Search

Highlights • Cash transfers increase farm production by 33.5 percent. • None of these impacts are channelled through transfer-induced changes in farm labour. • In fact, cash transfers have no significant impact on family labour supply or on demand for hired labour. • This implies that the productive impacts of cash transfers flow through other channels, different from the labour one. Abstract This paper has the double aim to study whether unconditional cash transfers have an impact on farm production and to look into the causal mechanisms through which government transfers produce productive impacts. We use mediation analysis to identify the total effect of transfers on farm production and to isolate the influence of the labour channel from other transmission channels. In particular, we analyze whether changes in farm production are caused by transfer-induced changes in the use of farm labour – either by reallocating family labour between off- and on-farm work or by changes in the demand for hired labour – or if other transmission channels are at work. We find that cash transfers have a sizable impact on farm production but they do not lead to increased use of family or hired labour on the farm, which implies that the productive impacts of cash transfers flow through other channels, different from the labour one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Education emerged as a nearly uncontested development strategy to tackle several forms of social, political, economic and geographic inequalities in low- and middle-income countries. When it comes to the case of Uganda, the country represents a striking paradox. Significant investments and policy reforms in education (such as Universal Primary and Secondary Education) since 1997, did not translate into the expected results with regards to poverty reduction through human capital investment. Progress in poverty alleviation is not only stagnant but the role of education therein can be described as ‘modest’ at best. Against this backdrop, this article assesses the following research question: Why did Uganda’s investments and policy reforms in education not uplift the poor? In examining the issue, this article introduces a theoretical framework that contrasts assimilative with transformative approaches in poverty alleviation through education. A rigorous review of Uganda’s education sector plans revealed that current strategies to reduce poverty revolve around a strong assimilation-based development agenda, thereby focusing on three main areas of intervention: (a) increased access to education and retention; (b) improved quality of education; and (c) employment generation through education. The article finds that these assimilative approaches do not have an impact on the political, economic and social structures that cause poverty in the first place. Hence, it concludes that assimilative models in education are highly dependent on transformative approaches. Concretely, change cannot emerge only at the very grassroots level, i.e. through educating society at large, but also has to arise from the systemic level, i.e. government institutions at the local, national and global levels. Methodologically, the analysis draws on qualitative data that was collected in the course of two extensive field research stays in 2015 and 2017. In addition, quantitative data in the form of statistical abstracts inform the analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on an analysis of water access and supply in Cape Town (South Africa) and Accra (Ghana), we illustrate that neoliberal and human right to water-oriented transformations co-constitute each other discursively, practically, and in policy implementation. Focusing on the transfer of policies and experiences (particularly conjoined demand management-free basic water programs and related social contestation), we provide examples of how neoliberal logics and human right to water principles intersect in evolving hybrid regulatory landscapes, which are characterized by contradiction. The human right to water makes a difference by influencing the drafting and implementation of water-related policies that affect to the lives of poor and vulnerable populations. Yet this process unfolds unevenly, as human right to water principles and practices are contextually applied, often alongside neoliberalizing policy instruments within evolving regulatory landscapes. Our analysis reveals the uneven effects of policy experimentation, transfer, and adaptation. The analysis shows that the principle of the human right to water affects the transformation of policy options circulating in the water sector, but it does so in relation to the institutional histories and policy options associated with uneven patterns of variegated neoliberalization in the water sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: USDA's Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) provides expert-chosen supplemental foods to improve the diets and health of low-income infants and children <5 y of age, but dietary behaviors of WIC participants are not well characterized.Objective: The purpose of this analysis was to examine differences in food consumption patterns between WIC participants and nonparticipants.Methods: FITS 2016 is a nationwide cross-sectional study of children <4 y (n = 3235). Data were weighted to provide US population-representative results. Children were categorized as WIC participants or nonparticipants, with the latter divided into lower- and higher-income nonparticipants. Group differences were assessed via the Wald test (demographics) and Rao-Scott modified chi-square test (breastfeeding prevalence). Differences in percentage consuming WIC-provided and selected other foods between WIC participants and nonparticipants were evaluated with the use of ORs and 95% CIs.Results: WIC infants were less likely to breastfeed than were higher-income nonparticipants at 0-5.9 mo (45% compared with 74%) and less likely than both nonparticipant groups at 6-11.9 mo (30% compared with 49-60%). WIC 6- to 11.9-mo-olds were more likely to consume infant cereals and vegetables than were lower-income nonparticipants. WIC 12 to 23.9-mo-olds were more likely to drink whole milk (which WIC provides at this age) than were nonparticipants (72% compared with 59-64%), whereas WIC participants 24-47.9 mo were more likely to drink low- and nonfat milks (which WIC provides at this age) than were nonparticipants (45% compared with 13-22%). WIC participants 6-47.9 mo were more likely to drink juice than were nonparticipants.Conclusions: Continued improvements in early dietary patterns are warranted for WIC and non-WIC children. Breastfeeding among WIC participants is a continuing challenge. Findings suggest that baby-food cereals, vegetables, and fruits (all provided by WIC) contribute importantly to WIC infants' diets, whereas WIC children are more likely to use lower-fat milks after 2 y of age than are non-WIC participants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With many of the poor people in Brazil living in rural areas, local governments have intensified their efforts to design and implement effective policies that boost rural development. In 2004, a national program for production and use of biodiesel was launched aiming at increasing income among less endowed family farmers across the country. With expectations building on further expansion of the mandatory blending of biodiesel with fossil diesel, national and local government bodies are challenged by the search for policies able to foster biodiesel crop production through the wider cultivation of crops that produce more oil than soybean (e.g. sunflower and castor bean) and by improving the participation of less endowed farmers, especially in semi-arid regions. Therefore, the objective of this study was to perform an ex-ante integrated assessment of the socioeconomic and environmental impacts of four biodiesel policy scenarios towards different farm types in a semi-arid and more humid region of southeast Brazil. The applied modelling framework was a combination of a technical coefficient generator (TechnoGIN) and a bio-economic farm model (FSSIM). We explored the impact of market-driven (bonus price policy), input provision (fertiliser and land preparation policy) and oil production (oil mill policy) policy scenarios on soybean farmers in Chapada Gaúcha and maize/beans farmers in Montes Claros. The impacts of the different policies on farm gross margins, oil crop production, labour requirements, nitrogen losses and biocide residues were assessed against the baseline scenario. Our results indicated that the scope for biodiesel crops on smallholder, non-soybean producers in Montes Claros is less evident than in Chapada Gaúcha, particularly among the less endowed farmers for whom the increase in farm gross margin in all scenarios is limited to only 6% while oil production was 140 kg per farm, which is very low compared to the 41% increase and more than 48,000 kg of oil of soybean producers. The most effective policy scenario was the provision of inputs such as fertiliser and land preparation. Because in Montes Claros farmers have limited access to fertiliser, machinery and biocides, strategies that enable farmers to increase their cropped area (i.e. land preparation policy more than doubled the crop area) and crop yield levels (i.e. fertiliser policy almost quadrupled crop yields) have highest potential to benefit these farming systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Highlights: [•] Maputo city displays a dualist structure. [•] The dualist structure is characterized by a rich city and a belt of poor city. [•] The dualist structure is resilient. [•] There is also architectural resilience in Maputo. [•] City housing policy that is reliant on the private market and without any anti poverty policy explains the persistence of the dualistic structure of the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Every government in Latin America, and many beyond, is convinced that the only house worth having is a home of one's own. Most have improved housing credit facilities and introduced subsidy policies to help the poor obtain their dream. Unfortunately, few subsidy programmes have been effective and the housing shortage has almost always risen. In 2012, the Colombian government responded to this problem by introducing a radical housing policy. It announced that it will provide free homes for 100,000 families every year. Such an approach appears to be unprecedented across the world. This paper examines why the Colombian government adopted this policy and evaluates its chances of success. The article is concerned particularly with the question of whether providing free housing is the most effective way of helping the desperately poor. It is concerned with evidence that previous programmes to subsidise the cost of formal housing have not helped the poor. In particular, they have provided poor quality accommodation, failed to provide adequate services or a decent living environment, and have sometimes contrived to create the problem neighbourhoods of the future. Offering families a home for nothing does not solve the fundamental problem facing the poor – their very low incomes. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract This paper explores the conditions under which democratic decentralisation has contributed to pro-poor policy reform in Indonesia by examining the politics of health insurance for the poor in two Indonesian districts, Jembrana and Tabanan, both located in Bali. Governments in these districts have responded quite differently to the issue of health insurance for the poor since they gained primary responsibility for health policy as a result of Indonesia's implementation of decentralisation in 2001. We argue that this variation has reflected differences in the nature of district heads' political strategies - particularly the extent to which they have sought to develop a popular base among the poor - and that these in turn have reflected differences in their personal networks, alliances and constituencies. Comparative research suggests that pro-poor outcomes have only occurred in developing countries following democratic decentralisation when social-democratic political parties have secured power at the local level. In the Indonesian case, we suggest, political parties are not well defined in ideological and programmatic terms and tend to act as electoral vehicles for hire and mechanisms for the distribution of patronage, while local-level politics is increasingly dominated by the executive arm of government. Hence the pathway to pro-poor policy reform has been different - namely, via the emergence of local executives who pursue their interests and those of allies and backers via populist strategies with or without the support of parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The role of Pro-Poor Tourism has been increasingly studied in China since the 1990s. The research has addressed a broad range of key issues such as the implication of “ fu pin lv you ” (or TAP to use an English acronym arising from the translation ‘Tourism-Assisting the Poor’), governmental roles, local participation and the contribution of rural, natural and cultural resources to TAP. However, there has been a lack of research in some areas such as in the micro-economics of TAP targeting local poor people, quantitative research, case studies and anthropological analysis. This paper reviews Chinese academic literature on pro-poor tourism to provide a clearer picture of current practice and progress in TAP policies and research in China. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: In 2008, the federal government allotted $7 billion in child care subsidies to low-income families through the state-administered Child Care and Development Fund (CCDF), now the government''s largest child care program (). Although subsidies reduce costs for families and facilitate parental employment, it is unclear how they impact the quality of care families purchase. This study investigates the impact of government subsidization on parents’ selection of child care quality using multivariate regression and propensity score matching approaches to account for differential selection into subsidy receipt and care arrangements. Data were drawn from the Child Care Supplement to the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study (CCS-FFCWS), conducted in 2002 and 2003 in 14 of the 20 FFCWS cities when focal children were 3 years old (N =456). Our results indicate that families who used subsidies chose higher quality care than comparable mothers who did not use subsidies, but only because subsidy recipients were more likely to use center-based care. Subgroup analyses revealed that families using subsidies purchased higher-quality home-based care but lower-quality center-based care than comparable non-recipients. Findings suggest that child care subsidies may serve as more than a work support for low-income families by enhancing the quality of nonmaternal care children experience but that this effect is largely attributable to recipients’ using formal child care arrangements (versus kith and kin care) more often than non-recipients. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: This paper presents findings on conditions of healthcare delivery in Afghanistan. There is an ongoing debate about barriers to healthcare in low-income as well as fragile states. In 2002, the Government of Afghanistan established a Basic Package of Health Services (BPHS), contracting primary healthcare delivery to non-state providers. The priority was to give access to the most vulnerable groups: women, children, disabled persons, and the poorest households. In 2005, we conducted a nationwide survey, and using a logistic regression model, investigated provider choice. We also measured associations between perceived availability and usefulness of healthcare providers. Our results indicate that the implementation of the package has partially reached its goal: to target the most vulnerable. The pattern of use of healthcare provider suggests that disabled people, female-headed households, and poorest households visited health centres more often (during the year preceding the survey interview). But these vulnerable groups faced more difficulties while using health centres, hospitals as well as private providers and their out-of-pocket expenditure was higher than other groups. In the model of provider choice, time to travel reduces the likelihood for all Afghans of choosing health centres and hospitals. We situate these findings in the larger context of current debates regarding healthcare delivery for vulnerable populations in fragile state environments. The ‘scaling-up process’ is faced with several issues that jeopardize the objective of equitable access: cost of care, coverage of remote areas, and competition from profit-orientated providers. To overcome these structural barriers, we suggest reinforcing processes of transparency, accountability and participation. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: Microsystem risk and protective factors associated with early sexual intercourse among low-income adolescents were assessed using bioecological theory and a risk and resiliency framework. Waves 1 and 2 of Welfare, Children and Families: A Three-City Study were used (N =984, 10–14 years). Findings showed age, gender, race, two-parent households, separated households, households where the mother formed a union between waves, transitioning onto welfare between waves, and delinquency increased the odds that adolescents were sexually active. Protective factors for early sexual activity included maternal education and father involvement. Risk factors for early sexual debut were age, gender, race, two-parent households, separated households, and delinquency. A protective factor for early sexual debut was maternal education. Findings differed by gender, race, and race⁎gender. Policy implications include increasing social and human capital among low-income mothers to promote family stability and providing diversified sexual education programs due to gender differences. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

• Colonias are informal settlements that have been a fixture of the U.S.-Mexico border landscape since the 1950s. • These communities are often ignored because of their rural character, however, over a million residents reside there and many settlements continue to grow at the periphery of cities at a time of growing inequality. • We interviewed 15 residents of a colonia identified as Desertville in Arizona. • Colonia residents are deeply rooted in these communities that are worthy of concern and investment and we argue they should be folded into larger conversation of poverty concentration, segregation and housing needs in the United States. • Social capital in the colonias is mostly made up of social support given by kin and fictive kin and our study reveals the tenacity of colonia residents who desire to improve the conditions in their communities. We call for urban planners and other street-level bureaucrats to account for the assets in these communities and work with them to bridge and broker grass root efforts in these communities. Places of concentrated poverty are typically described in terms of their deficit, not simply in financial terms, but in their social and cultural resources as well. This characterization extends to informal settlements that exist along the U.S.-Mexico border known as colonias , rural and peri-urban communities lacking basic infrastructure like electricity, running water, and paved roads. Drawing on one case study of a colonia in the state of Arizona, we renew attention to these communities showing how the lack of infrastructure and public services complicate everyday tasks for residents, compromising their wellbeing and life prospects. We also call attention to the allure of colonias in a context of rising inequality, highlighting their promise as viable communities where families can raise families and prosper or retire with dignity. By showing how kin and fictive kin ties propel the settlement process and provide the organizational and cultural structure to these communities, we challenge common depictions of colonias lacking a sense of community and social capital. We find social capital in colonias is best represented through "bonding ties" that provide essential forms of social support, the kind of help that allows the poor to "get by" or cope. We distinguish this from social capital that is garnered via "bridging ties," to individuals with resources or in positions of influence that can create opportunities for social mobility. The tenacity of colonia residents and their practices of mutual support makes these communities resilient, but the absence of "social leverage ties," those able and willing to broker complex bureaucratic and political processes, sustains ill conditions in colonias. Colonia residents have set root in these communities worthy of public policy concern and ought to be folded into the larger conversation of poverty concentration, segregation and housing needs in the United States. We call on urban planners, other street-level bureaucrats, and policymakers to work with these communities to bridge and broker grass root efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]