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This article discusses Aleksei Suvorin’s revisions of his 1865 series of feuilletons “Vsiakie” (“All Sorts”). Originally published in Sankt-Peterburgskie vedomosti (Saint-Petersburg News) as the beginning of a roman-feuilleton, they were reworked into a polemical novel of the same name, which was censored and burnt in the wake of Karakozov’s attempted assassination of Alexander II on 4 April 1866. The author analyzes Suvorin’s edits and revisions through the prism of their critical readings by the Censorship Department and the Ministry of the Interior. Examining the politically “untrustworthy” aspects of Vsiakie, the censor raised questions about the connections between the genres of the feuilleton, roman-feuilleton and the polemical novel. In particular, the censor’s reading touched upon the problem of the authorial position, the reduced distance between fiction and life, and the existence of numerous structural and thematic links between various polemical novels of that period. In the case of Vsiakie, therefore, the censor acted as a peculiar institution of literary criticism. Its critical readings can be not only relevant to the analysis of Vsiakie, but also instrumental for an understanding of the poetics and ideology of the polemical novel of the 1860s.

Cities are complex systems and understanding their structure is critical for multiple applications. However, traditional urban planning is challenged by the dynamics of the urban system. Fortunately, in recent years, multiple datasets reflecting human activity in nearly real-time have become available. This paper leverages geo-tagged VKontakte and Google Places social media data for building three different networks between locations across Saint-Petersburg and revealing the structure of the city through the community structure of those networks. Comparative analysis of the discovered network structure and its ability to capture meaningful socio-economic patterns across the city is evaluated. Results will aid urban, transportation, infrastructural planning, policy-making, real estate and socio-economic development initiatives.

This paper presents a conceptual framework derived from Knorr-Cetina’s (1999) theory of Epistemic Culture (EC) and uses it to catalogue and explore what she described as the “machineries of knowing”. The conceptual framework is explicated via empirical analysis of a case of an emergent group of collaborative economy entrepreneurs (CEEs) and their ventures operating in the tourism industry. Based upon qualitative interviews with property owners/managers as CEEs, this study builds further upon an a-priori proposed typology of EC Machineries of Knowing (MOK) and then explores the possible influence of such MOKs upon participating entrepreneurs. The exploration of ECs in the particular setting of the collaborative economy focusses attention upon how epistemic cultures form a specific entrepreneurial ecosystem and how they inter-relate with typologies of entrepreneurs. This fresh conceptual approach is shown to have good explicatory qualities that are capable of unlocking the “black box” that is collaborative economy entrepreneurship.

The speed of sustainability socio-technical transitions is dependent upon many factors. One of these is the amount, skill and success of political incumbent resistance. Australia has been a spectacular example of this resistance – politically, economically and culturally. This article contextualizes the recent effort of a collection of federal MPs, grandly if inaccurately named the ‘Monash Forum’, who advocated for the state-funded construction of a new coal-fired power station. If successful, such a move would consolidate the victories already achieved in slowing the socio-technical transition away from centralized fossil fuel-based electricity generation towards a more decentralized and diverse range of renewable energy generation, storage and supply. The Forum can be used as an object that is ‘good to think with,’ as a prism that lets us see the trajectories of politics, economics and culture. The article offers eight ways that the Monash Forum can be considered, within the broader scope of Australia’s climate deadlock.

Introduction: An outbreak of coronavirus disease 19 (COVID-19) has altered the dynamic of world’s healthcare system, including endoscopic practices. Curious about the situation in different endoscopic units across the globe, the study was designed to evaluate different aspects of practice resumption worldwide. Methods: An online questionnaire was created and distributed by national/regional representatives. Redcap® platform was used as the interface; afterwards, Microsoft Excel 2016 and Prism 5 were utilized for data analysis. Results: A total of 307 responses from 47 countries/regions was collected, from which 290 valid answers were inducted and further analyzed. Almost half (47%) were in post-peak period by August, 2020. Many units were not designated to be COVID-oriented facility. About 15.5% of centers remained unrecovered, mainly in North and South America; those were recovered, training was still withheld significantly. Nevertheless, opened centers kept safety measurement strictly. Though patient load was decreased by 37% in most centers, waiting list was increased 0-25%. Among many surveillance methods, body temperature, PCR and chest CT prevailed the be the most commonly used. 74.8% claimed to have increased post-procedural disinfection time and 68.2% also observed an increased in per-case inspection. PPE usage was implemented highly and shortage of these posed as one of the resumption barriers. Post-procedural patient surveillance was not reinforced. Conclusions: The study reflected closely the global revolution of the pandemic. Shortage in staff and PPE as well as difficulty in training resumption remained barriers worldwide. Incapacity of patient post-procedural surveillance raised concerns in disease control. Funding Statement: None to declare. Declaration of Interests: None to declare. Ethics Approval Statement: The study was approved by the Institutional Review Board of the National Liver Institute, Menoufia University, Egypt (NLI IRB 00003413) in June 2020, protocol number 00203/2020.

This paper argues that the following common patterns help explain the ongoing Islamic revival in Central Asia: (a) &ldquo, de-modern&rdquo, and &ldquo, ethnicized&rdquo, Islam as an enduring legacy of the Soviet period, (b) penetration of Salafism, (c) securitization of &ldquo, non-official&rdquo, Islam by state and non-state actors and (d) the rise of conservative Islam which goes hand in hand with retraditionalization. These factors, in their turn, pose serious challenges to developing inclusive society and human rights in Central Asian countries. This paper argues that the Islamic revival in Central Asian countries has come to the point when it can be analyzed under the prism, whether it impedes the development of inclusive society and human rights or not.

What is it you are thinking? Are you thinking about a tiny “class-of-classless” individuals, who are gradually but steadily drowning in the ice-cold waters of the Atlantic Ocean, amidst over 120,000 lifeguards? Then, you may not be too far from dreaming into the legal realm of lawyers with disabilities (LWDs) in Nigeria. But when you do awake, only then would you realise, perhaps to your considerable consternation, if not anger, that this is a reality much more than a dream. Since the present foundation of legal education and practice in Nigeria was laid in 1962 and the formation of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), persons with disabilities (PWDs) who dare to dream have literally struggled their way through the obstructive stairs of the Nigerian legal profession, from legal education to law practice, with very little or no significant support from the legal institutions, especially the Bar. Worse still, while LWDs are increasingly being isolated at the margin of the Bar, the exclusive ship of the NBA continues to malignantly cruise with the apparent connivance of other legal stakeholders, including but not limited to, the academia who are interested in all things and in everything but a scholarly investigation into the Bar and LWDs thereat. Or so it seems. It is, therefore, the dearth of research in this regard, coupled with the recent enactment of the Discrimination Against Persons with Disabilities (Prohibition) Act, 2018 (DAPDA), and the need to ensure that LWDs actually benefit from the provisions therein, that necessarily invited some kind of enquiry into this neglected aspect of the Nigerian legal profession. From a prism of predominantly doctrinal methodology and a tiny spark of online survey, this paper undertakes an appraisal of the welfare and rights of LWDs under the Nigerian legal profession, particularly in terms of the schemes, legal and structural framework of the NBA, while also drawing from the experiences of other foreign jurisdictions where appropriate. Inter alia, the paper finds that there is no disability diversity and/or inclusion in the NBA, which has systematically excluded LWDs from its leadership structure. And responding to these findings, it makes various recommendations, including that the NBA should forthwith restructure its foundation for disability diversity by the creation of Lawyers with Disabilities Forum whose Chairperson and Secretary shall be members of the National Executive Committee. And conduct a national and/or Bar-wide survey to account for LWDs at the Bar. For what you cannot account for, you cannot care or cater for. Furthermore, in the spirit of the DAPDA which prioritises the welfare of PWDs, the NBA should influence or instigate the amendments of various laws and regulations affecting law practice in Nigeria to promote the welfare and rights of LWDs, including but not limited to, the Guidelines for the Conferment of Senior Advocates of Nigeria (SAN) 2017 to the effect that where the law is equal, that is to say, all other requirements satisfied, applicants for the rank of SAN who have, at least, a LWD in their employs should necessarily take precedence over their counterparts who do not.

Tour guides undertake multiple roles and may face role conflicts when interacting with tourists. A framework of impression management based on dramaturgical theory provides an insight into the inner mechanisms behind how tour guides deal with multiple role dilemmas. This situation is examined in interactions between local Chinese tour guides and Chinese group tourists in a walking-tour-shopping context in Frankfurt am Main, Germany. Through observations and interviews, we find that the interplay of a moving stage and guides' role-shifting between being a Chinese sibling, a local and a cultural interpreter delivers authoritative and reliable impressions to tourists, and thus conceal their conflicting role as a shopping broker. We further refine the inner mechanism, which contributes to existing literature on tour guides' multiple-role practices. Our research also enriches the explanatory power of Goffman's framework by explaining a complex situation with multiple role dilemmas amidst a moving working stage in interactive studies.

Human rights is a topic of high importance in Western societies, and discrimination has been noted as a determining force in their violations. Films depicting human rights issues have been discussed as instrumental in bringing these matters to the attention of the general public and students. Their exposure is dependent largely on their age-classifications by movie advisory boards which determine who can watch them. Two studies were conducted to assess how films depicting human rights issues and held exemplary by the Political Film Society (PFS) are evaluated by movie advisory boards, providing justifications for their age-classifications. Study 1 found that the boards in the US and the UK identify these movies as suitable mainly for adults, while in Australia, in most cases, moviegoers are to decide their appropriateness. Each board stresses different contents as their main concerns, yet none mention discrimination. Study 2, assessing Netherland's NICAM evaluations, revealed that these movies are considered suitable mainly for adults, primarily because they are heavy with violence and fear arousing contents, with only some noted to include discriminatory contents. Thus, in these liberal-democratic societies, human rights movies considered of high value, in most cases are removed from the educational arena.

This Article explores the historical practice of exploiting and violating the bodies of African American women with impunity. The authors explores stories of modern-day Emmett Tills, specifically, how African American defendants accused of raping white women are treated differently under the law.

There is much to be said for the contention that 2019 marks the twenty-five years period of contemporary practice of international criminal justice. In 1994 the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), which was established in 1993, became operational and in 1994 the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) was set up. The creation of these two UN Tribunals has spurred unprecedented developments in respect of international criminal accountability in legislation and practice, at both the national and international level. Twenty-five years is a significant period of time and a good moment to look back and to look ahead. I will do so through the prism of the overarching and unwithering goal of international criminal justice: to end impunity for the most serious crimes known to mankind, and in doing so seek to ensure an optimal balance between efficiency and fairness. This paper reflects on two major issues and challenges for contemporary international criminal justice: the scope of criminal accountability and the nature and organization of the model of criminal procedure applied by international criminal tribunals.

Background The Veterans Administration (VA) has been committed to academic affiliate training partnerships for nearly 70 years in efforts to enhance veteran-centric health care. One such effort, the VA Nursing Academy (VANA) program, was developed in 2007 in response to the nationwide nursing shortage and began as a five-year pilot with funding competitively awarded to 15 partnerships between local VA medical centers and schools of nursing. The VANA program evolved into the VA Nursing Academic Partnership (VANAP) program following the initial pilot. Purpose This article describes the development and evolution of the Charleston VANAP, which includes the Ralph H Johnson VA Medical Center (RHJ VAMC) and the Medical University of South Carolina College of Nursing (MUSC CON). Methods The VA Office of Academic Affiliations (OAA) funded a large portion of the initial five years of the Charleston VANAP. Once the national funding source ceased, the RHJ VAMC and the MUSC CON entered into a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) to offer in-kind contributions to the partnership. Discussion The Charleston VANAP is the only program in the nation to offer three different nurse trainee programs and this article highlights some of the more notable achievements from each program. Conclusion The Charleston VANAP is a comprehensive partnership between the RHJ VAMC and the MUSC CON that truly demonstrates a commitment to assure that the very best care be provided to Veterans, our Nation's heroes.

A wave of unexplained and puzzling killings have occurred in Uganda since 2012, execution-style ride-by shootings and serial murders of women leaving a large part of the population in fear, and speculating as to the reasons for such acts as well as the individuals behind them. The shootings initially targeted a section of Moslem leaders, however, from March 2015 the attacks escalated to include senior government officials. This escalation coincided with the initial reports of the capture of Jamil Mukulu, the leader of the Allied Democratic Force (ADF), in Tanzania. A separate phenomenon, the murder by strangulation of over 20 women in Nansaana and Entebbe seems concomitant with the existence of one or more serial killers. This paper analyses the mysterious nature of these killings by attempting to locate them in their historical and socio-political contexts. It provides a brief historical account of the numerous killings that have occurred between 2012 – 2018, while systemically attempting to dichotomize the killings based on their nature, victims targeted, the manner of the killings and trying to identify the possible perpetrators. Through a human rights prism, the issue of the right to life and arbitrary deprivation of life is discussed in the context of Uganda with a layout of the pertinent legal framework. In attempting to answer the question, “Who is behind these killings?”, the paper evaluates the possible existence of rogue elements in government, terrorist sleeper cells, criminal elements, and serial killers. The paper concludes by looking in depth at possible methodologies that could be harnessed to address the issue by Law Enforcement, and evaluating the proposals put forth by Uganda’s security outfit to improve public safety.

Belarusian Abstract: Аналіз больш за 20 азначэнняў паняцця «сацыяльна-эканамічная бяспека», сфармуляваных эканамістамі былых савецкіх рэспублік, азначэнняў з афіцыйных дакументаў Венгрыі, Польшчы, Літвы, Украіны, Расіі, а гэтак жа больш за 10 азначэнняў, дадзеных навукоўцамі развітых краін (ЗША, Канады, Японіі, Германіі, Францыі, Іспаніі), паказвае, што для кожнай групы краін характэрна выкарыстанне розных падыходаў. Так, у постсавецкіх краінах большасць азначэнняў даецца праз прызму «інтарэсаў», у постсацыялістычных краінах – праз вымярэнне ўплыву на міжнародную бяспеку, у развітых краінах – праз паняцце «ўстойлівасць». Варта падкрэсліць, што сусветная практыка забеспячэння сацыяльна-эканамічнай бяспекі краіны шырокая і разнастайная. У дадзеным артыкуле прапануецца разгледзець вопыт яе забеспячэння ў Японіі. Гэтай краінай назапашаны значны эканамічны вопыт, у тым ліку і ў пытаннях забеспячэння ўласнай сацыяльна-эканамічнай бяспекі. English Abstract: The analysis of more than 20 definitions of the term "socio-economic security", formulated by economists of the former Soviet republics, definitions of official documents Hungary, Poland, Lithuania, Ukraine, Russia, and more than 10 definitions, the data scientists of developed countries (USA, Canada, Japan, Germany, France, Spain), shows that for each group of countries is characterized by the use of different approaches. So, in the post-Soviet countries most of the definitions given through the prism of "interests" in post – socialist countries-measuring the impact on international security in developed countries – through the concept of "sustainability". It should be stressed that the world practice of providing socio-economic security of the country is vast and diverse. In this paper we propose to consider the experience of security in Japan. This country has considerable economic experience, including to ensure their own socio-economic security.

תקציר בעברית: מערכת המס משפיעה על חיינו אולי יותר מכל מערכת שלטונית אחרת. מסים גורעים לעיתים קרובות יותר משליש מהכנסתנו. ולמרות שהפחתות ורפורמות במסים הן לפיכך אטרקטיביות לאנשים רבים, מותר וגם רצוי להיות ספקנים לגביהן. אפשר לתהות, למשל, לגבי המשמעות התקציבית של הפחתות ניכרות במסים, כגון הסיכון להגדלת הגירעון התקציבי ובהתאם ערעור היציבות הפיננסית במדינה. באופן דומה, ניתן לתהות לגבי השאלה האם הטבות מס כאלה ואחרות, אשר מוצעות באותן רפורמות, משפרות את מצבם של סקטורים מסוימים באוכלוסייה בצורה בלתי שוויונית ואף מגמתית, על חשבונם של סקטורים אחרים. כך או אחרת, גם ללא דיון מעמיק בהפחתות ו/או רפורמות אחרות במסים, ברור כי ישנו אי שקט ציבורי בנוגע למערכת המס הקיימת. חוסר הנחת המרכזי לגבי מערכת המס הוא פשוט: הטענה הנפוצה ביותר כנגד מערכת המס היא כי היא גובה מסים גבוהים מידי. במידה מסוימת, הטענה משקפת אינטרס אישי ישיר של משלמי המסים (הנישומים). דהיינו, אף אחד לא אוהב לשלם מסים, באותה מידה בה אף אחד לא אוהב לשלם חשבון מים, חשמל או ארנונה. אולם, כולנו נהנים, בצורה זו או אחרת, מהמוצרים ומהשירותים הציבוריים שהמדינה מספקת באמצעות המסים שהיא גובה. כפי שציין שופט העליון האמריקאי בדימוס אוליבר וונדל הולמס באמרה מפורסמת שלו: ״מסים הם התשלום שאזרחים משלמים עבור חברה אזרחית.״ חוסר הנחת הכללי ממערכת המס לעיתים נובע מאמונה אידיאולוגית עמוקה נגד התערבות שלטונית של הממשל בחברה האזרחית, או מתפיסה הרואה בממשל גוף לא יעיל ו/או בזבזני. חלק מהציבור מעוניין, למשל, בממשלה יותר מצומצמת מזו הקיימת היום או בסקטור ציבורי קטן יותר, המלווים בעלויות פחותות. אבל סוגיות אידיאולוגיות אלו, הנובעות לעיתים קרובות מעולם ערכי-פנימי, הינן במרבית המקרים קשות ליישוב. יתרה מכך, אפילו הייתה הסכמה ציבורית לגבי גודלה הרצוי של הממשלה, ובהתאם היקף התקציב הנחוץ לקיומה, עדיין נדרש היה להכריע לגבי אופן מימון אותו התקציב. בהקשר זה, שאלת ״האיך״ לגבות מסים (או באיזה אופן), לעומת שאלת ה״כמה״ מסים לגבות, היא שאלה מרכזית בעלת השלכות נורמטיביות מהותיות על מערכת המס כמו גם לגבי חיי האזרחים הכפופים לה. למרות מרכזיותה של השאלה האמורה, היא עוברת לא פעם מתחת לרדאר הציבורי, מה שמשאיר אותה, בעיקרה, להכרעתו של הדרג המקצועי. חיבור זה מבקש לגעת בסוגיית ההוגנות במסים לא מנקודת מבט תיאורטית או אקדמית טהורה אלא דווקא מתוך ניסיון להבין את דעת הקהל בנושא. במיוחד בזמנים בהם דעת הקהל בנושאים כלכליים מתחילה לשחק תפקיד משמעותי בזירה הפולטית. לצורך העניין תתבצע סקירה אקדמית קצרה בסוגיות הרלוונטיות ושימוש בסקרים קיימים בנושאים אלה. מחקר אמפירי מקורי ישולב בגרסה מתקדמת של הטיוטה. English Abstract: The tax system is one of the most influential of civic institutions of our time. Taxes often detract at least one third of our income and they present an immediate and consequential effect with respect to a broad array of actions we make daily, when we choose to get married, have kids, go to college, or buy a loaf of bread. And, even though tax cuts and reforms are accordingly appealing to many people, it is worth taking time to ponder over the consequences of such cuts and reforms. This essay addresses the issue of fairness in taxation and how the tax system is perceived desirable not from a purely academic or theoretical perspective, but rather from a public opinion prism.

The third and last section, “Using Festivals: Culture and Identity”, has celebration and festivity at its heart, and examines festivals under the prism of constant change and development. In its first chapter, Samuel Aniegye Ntewusu attempts to highlight the distinct differences of Nawuri Guinea Corn Festival in Ghana from other similar festivals held in the region. Arkotong Longkumer evaluates the performance identity of Hornbill Festival in India. Chris Newbold who is also a co-editor of this book, focuses on Songkran Festival in Thailand in terms of its debates surrounding the health and safety aspects, the desire to attract mass tourism, and the effort to defend its cultural identity and integrity. Newbold teams with Meng to examine the role of festivals in Chinese economic development with special reference to Lianyungang festival in Jiangsu Province. Floriane Gaber presents the contribution of street art festivals as life-changers for artists and local population. Paolo Vignolo explores the relation of Iberoamerican Theater Festival in Bogota in Colombia with a much older festive substrate associated with Holy Week and Carnival. Emily Bradfield focuses on the mixture of Spanish Catholic traditions with Aztec rituals in Dia de los Muertos festival in Mexico. Rachel Bowditch illustrates the way that the Tuscon All Souls Procession in Arizona, US, provides a public space for mourning as it is inspired by All Souls Day and the Dia de los Muertos festival. Robyn Archer discusses festival authenticity with special reference to the Garma festival of traditional culture in Australia. Katie Schlenker, Carmel Foley, and Eve Carroll-Dwyer provide an understanding of the developmental impacts of Parkes Elvis Festival in Sydney, Australia, on both attendees and the host community. In the last chapter, Milla Cozart Riggio focuses on Carnival and the culture of the twin Caribbean island Republic of Trinidad and Tobago.

Wild animal trade, including capture and transport of animals from faraway lands to European and American markets for public exhibition, became a well-established business by the nineteenth century. Journey by animals to the destination in rudimentary conditions caused high mortality. This is an area in history that receives scant attention today. Also, husbandry technology in zoos was in dire need of improvement in earlier years. It is easy for us to condemn the work of yesteryear by using today's prism, an act called “Presentism”. Instead, we should review the deed of our predecessors in historical perspective; judging them by today's moral standard will not get us anywhere. In early day America, traveling menageries first introduced the public to captive wild animals before zoos developed as civic institutions in increasingly urban societies. During the era, the division of circuses, menageries and zoos often blurred. This essay attempts to present a holistic review of wild animal exhibition operations including traveling menageries, circuses and zoos, focusing on selected topics from the eighteenth century through the middle of the last century. Today, even with tremendous contributions having been made, zoos still face considerable challenges in terms of wildlife conservation.

This is a brief comment on a meeting held at the Council of Europe in Strasbourg, which discussed ways of improving transnational access to data by law enforcement through the Cybercrime Convention. In particular, the possible introduction of a new protocol, and a guidance note on art. 32(b), were considered. It is argued that there are serious concerns with both proposals. Moreover, the meeting revealed a surprising lack of knowledge as to current levels of cooperation between law enforcement and foreign service providers.

Widespread disclosures about Western intelligence activities have shone a harsh spotlight on intelligence oversight. Many now doubt that the best-known overseers — legislatures and courts — can provide effective oversight to constrain and modulate intelligence collection and covert action. Yet the extent to which intelligence communities are and can be constrained is a critical question in today’s debates about counter-terrorism and the privacy-security balance.This article identifies and analyzes for the first time another important, law-driven source of constraint on intelligence services: their peers. Through various mechanisms — formal and informal, public and private — one state’s intelligence service affects how another intelligence service conducts interrogation, detention, and surveillance; the amount and type of intelligence the other service receives; and, less tangibly, the way in which the other service views its own legal obligations. These constraints complement the more public, transparent, and expected sources of oversight and offer unique benefits that include a granular understanding of operations and an ability to minimize the politicization that frequently accompanies intelligence critiques.Conventional wisdom suggests that interactions among intelligence services allow each actor to engage in legally prohibited actions with impunity and without accountability. This article tilts the prism to argue that, in some circumstances, these relationships impose peer constraints that result in increased individual rights protections. Peer constraints are likely to become more prevalent as intelligence services face more statutory and judicial regulation, more leaks, and more litigation. As a result, it is critical to understand when, where, and how these constraints can and do operate. This article seeks to initiate and inform that conversation.

Since the Global Financial Crisis, the Group of Twenty (G20) has not only become the premier forum for policy coordination among major economies but has also played an important role in promoting reforms to safeguard global financial stability. This paper focuses on the commitments the G20 has made to strengthen the Global Financial Safety since its first Leaders' Summit in Washington, D.C. in 2008. This paper first compares reform proposals that the G20 achieved and those it did not during the subsequent six years, or by the 2014 Summit in Australia. The paper finds that reforms aimed at enhancing financial resources and renewing instruments for emergency liquidity provision were substantially implemented. However, institutional reforms concerning the governing structure of International Financial Institutions were delayed. The paper then analyses, from a political economic perspective, why the G20 delivered on the first set of reforms, but not on the second. The urgency of responding to the crisis, the role of particular countries as well as institutional characteristics of the G20 framework determine the political interests in this reform area.

Greg Mills, Ph.D., heads the Johannesburg-based Brenthurst Foundation. He has served as an adviser to General Sir David Richards, former commander of NATO forces in Afghanistan and Chief of the (British) Defense Staff, as well as head of the Prism strategic analysis group in ISAF based in Kabul in 2006, and with Prism in Kandahar in 2010. Brigadier Ewen Mclay was the head of the Prism Group based in Kandahar during 2010, and is currently Commander of the UK Army’s 102 Brigade. Please note that the statements expressed in this article are personal and do not necessarily reflect the opinions or policies of the Ministry of Defence.

In late 10th century England, a little-known and long-dead bishop named Swithun was canonised and became one of the most-widely culted saints in the country. Behind the creation of the cult of Saint Swithun were communication and political strategies with aspects of brand creation and extension, fund-raising, message creation and delivery, and stakeholder engagement using tactics such as word-of-mouth, the creation of special events and music, and use of specially commissioned publications. Using the prism of modern public relations practice and theory, the creation and maintenance of this important saintly cult is reviewed.

Journalism has always developed in close interplay with the available communication technologies. In recent decades, it has been undergoing major transformations in relation to information infrastructures like the Web. Especially user-generated content, aka Web 2.0 and social media, has posed new challenges to journalism (Boczkowski 2005; Conboy, 2007; Hermida & Thurman, 2008; Landert, 2014; D. Lewis 2003; S. C. Lewis, 2012; Newman, Dutton, & Blank, 2012; Ostertag & Tuchman, 2012). One of the latest developments consists in content-sharing platforms that allow sources to submit information anonymously, like Wikileaks. Over the past years, such platforms have been used for leaking large amounts of highly confidential data by whistleblowers such as Manning and Snowden (Benkler, 2011; Bruns, 2014, Chadwick and Collister, 2014, Miscione, 2014). These cases had far-reaching political consequences, and – we argue – they affected the practices of journalistic reporting.Before the widespread use of the Internet, whistleblowers needed journalists to make information accessible to the general public. This is no longer the case, since online platforms such as Wikileaks aim at taking over this function. In our study we investigate how this new type of whistleblowing changes the interaction between whistleblowers, journalists and the audience. We show that the role of journalists has not necessarily diminished. Instead, it consists in facilitating the sense-making process of the audience.Our central claim is that journalists play a crucial role in turning leaked data into narratives that have the power to influence the public and political sphere. Our study is based on an analysis of the Guardian’s coverage of two whistleblowing cases, the release of the Afghan War Logs, which were leaked by Manning, and the Prism files, which were leaked by Snowden. We study how the news reports explicitly refer to and integrate the leaked data, how they make the data accessible to the readers, and how they frame the events for the audience. In both cases it is evident that the released data do not speak for themselves, but that there is a need for someone to tell their story. By comparing how the Guardian covered the two events, we are able to show that there are different ways in which such a story can be told, and that these different narrations are related to the mode in which the leaked documents were released. In the case of Manning, all data were made public by Wikileaks in an unredacted form. One important aspect of the Guardian’s coverage of the Afghan War Logs was the explanation of how this immense mass of data could be accessed in a meaningful way by their readers. In contrast, Snowden’s files were released in small portions and each release was accompanied by (well-timed) media reports that explained their significance, as the Prism example shows. We suggest that these two different modes of managing data and narrating stories show a development in the practices of dealing with contemporary information infrastructures and the challenges they pose for public sense-making.

After extensive tripartite discussions between the European Parliament, The European Commission and the Council the long anticipated Regulation (EU) 2015/848 of 20th of May 2015 on Insolvency Proceedings was finally adopted and published in the Official Journal on June 5th, 2015. It came into force on the 26th of June 2015 replacing the Regulation 1346/2000. The modernization of the aforementioned Regulation, in line with the “Europe 2020” strategy aims at facilitating the survival of business and giving a second chance to entrepreneurs around Europe, while clarifying the criteria for jurisdiction (COMI) and introducing for the first time a framework for the efficient administration of insolvency proceedings relating to different companies forming part of a group of companies. This paper analyzes the aformentioned framework.

This article aims to contribute a judicial perspective to the national conversation about Iran’s nuclear ambitions. Methodologically, this article approaches the proposed nuclear framework agreement with Iran through the prism of judicial opinions involving claims against that regime under the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act (“AEDA”) amendment to the Federal Sovereign Immunities Act (“FSIA”). Based on a data set consisting of Iranian terrorism and skyjacking cases specifically, this article submits that legal precedent — not political talking points — mitigates against the deal being brokered with Iran now. These court decisions — as with judicial opinions generally — are probative in ways that politicized statements by the president and Congress about Iran cannot be. FSIA and AEDA cases are not talking points to be fact-checked, but fact-centered analyses arising from allegations that have overcome important hurdles such as substantive and procedural due process and rigorous tests under the rules of evidence, including admissibility and reliability. In this context, skyjacking cases show Iran to be a persistent driver of international disorder and offer no factual or legal precedent to suggest a nuclear capable Iran will change its behavior.

This White Paper is a submission to the Belgian Privacy Authority for its December 18, 2015 Forum on “The Consequences of the Judgment in the Schrems Case.” The Forum discusses the decision by the European Court of Justice in Schrems v. Data Protection Commissioner that the EU/US Safe Harbor was unlawful under the EU Data Protection Directive, particularly due to concerns about US surveillance law.For the Forum, I have been asked to comment on two issues:1) Is US surveillance law fundamentally compatible with EU data protection law? 2) What actions and reforms has the US taken since the Snowden revelations began in June 2013?The White Paper draws on my background as a scholar of both EU data protection law and US surveillance law. It addresses serious misunderstandings of US national security law, reflected in official statements made in the Schrems case and elsewhere. It has three chapters:(1) The fundamental equivalence of the United States and EU member States as constitutional democracies under the rule of law. In the Schrems decision, the US was criticized for failing to ensure “a level of protection of fundamental rights essentially equivalent to that guaranteed in the EU legal order.” This chapter critiques that finding, instead showing that the United States has strict rule of law, separation of powers, and judicial oversight of law enforcement and national security surveillance, which together make the US legal order “essentially equivalent” to the EU legal order.(2) The Section 702 PRISM and Upstream programs are reasonable and lawful responses to changing technology. The Advocate General’s opinion in the Schrems case said that the PRISM program gave the NSA “unrestricted access to mass data” stored in the US, and that Section 702 enabled NSA access “in a generalised manner” for “all persons and all means of electronic communications.” This chapter refutes those claims, which appear to be based in part on incorrect stories in the press. Instead, the Section 702 programs operate with judicial supervision and subject to numerous safeguards and limitations. They examine the communications only of targeted individuals, and only for listed foreign intelligence purposes. The total number of individuals targeted under Section 702 in 2013 was 92,707, a tiny fraction of Internet users in the EU or globally.(3) The US Congress and executive branch have instituted two dozen significant reforms to surveillance law and practice since 2013. The Schrems decision said that US privacy protections must be evaluated in the “current factual and legal context,” but did not address the numerous changes put in place since 2013. This chapter provides a readable explanation of each of these actions, which together constitute the biggest set of pro-privacy actions in US surveillance law since creation of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act in 1978.

This paper presents an examination of the problem of overly broad investor protection provisions in foreign investment protection systems, through the lens of Canadian governmental policy, and a subset of actors in the natural resource extraction industry. Utilizing this prism, the paper considers the issue, and uses current cases to illustrate why certain investor protection features in treaties are especially problematic, for investors, investor host and home countries, and investment protection regimes alike, particularly when it comes to developing nations.

Urban parks became an increasingly common feature of European and American cities in the 19th century, and by around the middle of that century had begun to elicit the interest of visiting Japanese leaders. This paper discusses the introduction of the concept of the urban public park to Japan by the country's new Meiji oligarchs. It does this in the context of the radical re-shaping of the nation's capital city, Tokyo. The story is told through the prism of two sites. The first is a hill in the north of the city with longstanding associations with the Tokugawa shogunate; the second is a parade ground next to the site of the castle–palace. The hill became a park in name but in practice remained a site for public celebration, while the parade ground was transformed with considerable difficulty and over many years into a consciously fashioned recreational space. By drawing on these contrasts, this paper explores the hesitations that surrounded changing understandings of the role of capital city and its shifting symbolic landscapes, as well as the gradual process of domestication of the concept of a public park.

A vast scientific and economic literature on global warming has emerged in the last two decades. Surprisingly, however, there has been little written on the ethical dimensions of human-induced climate change despite the numerous, obvious, and profoundly important ethical questions raised by human activities that are now clearly threatening human health, the environment, and many things humans value greatly. This paper argues that ethical analysis of global warming issues is practically imperative for two reasons. First, unless ethical is made analysis is made of global warming issues, ethically dubious decisions about global warming will be made because many of the most important ethical considerations are hidden in what appear to be ethically neutral scientific and economic arguments about global warming policy options. Secondly, unless issues of ethics, justice and equity are expressly dealt with, urgently needed global solutions to global warming will not likely be adopted by many nations. That is, an ethical focus on global warming matters is the key to achieve a globally acceptable solution and to harness political support for action. The paper concludes with a recommendation on how institutions and nations should go about implementing express examination of the ethical dimensions of global warming questions. The paper argues for express identification of ethical issues often hidden in scientific and economic analyses of global warming policy options.

The number of technological alliances has been rapidly increasing, particularly in high-tech, fast-growth industries. However, previous research suggests that our knowledge of managing R&D co-operation is quite limited. The problems related to R&D co-operation have been analysed by several researchers and it seems that one of the central problems has been the partners' unequal commitment. The number of studies on commitment has been limited and in the existing studies, it has often been analysed as a simple, unidimensional concept. This study points out the multiple dimensions of the concept in the context of international R&D collaboration and generates propositions about the relevant and topical phenomenon.

Protecting associational freedom is a core, independent yet unappreciated part of the Fourth Amendment. New surveillance techniques threaten that freedom. Surveillance is no longer forward looking. Law enforcement can obtain the same, if not more, information about all of us by looking backward. Forward-looking surveillance has limits. Some limits are practical such as the cost to place a person in a car to follow a suspect. There are also procedural limits, such as the requirement that surveillance relate to criminal activity. In addition, surveillance such as wiretapping and using a GPS tracker often requires a warrant. Warrants involve review by a neutral magistrate. The warrant sets limits on what information may be collected, how it is collected, and how it can be used. The surveillance is also time limited and requires continual justification to a judge, or the surveillance will be shut down. With backward-looking surveillance all of these protections are gone. Law enforcement can now use low-cost technology to track us or need only ask a business for the record of where we went, whom we called, what we read, and more. Revelation of the NSA’s vast Prism surveillance project is but the most recent example of law enforcement engaging in this sort of over-reaching surveillance. The FBI has previously deployed similar programs to read mail, obtain lists of books read, demand member lists, and generate watch lists of people to round up in case of national emergency. The efforts vary; the harm is the same. Law enforcement has a perfect picture of our activities and associations regardless of whether they are criminal. With digital records these harms are more acute. Once the data about our activities is gathered, law enforcement may keep that data indefinitely. They have a data hoard. That hoard grows with each new data request. Once created, the hoard can be continually rifled to investigate us but without any oversight. In short, data hoards present new ways to harm associational freedom.Yet, our current understanding of associational freedom is thin. We over-focus on speech and miss the importance of the precursors to speech — the ability to share, explore, accept, and reject ideas and then choose whether to speak. Recent work has shown, however, that the Constitution protects many activities that are not speech, for example petition and assembly, because the activities enable self-governance and foster the potential for speech. That work has looked to the First Amendment. I show that these concerns also appear in Fourth Amendment jurisprudence and work to protect us from surveillance regardless of whether the acts are speech or whether they are private. Drawing on Fourth Amendment principles, I show how warrant procedures, especially the idea of return, which would require deletion of data after an investigation, must be in place for backward-looking surveillance. This shift will allow law enforcement to access data, but limit the ability to overreach and threaten associational freedom. In short, when new surveillance techniques threaten associational freedom, they must be subject to proper Constitutional limits. This Article explains why those limits are needed, when they must be in place, and how they operate.

This paper discusses the U.S. defense procurement market through the prism of the economy of influence framework. We analyze the interdependence among the three main players in the defense procurement market - the Department of Defense, the U.S. Congress and the defense weapons manufacturers - and identify the interactions most susceptible to institutional corruption.

The value of the paper consists in evolving of a relatively unexploited concept of economic security of the organization. Guided by the constructivism approach, the author provides a brief overview of previous research on economic security of the organization, discusses a connection with the better-known notion of survival and main characteristics of security that create certain challenges for researchers. The proposed approach to organizational management through the prism of security allows connecting disjoined concepts used in organizational studies and highlighting aspects rather important for organizational survival and growth but mostly overlooked by scientists.

This paper uses data from eleven countries on the search volume of select keywords from before and after the surveillance revelations of June 2013, to analyze whether Google users' search behavior changed as a result. The surveillance revelations are treated as an exogenous shock in information about how closely users' internet searches were being monitored by the US government. Each search term was independently rated for its degree of privacy sensitivity along multiple dimensions. Using panel data, our results suggest that cross-nationally, users were less likely to search using search terms that they believed might get them in trouble with the US government. In the US, this was the main subset of search terms that were affected. However, internationally there was also a drop in traffic for search terms that were rated as personally sensitive. Our results suggest that there is a chilling effect on search behavior from government surveillance on the Internet, and that government surveillance programs may damage the international competitiveness of US-based internet firms.

This paper will focus on the use of surveillance of personal data by the UK and the extent to which such use is compatible with the EU law.

Aereo was a US-based service that made unique copies of broadcast programs from individual antennae for each requesting user, for individual retransmission near-live or at some point in the future. To the uninitiated, it makes no sense for a company to design a television transmission service that utilises thousands of tiny antennae and thousands of copies to deliver signals to users. Wouldn’t it be much more efficient to use just one of each? And surely, when it comes to copyright liability, wouldn’t more copies result in more infringement, not less? However, Aereo’s strategy made a lot of sense when viewed through the prism of US copyright law as then interpreted. In this paper we argue that US judicial decisions focusing on the “wrong” questions in assessing liability for copyright infringement directly encouraged Aereo’s business model. We then discuss the Supreme Court’s recent ruling that Aereo’s transmission of signals “near-live” does fall within the scope of the exclusive right of public performance, and argue that, in correcting the Second Circuit’s erroneous inquiries, the Supreme Court raised some “wrong” questions of its own. We also examine the legal responses to Aereo’s predecessors in Singapore, Japan, Australia, Germany, France and the EU to determine whether similarly “wrong” questions have distorted copyright analysis elsewhere. Finally, we use the insights from that international study and Aereo to identify what the “right” questions might be.

It seems that today, more than ever, the school is directed to future with all its program contents and activities, which is something that should be appreciated. If contrary, it would lose pace with time, it would be conserved and, in that case, it would not be justified to talk about its transformation. However, nothing is constant, everything changes, and the education needs radical changes. This paper will deal with the definition of the Modern school and its educational function from the aspect of how moral education is represented in it.

Secrets, along with who collects them and who they are about, have been part of the national discourse on several occasions throughout our history. The most recent flare-up has occurred over the last several months as revelations about various National Security Agency (NSA) surveillance programs have been leaked to media outlets around the world. Headlines have abounded throughout the summer and fall, with most of the focus being on two NSA programs. The first is the collection of telephone data records–although not the content of the telephone calls themselves–from U.S. telephone customers. The second is a program called PRISM, a program to collect data from Internet communications, including in some cases, the contents of the communications themselves. Until the reports were leaked, these programs were kept secret from the public at large as well as the individuals whose data was gathered.

Tort law is often seen as a tool for protecting privacy. But tort law can also diminish privacy, by pressuring defendants to gather sensitive information about people, to install comprehensive surveillance, and to disclose information. And the pressure is growing, as technology makes surveillance and other information gathering more cost effective and thus more likely to be seen as part of defendants' duty to take "reasonable care." Moreover, these tort law rules can increase government surveillance power, and not just surveillance by private entities. Among other things, the NSA PRISM story shows how easily a surveillance database in private hands can become a surveillance database in government hands. This Article aims to provide a legal map of how tort law can diminish privacy, and to discuss which legal institutions-juries, judges, or legislatures-should resolve the privacy-versus-safety questions that routinely arise within tort law.

This paper gives an count on how matters concernings joint criminal enterprise and evaluation of evidence were dealt with by the ICTY Trial Chamber and the Appeals Chamber in the Gotovina and Markac case. Gotovina was one of the highest level defendants from Croatia before the ICTY. The alleged crimes were committed during a military offensive known as Operation Storm (or “Oluja”), with the objective of re-taking the Krajina region of the country. The paper was presented at the seminar “Transitional Justice in Former Yugoslavia through the Prism of the Gotovina-Markac Judgment”, Uppsala, Sweden, May 22, 2013

Collective management of copyright has had a complex legal history in the United States and elsewhere. In the U.S., two performing rights organizations (PROs), ASCAP and BMI, have been subject to antitrust prosecution and monitoring for over 70 years. This chapter summarizes the competition law context in which all copyright collective management organizations (CMOs), including PROs, are evaluated in the United States. It then reviews the history of the application of United States antitrust laws to CMOs, considering copyright collective management through an antitrust prism and the experience with the two PROs ASCAP and BMI. This history reflects the competition law challenges generally relating to CMOS. The chapter closes by considering the role of CMOs in the 21st Century from the competition law perspective.

The IR literature has paid little attention to questions related to boundaries between international organizations. This paper aims at to contribute to the literature by providing a framework of analysis. After conceptualizing various border dynamics and outcomes, the paper outlines conditioning factors and links these through of series of bivariate relationships with outcomes at the border. The analytical relevance of our framework is discussed with cases from the World Trade Organization and its border relations with other IOs.

This article attempts to draw the picture of the Committee of the Regions after Treaty of Lisbon and the 2004 and 2007 enlargements of the European Union. The Committee of the Regions has received several new legal tools to influence EU decision taking, such as an increase in mandatory consultation rights and for the first time locus standi before the ECJ. Yet, the main reason to revisit the Committee was to assess the impact of the recent enlargements on its composition. The composition of the Committee has been a thorny issue from the outset. According to some authors it has always been the main handicap of this advisory body of the EU. To what extent have the 2004 and 2007 enlargements upset the delicate balance between the local and regional players in the Committees (if such a balance was there to begin with)? In this study that questions was tackled by using the 'legislative regions' of the Union as a ‘prism for research’. This research approach was based on the fact that the legislative regions were the main driving force behind the Committee’s establishment and on the premiss that their continued interest and support are vital for the 'institutional survival' of the Committee. In a series of interviews with members of the Committee representing ‘legislative regions’ (Belgian and Spanish entities) as well as with members representing local authorities (Dutch provinces and municipalities) the question on the (continued) importance of the Committee as a channel for influencing EU decision taking for the Union’s legislative regions was discussed.

For over 10 years the Irish courts have been grappling with standards of directorial behaviour through the prism of the restriction and disqualification provisions of the 1990 Companies Act. This paper continues the analysis of how the courts have approached these standards. This article attempts to provide further clarity in relation to judicial pronouncements on directorial behaviour and concludes with an analysis from the Irish Supreme Court on the operation and function of these provisions.

This country report is the final outcome of a research undertaken in the framework of "Project 10-ECRP-028 -- International Law through the National Prism: The Impact of Judicial Dialogue" within the "Judicial Dialogues in Eastern Europe" sub-project. It presents the Hungarian constitutional framework regulating the application of international law in the Hungarian legal system and gives a thorough perusal of the respective Hungarian jurisprudence.

The recent climate of US related to Surveillance is really heated up. Be it the case of Edward Snowden or the recent case of Surveillance on Germany's chancellor Angela Merkel, the surveillance has been the debating topic since the beginning of the modern era. The article discusses the History, scope, legal framework and other requisite elements related to Surveillance. You will find the paper inclined towards the intelligence system and theories of US, it is because the only country round the globe to carry out the services of surveillance on different nations is the state of US only. Many recent cases have raised the question on the administration of Obama and it's policies of surveillance. The 42nd amendment, the Patriot Act, the Chilling effect all are discussed in detail in this article. The views on privacy and surveillance has always been clashing with each other and till now the law is not clear on it. This article is my earnest attempt to throw light on the field of "Surveillance".

This essay is based on three books which have emerged in 1995 under the overall editorship of Marilyn Strathern. They are part of a series of five representing the output of the 4th Decennial Conference of the Association of Social Anthropologists, held at St. Catherine's College, Oxford, in July 1994. The books are: Shifting Contexts: Transformations in Anthropological Knowledge . Edited by Marilyn Strathern. London: Routledge, 1995. 193 pp. ISBN 0 415 10794 (hbk); ISBN 0 415 10795 (pbk). The Pursuit of Certainty: Religious and Cultural Formulations . Edited by Wendy James. London: Routledge, 1995. 316 pp. ISBN 0 415 10790 3 (hbk); ISBN 0 415 10791 1 (pbk). Worlds Apart: Modernity through the Prism of the Local . Edited by Daniel Miller. London: Routledge, 1995. ISBN 0 415 10788 1 (hbk); ISBN 0 415 10789 X (pbk). Robert Rapoport is Co-Director of the Institute of Family and Environmental Research London. Author or co-author of books and papers including Dual-Career Families, Families in Britain, Leisure and the Family Life Cycle, Fathers, Mothers and Others, and New Interventions for Children and Youth: Action Research Approaches.

The Apex Court criticising the Allahabad High Court in comparison with a phrase from Shakespeare’s Hamlet, “Something is rotten in the State of Denmark.” The judgment became a headline for the next couple of weeks invoking a great amount of discussion in various circles including laymen apart from academics, lawyers and media. Now the question that arises in our mind is whether the learned justice could pass such a sweeping remark without considering the established principles of judicial restraint and plethora of Apex Court’s guidelines for making such kind of scathing remarks. It is in the light of these established principles laid down by the Apex Court, this comment would traverse in tangent fashion to appraise the validity of the said remarks.

“Corporate governance” first came into vogue in the 1970s in the United States. Within 25 years corporate governance had become the subject of debate worldwide by academics, regulators, executives and investors. This paper traces developments occurring between the mid-1970s and the end of the 1990s, by which point “corporate governance” was well-entrenched as academic and regulatory shorthand. The paper concludes by surveying briefly recent developments and by maintaining that analysis of the inter-relationship between directors, executives and shareholders of publicly traded companies is likely to be conducted through the conceptual prism of corporate governance for the foreseeable future.

Transatlantic Economic Relations (TER) was neglected by politicians for much of the twentieth century as international security issues took priority. Since the end of the Cold War, however, and as economic issues have come to prominence TER has assumed increasing importance and yet is largely overlooked in academic discussion. This report places TER in its historical context and demonstrates how the political agenda and institutional setup are both largely dysfunctional. Viewed through the prism of industrial relations and drawing on some real life examples from both sides of the Atlantic, it argues that the social dimension is a challenge central to the future development of the relationship and proposes institutional innovations which could also be replicated in other areas: for instance in support of environmental concerns. Presenting some guiding principles for transatlantic trade, this paper recommends the creation of a new secretariat to act as a permanent contact point and providing a variety of practical functions essential to making TER work.