes of fish caught, the fall fishery depending on smaller fish and the winter fishery on larger sizes. These fisheries have been treated separately in this study and the trends of the return per unit of effort are shown. The returns for 1932–33 are considered as 100 per cent and the succeeding seasons are expressed in percentages of 1932–33. In general the trends of all four comparisons are very similar and suggest no consistent change until 1934–35. In the three succeeding seasons, each year's fishing yielded less return than did the previous and in 1937–38 the fishermen were catching, with the same expenditure of effort, less than half as much as they had six seasons before. A decline of more than 50 per cent in the return per unit of effort indicates a rather serious decrease in the abundance of the sardine population but an additional yardstick measuring changes over a longer time interval is desirable. This is to be found in the length of time that a given year-class now remains in the fishery as compared to former years. It has not been possible to trace the history of every year-class, but certain superabundant groups are outstanding due to exceptional survival of the spawn in some seasons. The history of several of these groups has been traced. A previous publication pointed out that formerly superabundant groups could be followed through the fishery for as much as six to ten years, but by 1932–33 this was no longer true. Such a group, which entered the fishery in 1929–30, remained in the winter fishery for three seasons only. Since that time no superabundant group has maintained a definite dominance past its second year in the fishery. This would indicate that the serious decline in abundance of the sardine population began about 1930 and has continued for the succeeding eight years. At present the population has reached such a low level and is subjected to such an intense fishery that the life span of a year-class after reaching adulthood may be not more than four or five years. This is in contrast to a former adult life span of ten years or more. As the length of life of each year-class decreases, fewer fish remain to grow to larger sizes and the average length of the fish in the fishery should show a corresponding decline. For the past decade the California sardine fishery has taken approximately half its tonnage during the fall months when only the younger, smaller adults are present in the fishery. This places an excessive strain on the smaller sizes and allows fewer and fewer fish to grow to larger sizes. As a result, since 1932–33 there has been an almost constant decrease in the average size of the fish in the fishery. Of the measures of relative abundance as yet applied to the sardine, there remains to be discussed the expansion of the fishing grounds. During the earlier years of the California sardine fishery, the fishing grounds were constantly extended. This was possible because larger boats with a greater cruising radius were built each year. For the past ten years, although more and larger boats were still being built, the fishing grounds off the California coast have experienced little expansion. Nearly all areas where sardines are to be found from San Francisco south to San Diego were tapped by 1930. The only change in the later seasons has been heavier fishing in the more distant areas as more and more boats capable of making such extensive trips have entered the fishery and as the nearer grounds have failed to meet the demand for fish. As we have come to understand more clearly the life-history of the sardine, we realize that an expansion of the fishing grounds does not exploit new sardine populations. Various studies of the biology of the sardine have indicated that the sardine is a migratory species and the results of a tagging program now under way. Since the sardines are moving freely from one fishing ground to another, a given locality after being fished out may shortly be repopulated by a new group of fish. Conversely fishing in one locality takes its toll from the entire population rather than affecting only the population in the one locality. At present, the sardine fishermen are searching for fish along the California coast from Point Arena south to the Mexican boundary, except in the region around Point Buchon which is still too remote from markets to be profitably fished. An extensive tagging program now being carried on promises to furnish, in the future, an additional measure of the sardine population abundance. The number of tags recovered per ton of fish handled should indicate the percentage of the population caught yearly by the fishermen. The study covers too few seasons as yet to permit a report on the results.

A PROBLEM IN KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY By E. W. GIFFORD· LESLIE A. WHITE, in his on A Problem D R minology,! settles the problem to paper own satisfaction in Kinship Ter­ his with the follow­ ing formulation concerning certain types of kinship systems (p. 569): The type which violates the generation principle is an outgrou:th of the type which does not, and is due to the influence of a fully mature, influential clan system. When the clan system is young and weak the kinship system will be of the Dakota-Iroquois type, regardless of the sex in which descent is reckoned. As the clan system develops, however, and comes to exert its influence more and more upon the soci.allife of the tribe, the Dakota-Iroquois terminology will be trans­ formed into the Crow type in a matrilineal society and into the Omaha type in a patrilineal society. The exceptions to this dictum as to the process of evolution in these kinship types are explained in part by Dr White by the additional factor of diffusion (p. 570). The systems of terminology which 'override the generation principle' do so because the clan predominates over the family as the agency which determines how the relative shall be designated at those points where the generation principle is violated (p. 568). It is not clear to me whether Dr White means to embrace moiety also in his use of the word clan. He pro­ ceeds to ask the question: Why is it that in some tribes with clans the generation principle is violated while in other tribes with clans it is not? This is an oversimplification of the problem, for the converse of this ques­ tion should also be asked: Why is it that in some tribes without clans the generation principle is violated while in other tribes with clans it is not? No doubt the prompt answer to this second question will be: Diffusion. In such case the burden of proof lies with the answerer. Family and kinship system are universal to mankind and belong in that underlying stratum of social phenomena which Professor Kroeber has aptly called basic pattern. 2 Obviously, clans and moieties, with their limited distribution would fall under the caption of secondary pattern. Viewed in this light, Dr White's problem becomes part of a more general one, to wit: The manner and extent in which secondary patterns of social structure and basic patterns of social structure interact upon one another. That the • This Ms. was typed by personnel of Work Projects Administration Official Project No. 665-08-3-30, Unit A 15. I American Anthropologist, N.S., Vol. 41, pp. 566-573, 1939. 2 A. L. Kroeber, Basic and Secondary Patterns of Social Struct re (Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. 68,1938), pp. 299-309.

ANIMAL CEREMONIALISM IN CENTRAL CALIFORNIA IN THE LIGHT OF ARCHAEOLOGY By ROBERT F. HEIZER and GORDON W. HEWESl C ALIFORNIAN ethnological literature is replete with descriptions of ceremonial observances and treatments accorded various animals, living and dead. Notwithstanding the fact that special attitudes have ap­ parently. been developed by all peoples toward their local faunas, it appears that in California this phenomenon has been emphasized and specialized into what certain ethnographers have called cults. This general aspect of Californian ethnography has been recognized by numerous investigators. 2 Certain recently excavated archaeological sites in Central California have revealed evidence of ritual post-mortem treatment of animals. It is the purpose of this paper to determine whether and ·to what extent these may be interpreted through the application of ethnographic data. Californian culture has long been pointed out as a unique example of cultural conservatism. Historical reconstructions, using ethnographic data as a point of departure, have heretofore been limited to the extent that they had little archaeological evidence of physical and cultural types with which they might effect a correlation. This simple, uniform culture, assumed to have persisted in essentially the same form from earliest times to the present day, was the background against which the ethnographic culture was pro­ jected. The archaeology of the last few years, however, has been able to establish definitely a succession of physical and cultural types in Central California. 3 Early Sacramento, so far the oldest culture discernible in the central valley, occurs in highly compacted calcareous midden sites now almost submerged in the alluvium of this overflow region. Most striking in this horizon are burials fully extended, face down, heads oriented invariably to the west; the skulls are dolichocephalic, and the bones are permineral­ ized. Cremation is absent. Certain types of shell beads, bone and stone ob­ jects, are distinctive; the slab metate seems to be the characteristic grinding implement. In less calcareous and less compacted middens, and more widely distributed, the Transitional culture presents features linking it with the 1 The authors are indebed to the following for infonnation: J. B. Lillard, Franklin Fenenga and E. B. Niehaus of Sacramento, and to Dr Ann Gayton for unpublished Yokuts notes. 2 See especially: Merriam, 1908; Gifford, 1916, 1926; Barrett, 1917; Kroeber, 1925; Gayton, 1930. 2 Heizer and Fenenga, 1939. In this paper will be found a full description of the three cul­ tural horizons. See also, Lillard and Purves, 1937; Heizer, 1939; Kroeber, 1936, 1938; Lilliard, Heizer, and Fenenga, 1939.

A NOTE ON THE NORTHERN G~ TRIBES OF BRAZIL By ROBERT H. LOWIE HE Ge stock is commonly conceived to comprise nomadic hunters ig­ norant of weaving, pottery, hammocks, and canoes, and in general ap­ proximating the Fuegian level. This view was appreciably modified by Ploetz and Metraux's joint survey of the sources on the Southern and East­ . ern Ge. 1 The Ge appeared as a questionable linguistic family, and even the two branches discussed proved to be definitely not a cultural unit. Specifi­ cally, pottery-making farmers, like the Kamakan, could be separated from such nomadic hunters as the Botocudo and Aweikoma (= Botocudo of Santa Catharina ). The field researches of Sur. Curt Nimuendaju, eked out by his critical sifting of the earlier sources, further clarify the picture with reference to the Northern and Central Ge. The following summary statements rest on his recent publications 2 and the ample manuscripts and reports embodying the results of his inquiries (1935-1938) on behalf of the Institute of Social Sci­ ences of the University of California. The tribes specially studied were the Ramk6kamekra (Canella), Apinaye and Serente. Of these the first two are classed as the Eastern and Western Timbira, respectively, but the Apinaye also show considerable affinity with the Kayap6. The Serente at one time formed a single group with the Sa­ vante, the schism being purely political; both are the surviving representa­ tives of the Akwe division of the Central Ge. The Timbira, the Northern Kayap6, the Southern Kayap6 (a distinct group), and the Suya may be set off as Northern and Western Ge, from the Central Ge, who comprise the Akwi and the Akroa. In this instance the geographical coincides with the linguistic grouping. The traditional antithesis of Ge (=Tapuya) versus Tupf-Guaranf distorts the facts of East Brazilian ethnography. In reality the area was in­ habited by a series of tribes representing isolated stocks, such as the Gamel­ la of Maranhao, the Fulnio north of the lower San Francisco, and the Otshukayana of Rio Grande do Norte. The present paper does not attempt to sketch the entire culture of the 1 Herman Ploetz et A. Metraux, La civilisation maMrielle et la vie sociale et religieuse des indiens 1e du Bresil meridional et oriental (Revista del Instituto de Etnologia de la Universidad Nacional de Tucuman, tomo 1, Tucuman, 1930), pp. 107-238. J Curt Nimuendaju and Robert H. Lowie, The Dual Organizations of the RamkOkamekra (Candia) of Northern Brazil (American Anthropologist, vol. 39: 1937) pp. 565-582. C. Nimuendaju, The Social Structure of the Ramk6kamekra (Canella) , (ibid., vol. 40: pp. 51­ 74, 1938. id., The Gamella Indians (Primitive Man, vol. 10, July-OCtober, 1937), pp. 1-10. T

AMERICAN ANTHROPOWGIST [N. s., 44, 1942 INDIGENOUS APICULTURE AMONG THE POPOLUCA OF VERACRUZ In an article published in 1929 the late Baron Erland Nordenskiold called attention to the general lack of knowledge of practices and beliefs pertaining to indigenous api­ culture in the New World, and summarized his data up to that time.! Twelve groups scattered from the Chaco to Jalisco are listed as practising, or having practised-for some of the references are from the 16th century-some type of indigenous bee culture. Apparently eight of them can be said truly to have domesticated the bee. Data pub­ lished since 1929 suggest that the status of indigenous bee-keeping among the New World Indians often verges on true domestication, but that the final step, the propaga­ tion of new colonies, is but rarely taken. The present paper describes apiculture among the Pop luca of Veracruz, where this is the case. Drawing upon Nordenskiold's data as well as that of later authors, the possible steps by which the New World bee may have been domesticated are discussed. I In the spring of 1940 when passing through the territory of the Popoluca of southern Veracruz I observed a number of hollow log colmenas suspended beneath the eaves of houses, and in another publication I briefly noted the custom of removing sections of trees occupied by the stingless bee from the forest to the home of the finder. 2 In the spring of 1941 I spent a longer period among the Popoluca, principally in the town of Soteapan, and found this practise to be quite common, though in terms of quantity of honey produced probably secondary in importance to the- keeping of the European bee. Though no record was kept of the villages in which colmenas were seen, I believe the practise is universal in the twenty or twenty-five villages and rancherias inhabited by the 10,000 Popoluca who live on the southern and eastern slopes of the Tuxtla mountains, and who comprise the Sierra group of Popoluca. In the towns of Texiste­ pee, Oluta and Sayula, where three distinct Popoluca idioms are spokerr, I did not see colmenas, and failed to ask specifically about them. Since there is relatively little wooded country surrounding these pueblos, there is little opportunity to discover bee trees, and, if known at all, the custom of keeping the indigenous bee must be very rare. I believe the practise is known, however, to the Aztec-speaking inhabitants of the towns of Mecayapan and Tatahuicapan, which are located in the mountains adjacent to the Sierra Popoluca territory. Among the Sierra Popoluca when a man discovers a tree inhabited by the native bee, the abeja real, he removes the hollow section, sprinkles water on the cut ends to ~nsure good production on the part of the bees, and takes the colmena to his home, where­ it is hung beneath the eaves of the house, or in any other shady spot, perhaps under the roof of a hog or chicken shelter. Here the honey is removed from one or both ends, and the holes, as large as the hollow itself, are sealed with clay in which grass has been mixed. March, April or May (the dry season) is best for subsequent openings of the colmena. Honey at other times of the year is said to be soft and watery. Before opening a hive, the owner observes continence for seven nights (seven is the mystic number of ! Erland Nordenskiold, L'Apiculture Indienne, (Journal de la Societe des Americanistes de Paris, Vol. 29 1929) pp. 169-182. 2 George M. Foster, Jr., Notes on tM Popoluca of Veracruz (Mexico, D. F.: Instituto Panamer­ icano de Geografla e Historia, Pub. Num. 51, 1940).

Ll THE GEOGRAPHICAL, LINGUISTIC, AND CULTURAL POSI- TION OF THE POPOLUCA OF VERACRUZ By GEORGE M. FOSTER had not contemptuously referred to a I F of THE pre-Conquest Aztecs Chontales and Popolocas (Popoloco, number distinct alien groups as Popo­ luca, Pupuluca, etc.), the work of later ethnologists would have been much simpler. Fifty years ago Brinton corrected the then common assumption that the various groups so designated were parts of one tribe which had been broken up by invading hordes and forced to flee in all directions. 1 The Nahuatl words chontalli and popoloca are variously translated as foreigner, stranger, barbarian, and one who speaks an unintelligible tongue, and are common nouns, not tribal names. Brinton attempted to classify all of the groups so designated, and to a considerable extent was successful. One of the Popoloca groups that has proven most baffling is that known as the Popoluca of Veracruz, who speak languages related to Mixe-Zoque. Various scattered references to this group, or groups, for actually there are four dis­ tinct idioms spoken, have appeared from time to time, but in none has the relationship of the four groups been clearly defined. This paper, based on field work in 1940 and 1941, attempts to delimit as precisely as possible the geo­ graphical position of the Veracruz Popoluca, comments on earlier references to them, discusses probable linguistic relationships, and very briefly summa­ rizes the cultural status of the most numerous division. North and west of the Coatzacoalcos River, which drains the northern part of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, rises a local coastal volcanic mountain chain which runs from southeast to northwest past Catemaco and the Tuxtlas until it disappears in the marshy depression of the Papaloapan drainage. In­ dividual peaks rise to 5000 feet, and the entire area, which is separated from the cordillera of Oaxaca, is rough and broken. On the southern and eastern slopes of this range, and in the flat Coatzacoalcos river basin, are found all of the present day Veracruz Popoluca. As pointed out, four linguistic groups are distinguishable. These may be referred to as the Sierra, Oluta, Sayula, and Texistepec Popoluca. The first-named, numerically most important, live in the mountains at altitudes of from 400 feet to nearly 3000 feet and occupy about 25 villages and rancherias with populations numbering from 50 to more than 1000. The total population is about 10,000. The other three groups are limited to the pueblos of the same names, all near the trans-Tehuantepec railroad line at a distance of about 40 miles from the Coatzacoalcos terminal, and are linguistic islands of about 3000 inhabitants, each surrounded by Span­ ish and Aztec-speaking peoples. 1 D. G. Brinton, Chon/ales and POpollUas: A Contribution /0 Mexican Ethnology (Compte­ Rendu de la Huitieme Session, Congr~ International des Am~ricanistes. Paris, 1890), pp. 556-564.

Although reluctant to return to string quartet writing nineteen years after his still unpublished First String Quartet, Austrian-American composer Eric Zeisl contributed a significant piece to the string quartet repertoire. Zeisl composed his Second String Quartet in Los Angeles, the city that welcomed the composer in his exile. In addition to a short biography of Zeisl, this study investigates the context in which the Second Quartet was written. This paper also approaches Zeisl's quartet from the perspective of a string quartet player, and offers in depth guidance to performers wishing to present this work. Chapter III includes a structural analysis of the piece, and highlights Zeisl's remarkably sophisticated use of contrapuntal techniques and blending of various idioms. Chapter IV compares the manuscript, housed in UCLA's Charles E. Young Library, to the printed edition, and offers solutions to the discrepancies between these sources. Also in chapter IV, a discussion of the difficulties of performing this work suggests solution to performers wishing to interpret this quartet, which richly deserves a place in the repertoire of every professional quartet.

In this paper I discuss the notion of translation as it relates to the practice and communication of science. While science is a creative translation of the natural world, it pretends to be a carbon copy of reality and therefore it eschews expressive and metaphorical use of language. I argue that the denial of subjectivity in the pursuit of science and in the scientific approach to language impedes communication with the general public. The use of digital data has exacerbated this ‘objective’ trend. Art can bridge the gap by retranslating this data into metaphors thereby making the information more sensually and emotionally accessible as well as intellectually comprehensible. I present two case studies of my collaborations with scientists centered on ocean acidification and ultraviolet radiation respectively, showing how digital data is retranslated into physical phenomena and inserted into a larger historical and cultural narrative that includes the history of Antarctic science.

In the years following the end of the Vietnam War in 1975, one and a half million refugees and immigrants from Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia arrived in the United States. Together with their nearly half a million American-born children, by the year 2000 they already represented more than one out of every six Asian Americans, adding significantly not only to the size but to the diversity of the Asian-origin population in the U.S.; but the story of their migration and incorporation differs fundamentally from that of other Asian Americans. Except for persons of Japanese descent, the overwhelming majority of today’s Asian Americans are foreign-born, reflecting the central role of contemporary immigration in the formation of these ethnic groups. But unlike the others, most of the Vietnamese (together with the Laotians and Cambodians) came as refugees rather than as immigrants. Unlike post-1965 immigrants from the Philippines, Korea, China, India and elsewhere in Asia whose large-scale immigration was influenced by the abolition of racist quotas in U.S. immigration law, the Vietnamese entered outside of regular immigration channels as part of the largest refugee resettlement program in U.S. history, peaking in 1980 and continuing thereafter. As refugees from a country devastated by war, they experienced contexts of exit more traumatic than other newcomers in recent times and they had no realistic prospects of return to their homelands. Their reception as refugees also entailed an entry status that facilitated access to a variety of public assistance programs to which other immigrants were not equally entitled. The American welfare state shaped their incorporation far more than any other immigrant group in U.S. history, even as their exodus and resettlement were themselves complex, unintended consequences of U.S. foreign policies and of the American warfare state. This paper explores the history of their migration and the growth of their population in the U.S., their patterns of settlement and acculturation, social and economic adaptations, and the transitions to adulthood of young Vietnamese Americans coming of age in American contexts.

A windowless tube has been developed which can be used to detect tritium activity on paper, glass, or aluminum. The tube is of glass, with a nichrome anode and a copper sulfide coated copper cathode, and utilizes a stream of helium saturated with alcohol. This device is convenient for detection of tritiated compounds in paper chromatography.