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The emergence of the Upper Palaeolithic in Southwest Asia is considered a unique phenomenon in relation to other parts of the Old World. Besides the local circumstances that are particular to each region, this is the only region outside Africa with the clear presence of modern humans producing Middle Palaeolithic industries. Still, it seems that also here, as elsewhere outside Africa, the UP is conceived mostly as portraying a break with MP life-ways, and continuity, if indicated, is on a rather modest scale. While the geographical extent of the Levant (i.e. the eastern Mediterranean, from the Taurus Zagros mountains in the north, to southern Sinai and from the coast eastwards of the Rift valley into the Saudi Arabian deserts) is relatively small, at least four or five variants of Initial Upper Palaeolithic lithic industries have been identified/defined, based on techno-typological criteria, geographical constraints and differing chronologies, as demonstrated at Boqer Tachtit, Tor Sadaf, Ksar Akil, Umm el-Tlel, and Ucagizli. Besides the usual obstacles archaeologists face in trying to identify and define relationships between various archaeological assemblages in time and space, prehistoric research of the Levant, like other regions, suffers from its Eurocentric past and international present, whereby research reflects the different ‘weltanschauung’ and paradigms of the scholars currently conducting it. We shall attempt to present a coherent picture of the present state of affairs, as well as our own understanding of the Levantine IUP, based on the locally available data within the wider context of current prehistoric research.

The MIS 3/2 transition (Denekamp interstadial and beginning of the LGM) is a crucial point in time for understanding adaptation of modern humans to climate. The Southern Caucasus is a unique place to study human ecology within this time period because it served as a refugium during the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM) and thus allows us to study how human populations responded to the climatic shifts during the Last Glacial. This study presents the results of the paleoecological analysis of Dzudzuana cave during the MIS 3/2 transition using small mammal community structure as a proxy for paleoenvironment. Of the four units in Dzudzuana (Units A through D), Unit C, divided into subunits C5 to C1, has been dated to 27–24 ka cal BP and the MIS 3/2 transition. Thus, Unit C allows for a diachronic analysis throughout this important time period. Small mammals were found primarily in subunit C2 and C1. Analysis of the small mammal assemblages of Dzudzuana subunits C2 and C1 confirm the paleoecological reconstruction obtained from macrobotanical remains, and suggest a refugium habitat during the last phase of MIS 3 and the onset of the LGM. Comparison with a contemporaneous site in the region (Satsurblia) suggests a high spatial-temporal mosaic habitat in the region. Small refugium areas within the Rioni River valley and its tributaries that enjoyed ameliorated climatic conditions and proximity to water resources may have promoted local human habitation. Furthermore, results suggest that the small mammal assemblages of Dzudzuana are non-analogue communities typical of European Denekamp assemblages, and provide a new datum point for the faunal remains during this time period.

This is a short account of recycling observed in Levantine Aurignacian assemblages in Kebara and Hayonim cave sites in Israel. It appears that the makers of the Aurignacian industries made use of flint pieces collected outside the caves, to modify them a new. Thus Upper Palaeolithic morphotypes were modified either on Mousterian tools or Mousterian blanks produced by the Levallois technique. Though quite distinct, this behavior portrays an exception rather than the rule, as most of the modified flint recovered in both caves was collected from resources of local flint, located in the general vicinity, some 2–15 km away, of the sites. Moreover, while recurring (though to a degree) recycling of Mousterian items was observed in other Levantine Aurignacian assemblages, this was not the case for the local Ahmarian assemblages, including the ones underlying the Aurignacian levels in Kebara Cave. Speculations as regards the reason(s) for this behavior should await further studies and a better database of its extent and recurrence.

The Middle to Upper Paleolithic transition (MP-UP transition) is considered a major technological and cultural threshold, at the time when modern humans spread “out of Africa”, expanded from the Levant into Europe and possibly into central and northern Asia. The dating of this techno-cultural transition has proved to be extremely difficult because it occurred sometime before 40,000 radiocarbon years before present (14C years BP), which is close to the end of the effective dating range of radiocarbon. Other dating methods such as Thermoluminescence (TL) or Electron Spin Resonance (ESR) are not sufficiently precise to date the recorded archaeological MP-UP transition in the Levant. Here we report a consistent set of stratified radiocarbon ages on freshly excavated charcoal from Kebara Cave, Mt. Carmel (Israel), that span the late Middle Paleolithic (MP) and Early Upper Paleolithic (EUP) This study applied novel strategies to improve sample preparation techniques and data analysis to obtain high-resolution radiocarbon models. From this study it is proposed that the MP-UP transition for this site can be placed immediately after 45,200 ± 700 14C years BP and before 43,600 ± 600 14C years BP or from 49/48 to 47/46 radiocarbon calibrated years before present (years Cal BP).

The dispersals of early hominins in the late Pliocene or early Pleistocene into Eurasia were essentially sporadic. Little geographic and temporal continuity is observed between the various dated archaeological contexts, and the lithic assemblages do not demonstrate a techno-morphological continuity. The archaeological evidence from 1.8 to 0.7 Ma indicates at least three waves of early migrations. The earliest sortie involved bearers of core-chopper industries sometime around 1.7}1.6 Ma. Early Acheulean producers followed possibly around 1.4 Ma. The third wave occurred sometime around 0.8 Ma, and is represented by Acheulean groups who manufactured numerous #ake cleavers. The geographic scope of each of these waves is not yet well known.The reasons for &why’ early humans dispersed from Africa into Eurasia include the &push’ of environmental change and relative &demographic pressure’, as well as the opening of new niches. Humans may have gained their meat supplies either from carcasses or through active predation. The archaeological and fossil records demonstrate that Homo erectus was a successful species, and like other successful species it enlarged its geographic distribution at all costs. Even if the trigger for the initial dispersal of Homo erectus remains unknown or controversial, the success of the hominid occupation of the Eurasian habitats was not primarily facilitated by the availability of food, or the human #exibility in food procuring techniques, but by the absence of the zoonotic diseases that plagued and constrained hominins in their African &cradle of evolution’. Once humans succeeded in crossing the disease-plagued belts of Africa the chances for survival of many more members of their groups rose steeply. It was only thereafter that humans could exploit their latent capacities and came to enjoy their global colonization. ( 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd and INQUA. All rights reserved.

Renewed excavations in Kebara cave (Mt Carmel) made it possible to obtain a series of radiocarbon dates from the Upper Paleolithic layers of the site. The various readings indicate the presence of early Ahmarian industries around 43 –36 ka bp while the Levantine Aurignacian is dated to 36 –32 ka bp . Combined with the previously published TL dates for the uppermost Mousterian layers it is suggested that during the transition from the Middle to the Upper Paleolithic, the cave was abandoned and that this cultural phase should be dated to c . 46 /45 –43 /42 ka bp .