Search

As the papers in this volume make clear, categorial shift is often not categorical. Category-altering processes do not necessarily shift all morphological, syntactic, and semantic properties of their input simultaneously or completely (Noonan, 1985/2007; Mackenzie, 1987; Lehmann, 1988; Givón 1990, 2001, 2011; Croft, 1991; Koptjevskaja-Tamm, 1993, 2003; Cristofaro, 2003; Malchukov, 2004, 2006; Nikolaeva, 2007; Mithun, 2016a). A number of factors can affect the output of such processes, their course of development, and their consequences for the shapes of grammars. Here each of these issues is examined in turn. First is the identification of the lexical categories involved in the shifts: the structural level at which they take place (roots, bases, stems, words) and the criteria by which they are defined (morphological, syntactic, semantic). Also pertinent here is the nature of the shift processes, in particular, conversion. Second are some recurring trajectories of development of shift processes involving their extension to larger domains of structure. Third are some effects categorial shift processes can have on other aspects of grammar. • Shifting categories may be roots, bases, stems, words, or phrases. • Criteria for categorization may be morphological and/or syntactic. • Conversion (or zero derivation) may take place at any level. • Shifts may be extended over time from lower to higher levels of structure. • Shifts may trigger other grammatical developments, i.e. new categories and paradigms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study demonstrates the existence in Wandala (Central Chadic) of two inflectional markers which, although they change the form of the word, are not word-formation means but rather sentence-formation means. While neither of the forms indicates any specific semantic relation, they both enable the listener to parse the sentence into units that can undergo further analysis and allow for inferences about a large number of semantic relations within the clause and within the sentence. The types of inflectional marking described in this study are unrelated to the dichotomy of head marking and dependent marking. Although this study is based on data from a single language, it has implications for the typology of coding means and for theories of clausal structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tone is widely reported as a prosodic feature of many African and Asian languages that contrasts meaning among words and sentential constructions. Hardly have any of the studies examined in detail the underlying syntactic principles which make it perform such functions. This article therefore investigates the principles which underlie the function of tone in the Igbo language, an East Benue Congo language, with particular emphasis on grammatical tone. This is done with the hope that the findings of the study can be inductively applied to other tone languages across the world. It answers such questions as: what are the principles which enable tone to perform its grammatical functions? What syntactic positions predispose tone to perform the grammatical functions? What are the grammatical realisations of tonal governance? The paper finds that tone is a constituent commander and governor. The principle of precede and constituent command (c-command) underlies tone governance. Just as in proper government, tone governs the lexical items, which it c-commands. The scope of tone and its domain of governance vary from one structure to another. The position of the governor determines its domain of governance and the kind of structure that is realised after governance. Such syntactic constructions as the negative, perfective, past tense, and serial verb constructions result from tonal government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Consensus recommendations for three variants of primary progressive aphasia (PPA), the non-fluent/agrammatic, logopenic and semantic variants, were published in 2011 [Gorno-Tempini et al., 2011]. These recommendations describe the most characteristic language impairments for each variant. However, studies using these criteria in larger groups of patients revealed serious limitations concerning their application. Some of these limitations are related to imprecisions in the description of language features, especially for grammatical features. The aim of this review was to examine studies of inflectional morphology in three variants of PPA and in the disease that is the most relevant for differential diagnosis, namely Alzheimer's disease. MedLine, CINAHL and PsycINFO electronic databases were searched to retrieve all relevant peer-reviewed articles published in English language journals. Despite the focus that has been placed on agrammatism by the consensus recommendations, the studies reviewed do not systematically report impairments of inflectional morphology in the non-fluent/agrammatic variant. Studies also show that some individuals with the logopenic variant present with substantial inflection impairments. Contrary to expectations, some studies reveal the presence of morphological difficulties in the semantic variant. These difficulties concern mostly the production of irregular, low-frequency verbs while regular verbs are spared. Similar difficulties are also reported in studies of people with Alzheimer's disease. Overall, the results show the need to more clearly define the criteria related to grammar and morphology and to better characterise impairment severity. Future research on primary progressive aphasia and other degenerative diseases with language impairments will help refine our expectations regarding language features that characterise each profile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This study uses event-related brain potentials (ERPs) to investigate the temporal sequencing of structural (grammatical) and lexical (semantic) properties of complex words during language comprehension. Morphologically complex words do not only consist of stems and affixes (e.g., ‘feel’+‘-s’), but affixes also contain grammatical structure, viz. feature bundles specifying their morpho-syntactic functions (e.g., -s= [3rd person, singular, present tense]). We examined inflected adjectives of German, which consist of an unaltered stem plus a portmanteau affix encoding case, number and gender. The same group of 24 adult native speakers was tested in two cross-modal ERP priming experiments separately studying effects of lexical–semantic relatedness and related affixes. The results of these experiments revealed clearly distinct brain potentials. Prime-target overlap with respect to morpho-syntactic features was associated with a reduced positivity, whereas lexical-level priming led to a reduced negativity. The former was most pronounced between 200 and 300ms and the latter in a later time window, between 300 and 400ms. We interpret the reduced early positivity as reflecting ease of grammatical processing effort in case of primed (relative to unprimed) morpho-syntactic features and the reduced negativity as signaling facilitation in lexical retrieval for primed (compared to unprimed) words. Our ERP results indicate that grammatical information becomes available earlier than semantic information providing support for structure-first models of language processing. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: This study investigates the child (L1) acquisition of properties at the interfaces of morpho-syntax, syntax-semantics and syntax-pragmatics, by focusing on inflected infinitives in European Portuguese (EP). Three child groups were tested, 6–7-year-olds, 9–10-year-olds and 11–12-year-olds, as well as an adult control group. The data demonstrate that children as young as 6 have knowledge of the morpho-syntactic properties of inflected infinitives, although they seem at first glance to show partially insufficient knowledge of their syntax–semantic interface properties (i.e. non-obligatory control properties), differently from children aged 9 and older, who show clearer evidence of knowledge of both types of properties. However, in general, both morpho-syntactic and syntax–semantics interface properties are also accessible to 6–7-year-old children, although these children give preference to a range of interpretations partially different from the adults; in certain cases, they may not appeal to certain pragmatic inferences that permit additional interpretations to adults and older children. Crucially, our data demonstrate that EP children master the two types of properties of inflected infinitives years before Brazilian Portuguese children do (), reasons for and implications of which we discuss in detail. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: The standard task used to study inflectional processing of verbs involves presentation of the stem form from which the participant is asked to generate the past tense. This task reveals a processing disadvantage for irregular relative to regular English verbs, more pronounced for lower-frequency items. Dual- and single-mechanism theories of inflectional morphology are both able to account for this pattern; but the models diverge in their predictions concerning the magnitude of the regularity effect expected when the task involves past-tense generation from meaning. In this study, we asked normal speakers to generate the past tense from either form (verb stem) or meaning (action picture). The robust regularity effect observed in the standard form condition was no longer reliable when participants were required to generate the past tense from meaning. This outcome would appear problematic for dual-mechanism theories to the extent that they assume the process of inflection requires stem retrieval. By contrast, it supports single-mechanism models that consider stem retrieval to be task-dependent. We present a single-mechanism model of verb inflection incorporating distributed phonological and semantic representations that reproduces this task-dependent pattern. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: The aim of the study was to investigate how the input modality affects the processing of a morphologically complex word. The processing of Finnish inflected vs. monomorphemic words and pseudowords was examined during a lexical decision task, using behavioral responses and event-related potentials. The stimuli were presented in two modalities, visually and auditorily, to two groups of participants. Half of the words and pseudowords carried a case-inflection. At the behavioral level, the inflected words elicited a processing cost with longer decision latencies and higher error rates. At the neural level, pseudowords elicited an N400 effect, which was more pronounced in the visual modality. Inflected words elicited an N400 effect in both modalities, which, however, differed in topography and latency. The N400 effect for inflected words most probably reflects access and possible integration of the stem and suffix. The results suggest that the inflectional processing cost stems from the later, lexical-semantic stage of processing in both modalities. The ERP responses to inflected pseudowords did not differ from the ERP responses to monomorphemic pseudowords in either modality, suggesting that combinatorial case-inflection processing requires a real word stem in order to proceed. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: Lexical compounds in English are constrained in that the non-head noun can be an irregular but not a regular plural (e.g. mice eater vs. *rats eater), a contrast that has been argued to derive from a morphological constraint on modifiers inside compounds. In addition, bare nouns are preferred over plural forms inside compounds (e.g. mouse eater vs. mice eater), a contrast that has been ascribed to the semantics of compounds. Measuring eye-movements during reading, this study examined how morphological and semantic information become available over time during the processing of a compound. We found that the morphological constraint affected both early and late eye-movement measures, whereas the semantic constraint for singular non-heads only affected late measures of processing. These results indicate that morphological information becomes available earlier than semantic information during the processing of compounds. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]