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Racial capitalism is often understood as a process that acts upon subjects that are already racialized, facilitating their exploitative incorporation into capitalist processes. In this article, I push past that definition to argue that racial capitalism is a fundamentally ontologizing process by which subjectivity is produced. I advance this point through an analysis of the central role of labor in the foundation of post-emancipation Caribbean subject formation . I argue that in crossing the Atlantic in the service of colonial capital, enslaved Africans, and later indentured Indians, underwent a process that undid previous senses of identity, thus demanding new ontological moorings rooted in plantation labor. The practice and conditions of labor experienced by both groups after emancipation provided a common basis of ontological orientation. Thus, racial capitalism through the instrument of labor, has fundamentally structured the terms and definition of Caribbean identity.

This article examines in contextual depth the investigations of Indigenous Australian ancestral bodily remains by four influential British Darwinian comparative anatomists active between 1860 and 1919: George Rolleston (1829-1881), William Henry Flower (1831-1899), Alexander Macalister (1844-1919), and William Turner (1832-1916). It also reviews the examination of the structural morphology of the brains of four Indigenous Australians by Macalister's protégé, Wynfrid Lawrence Henry Duckworth (1870-1956). Since the 1970s, Darwinian scientists of the last third of the long nineteenth century have been represented in connection with the efforts of Indigenous Australian communities to have the remains of their ancestors returned for burial, as having acquired and investigated their skulls and other bodily structures to prove their evolutionary inferiority, and thereby legitimate their violent dispossession and near enslavement under so-called 'protective' regimes, where they struggled to maintain their families' health and well-being, their languages and culture. Racialized perceptions of Indigenous Australians as an evolutionarily primitive human type were perniciously influential among Australian-based and metropolitan British scientists, intellectuals, politicians and government officials during the last third of the long nineteenth century. However, as this article aims to show, by contextual scrutiny of the reportage of these leading four anatomists on their investigation of the skulls and brains of the first peoples of Tasmania and mainland Australia, they had no interest in proving Indigenous inferiority. They were driven by curiosity as to what investigation of the bodily remains of Indigenous Australians might disclose about the evolutionary genealogy of humankind. Hence, we would do well to see the outcomes of their investigations as having more complex connections with racialized perceptions of Australia's first peoples beyond medico-scientific circles, and the formulation of colonialist solutions for managing their future in the aftermath of dispossession by settler colonialism.

From “flight shame” or flying consciousness to Stay Grounded and FlyingLess, calls for, and organized efforts to achieve, a marked decrease in flying in response to intensifying climate crisis abound. Of particular concern are frequent flyers, among whom are many in academia, especially in the high-income parts of the world. One manifestation is the proliferation of scholarship that critically analyzes academic flying while advocating for slower forms of travel, new forms of research and collaboration, and a low-greenhouse-gas-emitting academy more broadly. This conceptual article builds on that scholarship by engaging the growing literature calling for the decolonization of higher education institutions and the broader world. In doing so, and by attempting to bring into conversation two currently disconnected streams of literature, it explores how academic air travel both reflects and helps to reproduce patterns of colonial relations. Relatedly, the article considers how flying less contributes to the decolonization of higher education—especially in relation to “nature” and the appropriation of “the commons.” By insisting on the inextricable entanglement of society and nature, it thus illuminates how aeromobility-related consumption both arises from and reproduces persistent inequities born of imperialism and coloniality. On this basis, the article pushes advocates of reduced flying and of decolonization to engage one another in a common project to challenge disparities between peoples and places, as well as interspecies ones, as they relate to aeromobility, consumption, and political ecology.

In this article, I examine how hydropower projects in Mapuche territory both form part of internationally recognized approaches to develop renewable energy and also anchor colonial relations in rivers. In pursuit of energy development, water and ancestral cultural practices of the Mapuche Pueblo are being seized by a nexus of state laws and informal practices of private sector actors. Concurrently, Mapuche people assert their jurisdictions and experience resurgence of Indigenous lifeways through defending their waterways. Drawing on collaborative research guided by the Alianza Territorial Puelwillimapu, a Mapuche-Williche alliance convoked by ancestral leaders, I provide a methodological contribution to legal geography’s analysis of Indigenous rights. Bringing a legal geography approach to dispossession, I explain how collaborative mapmaking and systematizing the “layers of dispossession” provides a methodological approach to consider structural limitations to environmental justice on Indigenous lands. Overall, this case contributes to how we conceive of spatial justice in legal geography and in renewable energy development.

For decades, critical agri-food scholarship has sought to evaluate the outcomes of alternative agri-food systems such as organic. Two key critiques have emerged: the first focuses on the limitations of certification-based systems that rely on a neoliberal model of consumer concern; the second critique highlights the Whiteness of alternative food movements and the persistence of racial exclusions. In this paper, we draw these critiques together and extend them through an ethnographic case study of organic cotton in Burkina Faso, West Africa. We explore contradictions in the win–win–win discourse of organic cotton, which promises ecological sustainability, improved livelihoods for producers, as well as pure products for consumers. We argue there is an implicit prioritization of consumers within several organic cotton regulatory rules that focus on ensuring final products free of contamination from pesticide residues. We contend that these rules create difficulties for producers and obstacles for the expansion of sustainable agriculture. Further, the focus on “purity for the consumer” may actually reproduce and transmit (historically fraught and colonial) racialized imaginaries of purity. Some Burkinabe producers see organic as prioritizing purity for an imagined White consumer. Organic’s call to “get back to the dirt” also clashes with a cultural context where aspiration for development is often expressed as “getting out of the dirt.” This paper thus raises new questions about the implications of organic agriculture’s intense focus on purity for a) the full realization of the promise of organics and b) residual racial imaginaries embedded within the idiom of “purity” itself.

Amidst growing concern about the displacement of rural populations exposed to climate change, new financial instruments are increasingly being presented as key tools for the management of climate risks. Index-based agricultural insurance (IBAI) is a particularly key example. Recent critical work has pointed to the deeply neoliberal character of IBAI and like interventions. However, the promotion of new financial instruments in response to crises of agrarian production has a much longer history in Africa and elsewhere. This article draws on Marx’s concept of ‘latent’ surplus populations to trace out and explain parallels between IBAI and colonial interventions in Senegal’s groundnut basin. Approaching the question in this way, the article highlights the long-run historical co-production and interdependence of the Senegalese state and a political ecology of groundnut production in which relations of indebtedness and the exposure to variable rainfall of a fragile relative surplus population has often been crucial to the mobilization of cheap labour for groundnut production. IBAI is thus positioned as part of a recurrent trajectory of emergency financial interventions aimed at smoothing out the contradictions implicit in this socio-ecological configuration.

South Africa's colonial past has shaped its environmental history, including introductions of alien plants. Indentured Indian labourers, mainly from Tamil Nadu, that were brought to South Africa in the 1860s, acquired knowledge of Zulu healing practices and plants. This translocation of traditional medical knowledge (mostly Ayurvedic), and the adoption of new plants and traditions of practice, led to these migrants opening up some of the first muthi (traditional medicine) shops in South Africa, and also to importing and incorporating Indian medicinal plants within South African healing traditions. Given this role of traditional medicine in the introduction of alien plant taxa, we gathered data on them from published literature (including market surveys) and from a survey of 77 muthi outlets in three South African cities. There were 301 alien taxa from 76 families, of which 81 taxa were recorded in trade. Sixty-nine of the traded taxa were identified to species, of which 20 have a declared legal status requiring some form of control. Of the 81 traded taxa, 44% were sold in a non-viable form and 29% were seeds or fruit that could be germinated; the remaining 28% were sold as live plants. Seeds of these alien taxa constituted the greatest quantity and most widely traded plant part of the taxa recorded. The survey of muthi outlets generated 36 alien plant taxa, of which 26 were new records in the trade. Plant origins recorded in this survey revealed that 41% of plants were harvested in South Africa, 35% imported from India, and 24% were of unknown origin. The importance of this trade as a pathway for introduction of alien species is discussed.

Rationale & Objective Cultural Safety is being prioritized within health care around the world. As a concept, Cultural Safety centers upon power relations between health providers and indigenous recipients of care, ensuring that all people feel safe and respected in the health care system. In this article, we explored the breadth of the literature regarding Cultural Safety within the context of indigenous kidney health care. Study Design & Populations As a systematic narrative review, this work engaged widely across a diverse range of the available literature to broaden understanding of Cultural Safety within indigenous kidney health care and indigenous populations from Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and the United States. Search Strategy & Analytical Approach Guided by the research question focused on how Cultural Safety occurs within care for indigenous people with kidney disease, an initial database search by the university librarian resulted in retrieval of 2,232 articles, of which 96 potential articles were screened by the research team. Results 15 articles relevant to the research question were identified and study findings were assembled within 3 broad clusters: relationality, engagement, and health care self-determination; systemic issues, barriers, and access; and addressing legacies of colonialism for health care providers. Limitations The review summarizes mainly qualitative articles given the paucity of articles found specific to Cultural Safety within indigenous contexts. Conclusions Of particular interest to health care providers are the collation of solutions by cluster and the findings of this review that contribute to further understanding of the concept of Cultural Safety in health care for indigenous people with kidney disease. Also, findings address the importance of community-driven kidney care in which language, ways of knowing and being, and traditional ways of healing are prioritized.

Contemporary hunter-gatherers, horticulturalists, pastoralists, agriculturalists and, on a much smaller scale, feudalists are threatened continuously by dominant (post-)industrial, often capitalist, economies. The latter perpetually seek to dominate the former through colonialism and development, violent resource extraction, and the more insidious effects of environmental change. Multidisciplinary research on digital economic transformations postulates that the global spread of digital technologies—designed largely by and for industrial capitalists’ needs and values—accelerates these domination processes. This research on data colonialism or digital capitalism has generated extensive, valuable insights into how technological designs constrain users’ choices. However, there is one major blind spot: Empirically, this research has engaged, primarily, with ‘inter-capitalist struggles’ focusing on contexts dominated by industrial-capitalist and, occasionally, industrial-command and mixed-market economic systems and values. Contemporary other economies and inter-economic struggles are largely missing, even though, especially ethnographic, research has demonstrated the resilience of other economic systems and values in response to various industrial and industrial-capitalist colonization and domination attempts.

This study presents new evidence on the anthropometric development of 47 countries. Did colonialism have an influence on the biological standard of living of Africans? We find that Africans lost stature upon colonization, even after controlling for a number of different variables and potential sample selectivity bias issues. We analyse various types of colonialism and find that both settler colonies and other colonies had an adverse effect on native African heights during the colonialization period.

This paper explores the uneven access to climate knowledge experienced by scientists and policymakers in Vanuatu. Rather than pointing to a lack of capability or forethought on the part of the Vanuatu government or scientists in Vanuatu, an examination of the colonial basis and economic investments necessary in climate science and monitoring elucidates how developing nations are systemically disadvantaged in climate research. Drawing from political ecology and science and technology studies these inequities are contextualized and spatially located through discourse analysis and qualitative interviews with ni-Vanuatu scientists, policymakers, and scholars. By situating climate science and climate knowledge in a historical perspective this paper provides a critique of the dominant view of climate research as neutral and necessarily global. This paper concludes by asserting climate knowledge inequities will not be resolved merely by more information, but only through addressing the root causes of these inequities over time.

Latin American indigenous territories (both rural and urban) are experiencing a resurgence of academic interest, partly for their potential to 'repoliticise nature' in response to the 'ruinations' of colonialism and extractive capitalism ( de la Cadena and Blaser, 2018 ; de Sousa Santos, 2014 ). As these debates on territory develop in social science, I draw from de Sousa Santos’ work on the epistemologies of the south (2018), which explores the knowledges created in resistance, with political ecology, which approaches nature as produced through politics, history and culture, to offer an empirical reading of the relationships between place, knowledge and the ‘repoliticisation of nature’ in the TIPNIS, Bolivia. Specifically, examining how protected area conservation is being rearticulated within agendas for territorial autonomy during a conflict over extractive infrastructure. In doing so, I reveal how conservation has informed the repoliticisation of nature in the TIPNIS, opening up trajectories for recognising and supporting plurality, difference and autonomy as they are permeated and created within dominant political economies and ecologies.

Deserts have a special prominence in apocalyptic visions of the future. As a trope, the desert frequently indexes apocalyptic visions of the warming planet and future challenges of securing food, energy, and water in a changing environment. This article considers how diffuse visions of “environmental apocalypse” are spun through narratives constructions of the desert as sites of utopia and dystopia – places where humanity is simultaneously portrayed as meeting its most dire possibilities of collapse, but also places where hopeful futures might be tested out and extremes overcome in an era of climate catastrophe. This article offers a genealogy of techno-scientific schemes in the Arizona desert and the “visioneers” behind them, focusing on the most iconic example of Biosphere 2. Initiated in the mid-1980s, Biosphere 2’s history illustrates how such projects are underpinned by multiple forms of spectacle, which draw on the ideals of science, technology, and environmental salvation to build settler colonial structures of exclusion and Indigenous dispossession. By centering the question of whose apocalypse we are being sold in such techno-centric “solutions” to ecological dilemmas, this article expands recent discussions of environmental injustice and settler colonial violence to show how ostensibly “progressive” ideals and initiatives are also violent and routinely overwrite histories and presents of colonial dispossession.

Britain after the Napoleonic wars saw the rise of colonial reformers, such as Edward Gibbon Wakefield, who had extensive influence on British colonial policy. A version of Wakefield's systematic colonization plan became the basis for legislation establishing the South Australia colony in 1834 and the New Zealand colony in 1840. We use extended versions of Robert Lucas's 1990 model of coordinated colonial investment to show how Wakefield's institutions were designed to work. We also find that the analysis of Wakefield's system by Karl Marx in Das Kapital follows the same line of reasoning as Lucas's analysis of colonial institutions.

Blockchain technology has been explored recently for digitalizing land administration in different parts of the world. It has been viewed as contributing to formalization of property rights in the Global South, and enhancing coordination of real estate markets in the Global North. Suggesting that blockchain applications may entail an unrealistic promise of effecting change in property relations through technical means, the article explores the integration of blockchain with existing modes of land administration in three countries – Ghana, Georgia, and Sweden. It investigates the broader embeddedness of blockchain-based land registries in non-digital infrastructural modalities and the peopled infrastructures of informal networks. It argues that the abstraction of blockchain may obscure the complex layering of formal and informal, institutionalized and grassroots texture of property rights and claims to land. Investigating the “infrastructural promise” of blockchain through narratives advanced around this novel “automated trust” mechanism, the article explores the potential of blockchain land registries to perpetuate territories of dispossession grounded in colonial legacies and present-day inequalities.

This paper examines how spatially exclusionary policies, implemented in the name of environmental conservation and indigenous territorial rights may, paradoxically, work to extend state territorialization and control over resources in indigenous territories. While the colonial legacies of protected areas and conservation enclosures in indigenous territories are well-known, critical scrutiny of contemporary exclusionary conservation mechanisms remains scarce. I suggest that such mechanisms, often based on the selective physical and political removal of “violent” and “destructive” non-indigenous settlers, bear striking similarities to earlier conservation initiatives in that they limit indigenous autonomy and enable state control over indigenous territories and resources, despite the changed rhetoric emphasizing not only conservation goals, but also indigenous rights. I base my argument – that conservation in indigenous territories continues to be motivated by the territorial ambitions of the state – on analyzing Nicaragua’s saneamiento territorial (“territorial cleansing”) policy, which is generally understood as the eviction of non-indigenous peasants from indigenous territories. I show that saneamiento is selective in different ways: it only dispossesses certain populations that compromise the legibility and controllability of indigenous territories and the natural resources in them, and it is implemented only in the spaces and times that are compatible with the territorialization goals of the state, i.e., areas rich in natural resources.

We argue that colonial Christian missions had a long-term impact on anti-gay attitudes in Africa. We use a geo-coded representative survey of African countries and the location of historical Christian missions to estimate a significant and economically meaningful association between proximity to historical missions and anti-gay sentiments today. Using anthropological data on pre-colonial acceptance of homosexual practices among indigenous groups, we show that the establishment of missions, while nonrandom, was exogenous to pre-existing same-sex patterns among indigenous population. The estimated effect is driven by persons of Christian faith and statistically indistinguishable from zero on samples of Muslims, nonbelievers, and followers of traditional indigenous religions. Thus, we argue that our results are indicative of a causal effect of missionary religious conversion to Christianity.

This article explores Maroon spatialities during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries through a critical geographical analysis based on historical records collected in the General Archive of the Indies, the National General Archive of Bogota, and the oral tradition of San Basilio de Palenque, a community of descendants of fugitives from slavery located in the Montes de Maria in the Colombian Caribbean. The article’s findings show that San Basilio de Palenque survived by navigating in-between different colonial forms of producing territory that simultaneously implied opposition and co-optation. Drawing on Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui’s “ch’ixi” and Gloria Anzaldua’s “border notions,” this spatial navigation embraced opposition and fissure between African, European, and indigenous elements without trying to suppress or reconcile them. This ethic of spatial balance as marronage was San Basilio de Palenque’s formula for survival. The methodology implemented in this article also required stepping in-between the archive and the oral tradition, without taking sides, taking a ch’ixi/border approach, as well revisiting the history of this Maroon community in Latin America.

Este artículo está sujeto a una licencia CC BY-NC-ND 4.0., In 2017 El Salvador passed the world’s first and only blanket ban on metal mining. This article explores this unique exception to the neoextractive path followed by much of Latin America since the early 2000s—an exception brought about by citizen-led lawmaking processes. Drawing from fieldwork research in El Salvador, I suggest that the ban was enabled not so much by a negative assessment of extraction-led development as by multiple other factors, including short-term electoral expediencies; the shared genealogy and history of grassroots opposed to mining and left-wing governments; the ongoing convergence of nationwide anti-mining movements supported by the Catholic Church; and a lack of vested interests in the mining industry on the part of local elites. Indeed, a few years on from the ban, successive governments have not fulfilled their obligation to eradicate mining, with many activists fearing an eventual repeal. Crucially, citizen-led lawmaking aimed at undoing the neoliberal ethos of the legal architecture that has facilitated mining throughout much of Latin America has failed to address the colonial legacies of this architecture. Overall, the article argues that mining-free futures require comprehensive lawmaking endeavours that include both legislative challenges to neoliberal statecraft and a comprehensive overhaul and decolonization of the legal foundations of mining., This work was supported by an Economic and Social Research Council Future Research Leaders award (grant number ES/N017870/1).

In this article I investigate colonial constructions of ethnicity and territory and their effects in the post-independence period in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. The core argument of the article is that the constructions of ethnicity and territory that are set in motion in struggles over political space in the Congolese conflicts are conditioned by what I call “ethnogovernmentality”, which denotes a heterogeneous ensemble of biopolitical and territorial rationalities and practices of power concerned with the conduct of conduct of ethnic populations. Through ethnogovernmentality colonial authorities sought to impose ordered scientific visions of ethnicity, custom, culture, space, territory, and geography, upon ambivalent cultures and spaces. I show that while ethnogovernmentality failed to produce the stability and order the colonial authorities sought, its ethno-territorial regime of truth and practice has had durable effects on people’s sense of self and on struggles over political space.

Over the course of several months in 2018, more than 240 people were arrested in Burnaby, BC, Canada for disrupting the expansion of the Trans Mountain Pipeline. While those arrested shared a willingness to defy Canadian law in opposition to this pipeline development, the police applied differing degrees of force and violence while making these arrests. Informed by interviews with land defenders and engagements on the frontlines of this conflict, this paper considers what these discrepancies in police tactics teach us about logics of settler colonial law, authority, and violence. We do so by engaging in a discussion of the foundational paradox of the state – that its constitutional law is unlawfully constituted – and by presenting the politics of recognition as a strategy employed by the settler colonial state in its attempts to reconcile the contradiction between the state’s claims to legal authority and its own unlawful foundations. However, whereas recognition and reconciliation are often presented in contrast to earlier more violent eras of colonial governance, we argue that colonial recognition is a logic of state violence which determines how, and against whom, state violence is distributed. When assertions of Indigenous jurisdiction take unrecognized or deviant forms, the state ultimately resorts to violence to remove these competing claims to legal authority. Moreover, we argue that police violence against Indigenous peoples asserting “sovereignty on the ground” should not be understood as merely a matter of law enforcement – rather, this is a productive form of violence through which the legal authority of the state is actively established.

Open access (OA) publication of scholarly articles in journals has come to be celebrated as opening up new knowledge base to researchers, making knowledge a 'public-good'. What seems to have gone amiss is a deep-seeded exclusion and discrimination that OA furthers by being blind to authors' location. I argue that OA entrenches prevailing 'academic colonialism', without any reflection on transforming existing academic hierarchies. The paper brings forth the idea of academiccolonialism leading to a hierarchization of scholarships, wherein the authors belonging to the so-called Global South stand at a disadvantage.

Today, Russian influence on the African continent is still anecdotic compared to the People's Republic of China, the United States, and former colonial powers, such as France. Yet, Moscow has committed to reasserting itself as an alternative pole of influence to China and Western countries in the eyes of some African elites. This article analyzes two key components of Russia's African toolkit: its media outlets such as RT and Sputnik, which have managed to impose themselves on the African media landscape, and its entrepreneurs of influence, in charge of influence campaigns of different scopes. The article contends that Russia's media success relies more on the appropriation of its informational content by African actors with their own political agendas than on Moscow convincing African audiences of the legitimacy of its foreign policy or political model, and that entrepreneurs of influence may play a useful, but limited, role in testing new parameters of influence.

Wealth and power have steered global prestige from East to West and back again. History's serial relocations of economic growth and corollary power changed the character of the South China Sea into a conflictual conduit for Eastern and then Western colonialism, a strategic sea space in world war, and now a cockpit of contest to maintain or revise the rules-based international order. For the first time in several centuries, a Chinese blue water navy is projecting power across the Indo-Pacific and prosecuting a national maritime security strategy to transform the South China Sea into China's sovereign territory. In large part, the winner of the Sino-American struggle for preponderance in the South China Sea will steer the course of the twenty-first century in the Indo-Pacific.

Samir Shaheen-Hussain has investigated the cruelty inflicted on Indigenous children in Canada in the residential school system. He tells Roxanne Khamsi what it would take to start undoing the legacy of medical colonialism

In this call to action, a coalition of Indigenous and non-Indigenous researchers from Australia, Aotearoa New Zealand, United States and Canada argue for the urgent need for adequately funded Indigenous-led solutions to perinatal health inequities for Indigenous families in well-resourced settler-colonial countries. Authors describe examples of successful community-driven programs making a difference and call on all peoples to support and resource Indigenous-led perinatal health services by providing practical actions for individuals and different groups.

Producción Científica, This preliminary work presents a first series of heights of male adults in Puerto Rico. The sample, made up of 6,000 prisoner records. the estimates were systematically assessed for selectivity, and we find that selectivity is quite negligible for the main results. The text studies the extreme dependence of the standard of living on the evolution of the price of sugar, a dependence which caused the progressive deterioration of material well-being in the country. Only between 1860 and 1880 did Puerto Ricans enjoy some improvement and a higher level of height. We measures the negative short-term effects of the 1898 annexation Puerto Rico by the United States.

Representation is integral in the remit of the fair trade movement for social justice, but fair trade’s communication is built on stereotypical portrayals that objectify Southern producers. Although such portrayals have received ample scholarly critique for upholding neo-colonial relations by reinforcing western consumers’ colonial fantasies, there is still a dearth of research into if and how a more truthful and dynamic representation can be built. The article moves the debate forward with a novel experiment that explores new possibilities for producer–consumer connections by ‘connecting’ an Indian farming community with a group of consumers in the UK through short videos and stories created by the farmers. The findings highlight the need to re-think the role of representation in fair trade since when farmers construct their representations on their own terms, they engage in reflexive and dialogic processes that prove empowering. Moreover, including the farmers’ voices in these representations has the capacity to challenge consumers’ colonial perceptions about the distant other. The experiment also sheds light on the challenges that are inherent in reframing fair trade’s discourses and creating more inclusive and interactive communication strategies.

This study aims to investigate the defensible character of the Lahore railway station built in response to “the war of independence in 1857,” which greatly impacted the location and design of the building. This study demonstrates the integral role played by the railway station in the development of the new colonial city, which the British wants to be defensive in every aspect. Railways were introduced in Pakistan (India) soon after their inauguration in Britain. Beginning from the mode of transportation, the multifaced contribution of railways toward the urban growth, new architectural style, mode of construction, and technology cannot be recanted. The research is based on the documentation and analysis of the history of Lahore railway station design. First, this study uses primary and secondary data to offer a history of the Lahore railway station from its inception to final execution. Second, it explores the criteria adopted by the British for its site selection to make the station a defensible post. The research finding includes the visual features that enhanced the architectural character of the building. Qualitative methods are used including several other approaches, namely, literature review, archival data collection, analysis of photographs, and study of architectural drawings and old maps, to achieve the objectives.

Background The lives of individuals are infinitely fascinating, especially when viewed at the intersection of their relationship with other people and their environment. Of interest in this article are the incidents of childbirth and the role of midwife and doctor in these crucial life events. Perhaps of greater significance is the story of those on board this one voyage of the Steadfast within the grand narrative of British immigration to Australia in the nineteenth century. Aim This article aims to demonstrate that it was the human cargo and their need of health care in the voyage of the Steadfast, which contributed to the historical narrative of immigration and quarantine, the prelude to life in the colonial environment. Method This is qualitative research using historical methodology involving the selection of available documents. The primary document sourced is that of the surgeon-superintendent’s journal on the Steadfast. The methodology used is narrative, recording the medical information as well as providing background context for the main characters for the purpose of situating them in the immigration story. Findings Health care, particularly maternity care, on immigration ships was limited. Birthing at sea was a dangerous process for an immigrant woman often resulting in her death, the death of her infant or both mother and child could perish. If disease occurred during the sea voyage, then quarantine of the ship and passengers was instigated on arrival at Sydney Harbour. Discussion This article draws on the journal notes of the surgeon superintendent which logs the health incidents of immigrants requiring midwifery, nursing and medical care on a sea voyage from London to the colony of New South Wales in the mid-nineteenth century. This article focuses on the maternity events and the necessity for quarantine measures to prevent the spread of infectious diseases in the colony of New South Wales.

The association between British colonial rule and lower levels of corruption is often emphasized in legal origins literature (La Porta et al., 2008). However, given the historical context of Africa, we hypothesize that Britain's system of colonial control suggests a legacy of higher corruption among local elites (chiefs). First, much of the colonial control of the local population occurred through chiefs instead of the central state. Hence, the formal legal systems introduced by the colonial powers, while mostly applicable to the central state, had limited relevance to governing much of the population. Moreover, British rule entrenched the power of chiefs and undermined their accountability to the local population. Data from nationally representative surveys on the attitudes of adult Africans from anglophone and francophone countries reveal empirical patterns consistent with this hypothesis. In anglophone countries, the level of corruption among chiefs is found to be significantly higher than in francophone countries. Chiefs in anglophone countries also command a significantly lower level of public trust. These results remain robust when including a diverse set of controls, as well as in a discontinuity analysis on observations near the borders between anglophone and francophone countries.

A Green New Deal could put severe pressure on lands held by Indigenous and marginalized communities and reshape their ecologies into "green sacrifice zones." Such cost shifting risks reproducing a form of climate colonialism in the name of just transition. Avoiding cost shifts opens interdisciplinary research questions regarding land-use policy, economics, politics, and non-Eurocentric knowledge and leadership.

Researchers have often called for micro-scale analyses of residential displacement, and more recently, for work that acknowledges the importance of temporal and spatial relationships that influence current iterations of residential displacement. Relying on grounding in urban political ecology, and work in gentrification, racial capitalism, and settler colonialism, this paper highlights the historic relationships between development interests and resident groups in Gowanus, Brooklyn to examine how historic context shapes the development of displacement patterns. Relying on historic texts and images found in New York City archives, this work documents the developmental history of Gowanus, which has held a prominent place in New York City history since before the 1600s, when European settler colonists began to create farms and mills based on existing local knowledge of the landscape held by the Canarsee, a Munsee speaking Indigenous group of Lenape people who lived in the area now known as Gowanus. Over time, several groups of developers and industrialists dominated this space by morphing the tidal wetland into an industrial waterway, capitalizing on the waterfront as a commodity. Most recently, residents who can afford luxury rentals with views of waterfront have moved into the area. At the same time, city plans and the United States Environmental Protection Agency are addressing the legacy of contamination in the area. The varying access and attitude toward the canal over time continues to impact the development in the area, with some people being forced out, while others are moving in. This work builds on the growing literature on residential displacement to argue that even with embedded silence in archival materials, investigating the long-range historic patterns of development can be a useful method for understanding current iterations of development and displacement, including the most recent shift towards high-end waterfront living.

This paper examines the potential for the digital turn, particularly the extensive and ongoing digitisation of nineteenth-century newspapers, to enable scholars to rethink the experiences of individuals previously marginalised and hard to find in historical sources. The rapid digital turn in historical research has prompted scholars to argue for conversations in which to consider the implications of digital technologies in historical research practices. Yet in historical geography, though scholars work with and make digital data in a multitude of ways, there has been little formal reflection on the concerns, challenges or methodological opportunities presented by the formation of digital archives. To do so this paper takes as its focus ‘coloured’ workers employed in forms of domestic service at the end of the nineteenth century in Australia. Firstly, by resurfacing ‘coloured’ workers through their presence in newspaper advertisements the paper illustrates that digital methodologies enable the identification of individuals missed through previous forms of data analysis. Secondly, the paper seeks to illustrate how their reappearance can frame a rethinking of domestic labour and colonial identities, gender roles and the ethnic complexities of ‘coloured’ labour in the British Empire. The paper argues that though newspaper advertisements for employment are brief and impersonal, and their meanings, as mediated through form and time, are at times hard to decipher, gathering them together into a new archive supports a more complex reading of diversity across national, regional, local and imperial geographies.

Between 1897 and 1914, colonizers constructed a railway network in German Southwest Africa (present-day Namibia) that enabled colonial territorialization. This article proposes that after genocidal warfare had destroyed indigenous territoriality, colonial microspaces or heterotopias were created on and along railway lines at stations, on trains, and in railway labour relationships. These miniature orders signified civilization, permanence and the reproduction of the colonial order. Colonizers mobilized African labour through violence and coercion to make these spaces profitable and structured microspaces along gendered and racialized lines. Railways as an infrastructure then allowed such orders to spread along the lines as cities, farms and zones of mineral extraction were created. All of these orders, however, could be contested by human and environmental actors who destabilized meaning and control. Together, the colonial heterotopias formed an archipelago of territoriality. Where settler pressure, capital investment and labour regimes aligned, space was divided into manageable pieces to make it productive. In sum, the article offers a model of colonial territorialization through replication along infrastructure. As such, the article contributes to scholarship on boundary spaces and imperial frontiers, suggesting that territoriality was achieved, stabilized and expanded through miniature orders.

This paper provides a review of issues impacting the mental health of two-spirit people. Research has documented high rates of poverty, disparities in rates of harassment and violence, PTSD, anxiety, depression, suicidality, and substance use. Most research has focused on mental health disparities, often framing two-spirit people as affected by intersecting oppressions (i.e., racism or colonialism intersecting with homophobia or transphobia). Most research to date has been qualitative or has drawn on small convenience samples, limiting the generalizability of findings. Large-scale quantitative data is needed to advance understanding of how mental health disparities emerge and how protective factors, such as cultural engagement, improve well-being.

In the Schefferville mining region, as in many other places in Canada, Indigenous peoples experience and negotiate mining encounters at the crossroads of overlapping, and often competing, governance frameworks and territorial rights regimes. While prevailing legal frameworks shape the participation of Indigenous peoples in mining decision-making processes, ambiguities in these arrangements, as argued by researchers, can also generate spaces for Indigenous peoples to assert their jurisdiction and exercise their agency on extractive projects within their traditional lands. Drawing on participant observation during our field school in the region of Schefferville and on one of the authors’ fieldwork, this article uses the case of Tata Steel Minerals Canada's projects to highlight how the different colonial trajectories and Indigenous peoples’ rights configurations in the area have contributed to shape the agency of Indigenous peoples in mining development. Our case study illustrates how Indigenous peoples’ agency in mining projects can be embedded within, or emerge beyond, the formal recognition of Indigenous peoples’ rights through the mobilization of a variety of political and legal strategies.

In the 19th and 20th centuries, African economies experienced a significant structural transformation from the slave trades to commercial agriculture. We analyze the long-run impact of this economic transition focusing on the dynamic effects of: shifting geographic fundamentals to favor agro-climatic suitability for cash crops; infrastructural investments to reduce trade costs; and external forward production linkages. Using agro-climatic suitability scores and historical data on the source location of more than 95 percent of all exports across 38 African states, we assess the consequences of these changes on economic reorganization across the continent. We find that colonial cash crop production had positive long-run effects on urbanization, road infrastructure, nighttime luminosity, and household wealth. These effects rival or surpass other geographic and historical forces. Exploring causal mechanisms, we show that path dependence due to colonial infrastructure investments is the more important channel than continued advantages in agricultural productivity. However, these agglomerating effects were highly localized; we find limited evidence that commercial agriculture spurred broader regional growth, in contrast to other cash crop regions around the world. If anything, we observe in Africa the economic gains accruing to cash crop zones came at the expense of nearby areas, which are worse off today than expected based on underlying characteristics. Overall, our analysis has important implications for the debate on the long-run effects of colonialism on development in the region. Rather than offsetting negative institutional effects, subnational extractive processes may have reinforced them by sowing economic and social inequalities., World Development, 158, ISSN:0305-750X

In general, the LBK is considered a very assertive cultural phenomenon characterized by rapid expansion and subsequent high population density in agriculturally favorable areas. On the one hand, for the first time larger and long-term populated places were created, on the other hand, a strong colonial tendency is obvious. A closer look at the settlement areas on the upper Danube in Bavaria and Baden-Wurttemberg, however, shows an astonishing picture: Both the time of the first rural colonization and the ups and downs in the further settlement are very different from region to region. Colonization advances as well as abandonment of entire areas can be observed several times. The LBK in this region is thus characterized by a very high dynamics of settlement. In addition to all conservative tendencies, risky foundations of settlements, the option of failure and the willingness to considerable personal mobility appear to be integral components of the cultural model.

Global surgery, especially academic global surgery, is of tremendous interest to many surgeons. Classically, it entails personnel from high-income countries going to low- and middle-income countries and engaging in educational activities as well as procedures. Academic medical personnel have included students, residents, and attendings. The pervasive notion is that this is a win-win situation for the volunteers and the hosts, that is, a pathway to bilateral academic success. However, a critical examination demonstrates that it can easily become the bold new face of colonialism of a low- and middle-income country by a high-income country.

This paper highlights current events and original research to explore the tensions between First Nations, industry and government in the context of uranium mining and nuclear waste management in Australia. We outline challenges faced by Aboriginal Australians in their role as custodians of the land, and as community leaders. A critical examination of some of the barriers to First Nations empowerment includes government engagement through legislation and practices that have repeatedly resulted in dispossession and disempowerment of Australian Aboriginal Traditional Owners. Laws ostensibly designed to provide rights and protections to Aboriginal people are repeatedly curtailed or overridden to facilitate nuclear projects—in particular radioactive waste repositories and uranium mines. We argue that existing measures provide feeble rights and protections for Aboriginal people as laws have repeatedly produced outcomes that favour government and industry and deny Aboriginal rights to sovereignty. Our research highlights patterns of colonial oppression that transgress human rights, and frames mining and nuclear waste in a way that lacks a decolonisation strategy and are based on industrial violence. Theoretical understandings of Indigenous sovereignty through a decolonising lens will highlight Indigenous standpoints, the continued contestation of Indigenous peoples’ customary land rights, and the limitations of post-colonial environmental justice.

This article examines how the prominent mapmaker, engraver and publisher John Arrowsmith (1790–1873) functioned as a geographical authority in the mid nineteenth-century British Empire. Through previously unexamined archival material I analyse Arrowsmith’s close relationship with the Colonial Office and consider his semi-official position as a mapmaker to the British Empire. I analyse Arrowsmith’s cartographic credibility and the power of maps through a case study focusing on Australind, a private colonization venture targeted at Western Australia in 1840. I analyse the ‘social life’ of a map Arrowsmith supplied for the Western Australian Company largely based on explorer George Grey’s information by examining its contested epistemological status in the Australian colonies. Using literature on trust, authority and the social histories of maps, this article highlights the mutability and spatial contingency of the power of maps and their makers in imperial and colonial knowledge-making. By studying the map’s shifting position in the processes of truth-making in the metropolis and the Australian colonies I contribute to growing literature on the processual nature of maps. Importantly, I demonstrate how maps like Arrowsmith’s not only contributed to the popular imagination of empire at home but were documents of indirect agency as the British invaded and explored different parts of the world.

The main objective of this commentary is to provide historical insight into the term endemicity and to demonstrate why framing COVID-19 as endemic in early 2022 is a misguided approach.The history of epidemiology as well as current data on COVID-19 as provided by the United States Centers for Disease Control, the World Health Organization, and the Johns Hopkins COVID-19 Resource Center was surveyed.Records of the Epidemiological Society of London for the period 1850-1900 were analyzed, and several key publications on how infectious diseases were considered endemic were identified.The term endemicity has a long and twisting history, changing from its meaning in the mid-nineteenth century until our use of it today. The concept has long been tied to historical patterns of colonialism.Framing COVID-19 as an endemic disease in early 2022 is a misguided attempt and a result of cultural and political forces.

Chingiz Aitmatov’s The Day Lasts Longer than a Hundred Years (I dol’she veka dlitsia den’), published in 1980, has long been read in terms of its affiliations with socialist realism as well as its radical departures into the realms of science fiction and folklore, resulting in a range of debates about the genre of the novel and the political allegories encoded in its various storylines. This essay returns to the fantastic elements that contaminate Aitmatov’s late-Soviet text not as a historiography of the author’s present, as Fredric Jameson would put it, but as an experiment in composing parabolas of the Anthropocene. Both as a geometric figure and as a fugitive cosmopolitics, parabolas inscribe a novel spacetime in which deep histories of colonial violence and dislocation intersect with futuristic arcs of planetary devastation, rewriting the Russian and Soviet empire’s Central Asian periphery into a generative epicenter of ecological storytelling.

Drawing upon the case of NHK's (Nihon Hoso Kyokai, Japan's public broadcasting organization) metalinguistic debate in the 1970s on how the Korean Language should be referred to, this research examines why Japan and North/South Korea came to develop different views on the meaning of “Chosen [tʃɔːsaen]” and discusses the social implications of this debate for postcolonial identity politics. The study adopts the theory of critical discourse analysis to understand how the metalinguistic debate is tied to the socio-political identities of Zainichi (ethnic Koreans in Japan). It is my contention that South Korea's desire for modernity is ingrained in the ethno-metapragmatics of Chosen/Chosun, of which temporality (colonial Korea) and spatiality (North Korea) should be overcome in the construction of the nation's master narrative. I also argue that Japan's insistence on Chosen as an innocuous term reflects institutional disidentification of Zainichi.

Many Indigenous Peoples around the world find the dominant model of sustainable development disrespectful and hypocritical. The terms ‘sustainable’ and ‘development’ when combined reproduce patterns of exploitation that destroy Mother Earth while imposing a regime of colonial praxis on Indigenous Peoples and Lands under a benevolent appearance of civilization, salvation, novelty, and progress. Sustainable development models are rooted within western paradigms (a specific set of epistemology, ontology, axiology and methodology) such as the neoliberal capitalism approach, which structures relationships with Indigenous Peoples and Land based on disrespectful relationships. In this article, we offer an approach that aspires to be decolonial. First, we examine the current model of ‘sustainable development’ through Indigenous and modernity/coloniality approaches. Second, through Indigenous Peoples’ paradigms, along with the concepts respectful inter-being-relationality and Land revitalization, we provide Indigenous perspectives on ‘sustainability’ and ‘development’ that may strengthen sovereignty and wellbeing.

This article investigates the entanglement of knowledge regarding vegetable gardening in early colonial Bengal through the prism of the yearly vegetable exhibitions organized in Calcutta by the Agricultural and Horticultural Society of India (AHSI, founded in 1820). The European members of the society thought that there were not enough vegetables grown in Bengal and that the commonly eaten vegetables were nutritionally inadequate. In order to ‘improve’ local vegetable cultivation, the society held a yearly exhibition in which Bengali gardeners received prizes for growing new vegetables, such as cauliflower and cabbage. To supply these exhibitions, the society ordered large shipments of seeds and then distributed them to malis (Bengali gardeners) around Calcutta. In the 1830s they extended this practice to their satellite societies across India. The end result was an increase in the cultivation of these vegetables, and eventually their absorption into local cuisine. Yet, Bengali gardeners continued to bring other vegetables to the exhibitions which were not from the AHSI seed. Eventually, the society’s officers reacted to these unsolicited contributions by including awards for them. However, many members were anxious and unsure about these changes, constantly trying to make the vegetable exhibitions mimic the vegetable market at Covent Garden in London. In order to contain the changing exhibitions, they reiterated a divide between ‘native’ and ‘foreign’ vegetables by holding separate exhibitions for each. As such, this article reformulates the idea of mimicry, focusing more strongly on British ambivalence and anxiety as they tried to reiterate colonial boundaries with mixed success.

While there is broad agreement in theory that farmers' expertise should be integrated into discussions of land management and climate change adaptation in the food system, it is unknown how much research practice has integrated these recommendations. To gauge the state of the field, we reviewed and coded a sample set of papers (n = 105) concerning farmers' perceptions of climate change. Crosstabulation analysis reveals that: 1) researching farmer “perception” of climate change seems to be more frequent in the Global South, as opposed to the North, where other terms are used; 2) farmers are rarely described within their social-ecological contexts, and often simply have their observations segmented and assessed for verification against historical data or quantitative measurements; and 3) the broader dynamics of research practice may perpetuate extractive and colonial patterns of exchange between the Global North and South. We find that farmers from the Global South are rarely described, but often evaluated in their perceptions. We conclude that, with some exceptions, the field does not substantively embrace farmers’ perceptions as a contribution to adaptation discourse. We posit that the lack of in-depth qualitative methods in our sample may be correlated with the perception of farmers as passive and vulnerable, rather than viably adapting.

New engagements between humans and with the environment are vitally necessary in this perilous period of intensified environmental change. Climate change policy interventions and public discourses persistently frame climate as outside human experience, something to be controlled and understood within a strict, linear, universalist and ultimately colonising understanding of time. Yet constructions that suggest that humans are separate from, act upon or may manage or control a passive environment may be offensive to a sentient world, while relegation of the past to ‘the past’ ignores the many enduring violences of colonialism and multiple sustained efforts to nurture multi-temporal relationships of belonging and care. In this paper, our more-than-human Indigenous and non-Indigenous research collective share understandings of time led by the Yolŋu songspiral, Wuku n or Gathering of the Clouds, from northern Australia. Wuku n challenges many orders and disciplines of colonial structures, including those associated with time and climate change. In place of an abstract, distant and unbound climate, locked into a linear, passive timescape, Wuku n suggests time as multiple, agential, and a manifestation of co-becoming. Rather than being responsible to or responsible for climate as something passive and separate from humans, Wuku n signals a need to cultivate abilities to attend deeply to place’s agency and act through co-becoming. In this way, we may understand and respond to climate change as relational and patterned, embodied and affective, and co-constituted through more-than-human placed and multi-temporal relationships.