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In low fertility settings, religious people tend to have larger families than non-religious people. One way religious individuals may achieve larger relative family sizes is through support from their families. In this paper, we investigate the relationships between religiosity, kin contact, allomaternal investment from relatives, and fertility in two high income low fertility settings: the United Kingdom and the United States. Data for this pre-registered research come from an online survey of 609 women living in the US and 919 women living in the UK, recruited through Prolific, who answered questions about their religious practices, childbirth histories, social networks, and allomaternal networks. We find that, compared with less religious peers, more religious women: 1) have more geographically diffuse kin networks (particularly in the UK) but have social networks that are equally kin-dense; 2) receive more allomaternal support from kin beyond their partner, particularly help with household tasks, though the countries differ in the exhibited relationship between religiosity and partner support; and 3) have higher fertility in both countries. We do not find strong evidence for a mediating role of allomaternal support on the relationship between religiosity and fertility. Our study highlights important variation in the relationship between religion and fertility across two high income low fertility countries and raises new questions about the role that religion plays in allomaternal support networks in these settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Alloparental care—care provided to children who are not one's offspring—is ubiquitous across human populations. Empirical research reveals socioecological variation in who cares for children, but less attention has been paid to the type of care provided. To better understand the fitness outcomes of different forms of alloparental care, or allocare, we categorize such care into two broad forms based on economic cost structures: additive cost and declining marginal cost allocare. Additive cost allocare requires alloparents to pay equal costs for each child to whom care is provided, while declining marginal cost allocare entails reduced costs for additional children beyond the first. Given this general typology, we investigate how fitness is impacted by the type of allocare provided in socioecological conditions of scarcity or abundance. Results of an agent-based model indicate that allocare has fitness benefits in nearly all circumstances, but the impact of cost structures depends on resource availability. In contexts of abundance, the cost structure of allocare does not matter as individuals' reproductive success is instead constrained by fertility and mortality more than the availability of resources or time. In conditions of scarcity, however, the greatest increases in reproductive success are achieved when allocare has a declining marginal cost structure. This is due to an economy of scale permitting alloparents to scale up their care at discounted rates. Consequently, we expect allocare practices to exhibit these patterns cross-culturally: in contexts of scarcity allocare is anticipated to be focused on practices with declining marginal cost structures and to be much less variable than in contexts of abundance. We discuss several ethnographic examples that are consistent with the overall findings of our simulations, and we conclude with recommendations for future modeling and empirical work on allocare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To link to full-text access for this article, visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jebo.2004.07.007 Byline: Bradley J. Ruffle (a), Richard Sosis (b)(c) Keywords: Cooperation; In-group-out-group bias; Field experiment; Self-selection; Socialization; Kibbutz Abstract: The in-group-out-group bias is among the most widely documented and analyzed phenomenon in the social sciences. We conduct field experiments to test whether the bias extends to the cooperative behavior of one of the most successful modern collectives, the Israeli kibbutz. Despite their promise as universal cooperators, kibbutz members are more cooperative toward anonymous kibbutz members than they are toward anonymous city residents. In fact, when paired with city residents, kibbutz members' observed levels of cooperation are identical to those of city residents. Moreover, self-selection rather than kibbutz socialization largely accounts for the extent to which kibbutz members are cooperative. Author Affiliation: (a) Department of Economics, Ben-Gurion University, Beer Sheva 84105, Israel (b) Department of Sociology and Anthropology, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Mt. Scopus, Jerusalem 91905, Israel (c) Department of Anthropology, U-2176, University of Connecticut, Storrs, CT 06269-2176, USA Article History: Received 23 June 2003; Accepted 14 July 2004

Abstract Life history theory anticipates that organisms trade offspring quantity for offspring quality. In modern human societies this tradeoff is particularly acute because of increased returns on investments in embodied capital. Religious people, however, despite having more children than their secular counterparts, do not appear to suffer lower quality offspring. To explain this apparent paradox of religious fertility, we propose a religious alloparenting hypothesis, which hypothesizes that higher levels of alloparenting in religious communities enable religious individuals to support larger families without reducing offspring quality. Using data from a large national sample whose population is roughly half religious and half secular (N = 12,980; New Zealand), we demonstrate that, after adjusting for denominational, environmental, ethnic and other demographic differences, religious identification is associated with an increased likelihood of having at least one child, and religious identification and ritual frequency are positively related to offspring number among people with at least one child. Consistent with the religious alloparenting hypothesis , religious identification and ritual frequency are also positively associated with alloparenting among community members who do not currently have young children of their own. These are the first findings to reveal that religious cooperation extends to alloparenting; however, whether or not the levels of alloparenting in religious communities are sufficient to mitigate the costs of higher relative fertility remains a critical consideration for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine community longevity as a function of group size in three historical, small scale agricultural samples. Community sizes of 50, 150 and 500 are disproportionately more common than other sizes; they also have greater longevity. These values mirror the natural layerings in hunter-gatherer societies and contemporary personal networks. In addition, a religious ideology seems to play an important role in allowing larger communities to maintain greater cohesion for longer than a strictly secular ideology does. The differences in optimal community size may reflect the demands of different ecologies, economies and social contexts, but, as yet, we have no explanation as to why these numbers seem to function socially so much more effectively than other values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: While males in many societies endure traumatic and painful rites, in other societies male rites are mild or completely absent. To explain these cross-cultural differences, we use data collected from the Human Relations Area Files electronic databases (eHRAF) to test two sets of hypotheses derived from signaling theory. If costly male rites serve to signal mate quality, they would be expected to correlate with the intensity of mating competition. If they serve to signal group commitments, they would be expected to be associated with the importance of overcoming problems of collective action. Our results support the latter set of hypotheses: males in societies that engage in warfare endure the costliest rites. Moreover, we show that whether wars are fought within cultural groups or against other cultural groups is an important determinant of whether or not male rites result in permanent visible marks, such as ritual scars. We argue that costly male rites signal commitment and promote solidarity among males who must organize for warfare. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]