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Here we present evidence, from survey data aggregated in sixteen developed nations, that cultural values predict levels of climate complacency, or a relative lack of concern about climate change. We explore which cultural or socioeconomic factors from these nations correlate significantly with climate complacency, firstly through a series of bivariate ordinary least squares regressions. Next, we use the first principal component from each group of variables as a composite index representing the socio-economics and cultural characteristics, respectively, of each country, which are regressed against a measure of climate complacency as the dependent variable. Cultural values exhibit the largest effects on climate complacency, followed by socioeconomic factors. These results are broadly supported by comparison of the same factors against a more recent, independent, survey measuring climate concern in 28 countries. Given that cultural values are more associated with the decade of birth of the participants than they are with the date the survey was conducted, we suggest that attitudes toward climate change will also evolve similarly, through generational change. As extreme climate events increase in this century, however, period change may overtake generational change in increasing concern over climate change worldwide.

In the era of increasing global interconnectedness and decreasing cultural insularity, investigating how individuals navigate conflicting cultural norms and behavioral choices is increasingly important. This paper focuses on the impact of the contact between religiously tight cultures and industrialized, liberalized loose cultures on menstruation-related practices and traditions. In-depth interviews conducted in Jerusalem and Mumbai revealed that the nature of contact between these two conflicting ecologies impacted which traditions are adopted and how they are molded. Diffused contact, as was witnessed in Jerusalem, leads to more hybridized behaviors, and religious and non-religious practices are performed simultaneously. Whereas a more concentrated contact, as was seen in Mumbai, leads to the performance of religious norms only in situations where figures of authority can issue sanctions. Moreover, it was also found that individuals used considerable self-reflection to decide how and which practices to adopt. These findings imply that individuals are agentic operators, and that they exert considerable influence on their environment and how they adopt the cultural norms that surround them. This paper leaves scope for further research on the nature of cultural contact zones and the role of self-reflection in the collaborative co-construction of cultural norms. This paper also hopes to provide insight towards helping resolve intra-group conflict.

Numerous psychological biases shape how we respond to observing others conforming to or diverging from social norms. Depending on our social networks, we may be more influenced by societal majorities, such as the widespread consumption of meat or frequent air travel, or by the sustainable lifestyles of our closest friends. The evolution of social norms is shaped by personal preferences, values, beliefs, and the structure of social networks. Understanding these dynamics is crucial for promoting a cultural shift towards sustainability, yet our grasp of how normative transformations occur remains limited. In this paper, we simulate an agent-based model in which agents choose between maintaining the status quo or adopting an alternative, engaging in a coordination game. Our model illustrates that interventions aimed at changing individual preferences may fail if the population is structured in polarised networks, where agents with similar preferences cluster together and primarily interact within their groups. These echo chambers limit the effectiveness of preference-based interventions. However, we show that a subsequent intervention that increases the salience of behaviours from agents with dissimilar preferences can successfully tip the population from a status quo equilibrium to an alternative norm equilibrium. This paper outlines the challenges policymakers face in designing interventions for catalysing positive social norm changes. We argue for a reevaluation of current methodologies for modelling and empirically investigating norm change. Our primary recommendation for future research is a more comprehensive incorporation of the myriad ways individuals respond to social information and network formation., Competing Interests: Declaration of competing interest The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper., (Copyright © 2024 The Author(s). Published by Elsevier Ltd.. All rights reserved.)

Norms and institutions enable large-scale human cooperation by creating shared expectations and changing individuals' incentives via monitoring or sanctioning. Like material technologies, these social technologies satisfy instrumental ends and solve difficult problems. However, the similarities and differences between the evolution of material technologies and the evolution of social technologies remain unresolved. Here, we review evidence suggesting that, compared to the evolution of material technologies, institutional and normative evolution exhibits constraints in the production of variation and the selection of useful variants. These constraints stem from the frequency-dependent nature of social technologies and limit the pace and scope of normative and institutional evolution. We conclude by reviewing research on the social transmission of institutions and norms and highlighting an experimental paradigm to study their cultural evolution., Competing Interests: Declaration of competing interest The authors declare no conflict of interest., (Copyright © 2024 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

As one of the most specific, yet most diverse of human behaviors, language is shaped by both genomic and extra-genomic evolution. Sharing methods and models between these modes of evolution has significantly advanced our understanding of language and inspired generalized theories of its evolution. Progress is hampered, however, by the fact that the extra-genomic evolution of languages, i.e. linguistic evolution, maps only partially to other forms of evolution. Contrasting it with the biological evolution of eukaryotes and the cultural evolution of technology as the best understood models, we show that linguistic evolution is special by yielding a stationary dynamic rather than stable solutions, and that this dynamic allows the use of language change for social differentiation while maintaining its global adaptiveness. Linguistic evolution furthermore differs from technological evolution by requiring vertical transmission, allowing the reconstruction of phylogenies; and it differs from eukaryotic biological evolution by foregoing a genotype vs phenotype distinction, allowing deliberate and biased change. Recognising these differences will improve our empirical tools and open new avenues for analyzing how linguistic, cultural, and biological evolution interacted with each other when language emerged in the hominin lineage. Importantly, our framework will help to cope with unprecedented scientific and ethical challenges that presently arise from how rapid cultural evolution impacts language, most urgently from interventional clinical tools for language disorders, potential epigenetic effects of technology on language, artificial intelligence and linguistic communicators, and global losses of linguistic diversity and identity. Beyond language, the distinctions made here allow identifying variation in other forms of biological and cultural evolution, developing new perspectives for empirical research., Competing Interests: Declaration of competing interest The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper., (Copyright © 2024. Published by Elsevier B.V.)

Competing Interests: Declaration of competing interest The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper.

High gods have been found to be associated with resource stress and climate stability in ethnographic samples. In this research we aimed to replicate these analyses, using data from the Database of Religious History (DRH; religiondatabase.org), a large qualitative and quantitative database that encompasses samples from a much larger temporal range than used in previous studies. Using the DRH enables testing the associations between ecology and a much wider variety of religious variables than is possible using other data sources, while also obtaining significant temporal depth. Given the large temporal range of the DRH, we explore the feasibility of using paleoclimate reconstructions to extract ecological variables across time.Of all paleoclimate reconstructions, temperature reconstructions have the highest resolution across time, while precipitation reconstructions have the lowest. Ecological variables from higher resolution reconstructions are likely to be more accurate than those from lower resolution reconstructions. It appears feasible to use temperature reconstructions to simulate historic temperatures of DRH regions. However, when it came to analyzing DRH and ecological variables extracted from paleoclimate reconstructions, we were unable to replicate previous findings. We explore possible reasons for this discrepancy, including inaccurate climate reconstructions, ecological variables being unrepresentative of the standard climate, aggregation method and—perhaps most significantly—the inadequacy of existing statistical tools for dealing with the kind of complex and highly interrelated cultures that have characterized most of human history.

Most of the studies with a focus on pathways and biases of cultural transmission in different domains show that vertical transmission predominates over horizontal and oblique transmission, especially in traits linked to traditions and survival skills, such as local medicine. However, overestimation of the importance of vertical transmission has been an object of methodological criticism. Therefore, a statistical analysis with diachronic perspective may obtain more accurate results. The present study uses an eight-year time frame, as well as synchronous analysis, to study evolutionary aspects that guide the transmission pathways of a local medical system in northeast Brazil. We find that even with vertical transmission being predominant in the learning of information in this cultural domain, the evolutionary implications of this predominance may not be the same as that expected by the theory of cultural evolution. There is a substantial updating of knowledge through horizontal and oblique routes, guided primarily by a model-based bias on prestige and success, which is quite adaptive. Moreover, even when the information is passed vertically, the transmission is much more diffusive than conservative. Indeed, there is a small set of information that remains over time, known as a “structural core,” but new information is aggregated continuously, preparing the system to adapt to new events. By analyzing the transmission routes of knowledge about medicinal plants, this study presents a new perspective on the evolutionary implications of cultural transmission.

Liversedge, Drieghe, Li, Yan, Bai and Hyönä (2016) reported an eye movement study that investigated reading in Chinese, Finnish and English (languages with markedly different orthographic characteristics). Analyses of the eye movement records showed robust differences in fine grained characteristics of eye movements between languages, however, overall sentence reading times did not differ. Liversedge et al. interpreted the entire set of results across languages as reflecting universal aspects of processing in reading. However, the study has been criticized as being statistically underpowered (Brysbaert, 2019) given that only 19-21 subjects were tested in each language. Also, given current best practice, the original statistical analyses can be considered to be somewhat weak (e.g., no inclusion of random slopes and no formal comparison of performance between the three languages). Finally, the original study did not include any formal statistical model to assess effects across all three languages simultaneously. To address these (and some other) concerns, we tested at least 80 new subjects in each language and conducted formal statistical modeling of our data across all three languages. To do this, we included an index that captured variability in visual complexity in each language. Unlike the original findings, the new analyses showed shorter total sentence reading times for Chinese relative to Finnish and English readers. The other main findings reported in the original study were consistent. We suggest that the faster reading times for Chinese subjects occurred due to cultural changes that have taken place in the decade or so that lapsed between when the original and current subjects were tested. We maintain our view that the results can be taken to reflect universality in aspects of reading and we evaluate the claims regarding a lack of statistical power that were levelled against the original article., (Copyright © 2023 The Authors. Published by Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)

Competing Interests: Declaration of Competing Interest The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper.

Competing Interests: Declaration of Competing Interest The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper.

My critical review [1] elicited a welcome diversity of perspectives across the 12 commentaries now published [2-13]. In total 28 co-authors were inspired to contribute. In addition to engaging with the critical perspectives of my review, several of the commentaries take the debates and discussions into insightful and potentially important supplementary domains that I highlight in what follows. I have extracted a number of major themes in which I detected overlaps in the foci of different commentaries, and I use these to organise my replies. I hope that our shared efforts will constitute some degree of 'cultural evolution' in our science, as suggested in the title of this reply to commentaries., Competing Interests: Declaration of Competing Interest The author declares that he has no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper., (Copyright © 2023 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)

Competing Interests: Declaration of Competing Interest The authors declare the following financial interests/personal relationships which may be considered as potential competing interests: Osiurak reports equipment, drugs, or supplies was provided by French National Research Agency. Osiurak reports equipment, drugs, or supplies was provided by Auvergne-Rhone-Alpes Region.

A mere few decades ago, culture was thought a unique human attribute. Evidence to the contrary accumulated through the latter part of the twentieth century and has exploded in the present one, demonstrating the transmission of traditions through social learning across all principal vertebrate taxa and even invertebrates, notably insects. The scope of human culture is nevertheless highly distinctive. What makes our cultural capacities and their cognitive underpinnings so different? In this article I argue that in behavioural scientists' endeavours to answer this question, fruitful research pathways and their ensuing discoveries have come to exist alongside popular, yet in the light of current empirical evidence, highly questionable scenarios and even scientific blind alleys. I particularly re-evaluate theories that rely on the centrality of a supposed uniquely human capacity for imitative copying in explaining the distinctive capacity for massive cumulative cultural evolution (CCE) in our species. The most extreme versions of this perspective suffer logical incoherence and severe limits on scientific testability. By contrast the field has generated a range of rigorous observational and experimental methodologies that have revealed both long-term cultural fidelity and limited forms of CCE in non-human species. Attention now turns to directly investigating the scope, limits and underlying cognition of non-human versus human CCE, with a broader approach to factors additional to cultural transmission, notably the role of invention, innovation and evolved motivational biases underlying the scope of CCE in the species studied., Competing Interests: Declaration of Competing Interest The author declares that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper., (Copyright © 2022 The Author(s). Published by Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)

Cognitive biases like underinference, the hard-easy effect, and recurrently non-monotonic confidence are evolutionarily puzzling when viewed as persistent flaws in how people learn from environmental feedback. To explain these empirically robust cognitive biases from an evolutionary perspective, we propose a model of ancestral human learning based on the cultural-evolutionary-theoretic hypothesis that the primary selection pressure acting on ancestral human cognition pertained not to learning individually from environmental feedback, but to socially learning task-specific knowledge. In our model-which is inspired by classical Bayesian models-an ancestral human learner (the student) attempts to learn task-specific knowledge from a role model, with the option of switching between different tasks and role models. Suppose that the student's method of learning from their role model is a priori uncertain-in that it can either be successful imitation learning or de facto innovation learning-and the ecological fitness costs of meaningfully retaining environmental feedback are high. Then, the student's fitness-maximizing strategy does not retain their environmental feedback and-depending on the choice of model parameters-can be characterized by all of the aforementioned cognitive biases. Specifically, in order for the evolutionarily optimal estimate of confidence in this learning environment to be recurrently non-monotonic, it is necessary (as long as the environment's marginal payoff function satisfies a plausible quantitative condition) that a positive proportion of ancestral humans' attempted imitation learning was unknowingly implemented as de facto innovation learning. Moreover, an ecologically rational strategy of selective social learning can plausibly cause the evolutionarily optimal estimate of confidence to be recurrently non-monotonic in the empirically documented way: general increase with an intermediate period of decrease., Competing Interests: Declaration of Competing Interest The author declares that he has no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper., (Copyright © 2022 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

A major question in cultural-evolution studies is the phenotype of individual learners. Evidence suggests that social dominance is one influential factor, where socially subordinate individuals are more apt to learning of trial-and-error type than the dominants. Despite the accumulating evidence, the evolutionary dynamics leading to such outcomes remains largely elusive, partly because of the cost of individual learning. Here, we provide an evolutionary game framework to study the influence of social dominance on individual's learning decisions. We show that subordinates are indeed more apt to individual learning, because they gain a lot when individual learning is successful but lose little when it fails. We also predict that an evolutionary limit-cycle, in which dominants' and subordinates' behavior change over evolutionary time, may occur in such a case. We additionally showed that group-wide knowledge-gain is poor in egalitarian groups compared to moderately despotic ones. Our model sheds light onto the consequence of tactics played between dominants and subordinates for the evolution of individual learning., Competing Interests: Declaration of Competing Interest The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper., (Copyright © 2021 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd.. All rights reserved.)

Mechanisms for social learning have rightly been the focus of much work in cultural evolution. But mechanisms for teaching-mechanisms that determine what information is available for learners to learn in the first place-are equally important to cultural evolution, especially in the case of humans. Here, we propose a simple model of teaching in the context of skill transmission. Our model derives the evolutionary cost and benefit of teaching by explicitly representing cognitive aspects of skill transmission as a dual-inheritance process. We then show that teaching cannot evolve when its direct cost is too high. We also show that there is an "explain-exploit" trade-off inherent to teaching: when payoffs from sharing information are not constant, there can be an indirect cost to teaching. This gives rise to an opportunity cost that goes beyond any direct cost that it may also entail. Finally, we show that evolution limits the strength of teaching provided that the direct cost of teaching is an increasing function of teaching effort. We then discuss how these factors might explain why teaching mechanisms are self-limiting, suggesting that such mechanisms may nevertheless play an important role in the evolution of cumulative culture in humans., Competing Interests: Declaration of Competing Interest The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper., (Copyright © 2021 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

Learning is thought to be achieved by the selective, activity dependent, adjustment of synaptic connections. Individual learning can also be very hard and/or slow. Social, supervised, learning from others might amplify individual, possibly mainly unsupervised, learning by individuals, and might underlie the development and evolution of culture. We studied a minimal neural network model of the interaction of individual, unsupervised, and social supervised learning by communicating "agents". Individual agents attempted to learn to track a hidden fluctuating "source", which, linearly mixed with other masking fluctuations, generated observable input vectors. In this model data are generated linearly, facilitating mathematical analysis. Learning was driven either solely by direct observation of input data (unsupervised, Hebbian) or, in addition, by observation of another agent's output (supervised, Delta rule). To make learning more difficult, and to enhance biological realism, the learning rules were made slightly connection-inspecific, so that incorrect individual learning sometimes occurs. We found that social interaction can foster both correct and incorrect learning. Useful social learning therefore presumably involves additional factors some of which we outline., Competing Interests: Declaration of Competing Interest The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper., (Copyright © 2021. Published by Elsevier Ltd.)

A writing system is a graphic code, i.e., a system of standardized pairings between symbols and meanings in which symbols take the form of images that can endure. The visual character of writing implies that written characters have to fit constraints of the human visual system. One aspect of this optimization lays in the graphic complexity of the characters used by scripts. Scripts are sets of graphic characters used for the written form of one language or more. Using computational methods over a large and diverse dataset (over 47,000 characters, from over 133 scripts), we answer three central questions about the visual complexity of written characters and the evolution of writing: (1) What determines character complexity? (2) Can we find traces of evolutionary change in character complexity? (3) Is complexity distributed in a way that makes character recognition easier? Our study suggests that (1) character complexity depends primarily on which linguistic unit the characters encode, and that (2) there is little evidence of evolutionary change in character complexity. Additionally (3) for an individual character, the half which is encountered first while reading tends to be more complex than that which is encountered last., (Copyright © 2021 The Authors. Published by Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)

What explains the ubiquity and diversity of religions around the world? Widespread cognitive tendencies, including mentalizing and intuitive thinking, offer part of the explanation for recurrent features of religion, and individual differences in religious commitments. However, vast diversity in religious beliefs points to the importance of the cultural context in which religious beliefs are transmitted. Cultural evolutionary theory provides the basis of a unified explanation for how cognition and culture interact to shape religious beliefs, in ways that are uniquely adapted to local ecological pressures. These insights lay the groundwork for future research regarding how cultural learning interacts with other evolved aspects of human psychology to generate the recurrent and the diverse forms of religious commitments observed around the world., (Copyright © 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

Many religions emphasize the importance of sexual morality. This article argues mating strategies are central to understanding religion. I highlight the reproductive-religiosity model, which suggests that religious behavior is partly motivated by preferences for restricted mating strategies. I then discuss how religion can lead to reproductive benefits. Specifically, religions can make parenting a relatively safer strategy by increasing paternal certainty, which drives men toward parental investment, and alloparenting, which reduces offspring mortality rates. Next, I discuss the social implications of reproductive-religiosity, including mate selection and trust. Finally, I discuss the potential role of mating strategies in the evolution and cultural evolution of religion and discuss future directions for developing an approach to religion rooted in mating interests., (Copyright © 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

Religions' food practices can illustrate a lot about religions, and can raise new research questions. I will give examples of ways in which religious food practices are reflections of broader religious ideals. Foods contain essences and are religiously symbolic; foods are a window into how people understand the necessity to obey God; food practices relate to health outcomes; and food practices reflect and inculcate social structures and worldviews. The article will go on to consider some broader questions raised including the origins and cultural evolution of food rules, and how food practices relate to group differences and individual differences., (Copyright © 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

The idea that natural language is shaped by biases in learning plays a key role in our understanding of how human language is structured, but its corollary that there should be a correspondence between typological generalisations and ease of acquisition is not always supported. For example, natural languages tend to avoid close repetitions of consonants within a word, but developmental evidence suggests that, if anything, words containing sound repetitions are more, not less, likely to be acquired than those without. In this study, we use word-internal repetition as a test case to provide a cultural evolutionary explanation of when and how learning biases impact on language design. Two artificial language experiments showed that adult speakers possess a bias for both consonant and vowel repetitions when learning novel words, but the effects of this bias were observable in language transmission only when there was a relatively high learning pressure on the lexicon. Based on these results, we argue that whether the design of a language reflects biases in learning depends on the relative strength of pressures from learnability and communication efficiency exerted on the linguistic system during cultural transmission., (Copyright © 2021 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)

While certain research topics regarding second-generation Muslim American women are still relevant, (e.g., Islamophobia and the hijab), recent research unearths the nuances within these topics while also moving away from them for a more holistic, accurate picture of the population. The gendered and racialized aspects of Islamophobia are examined, but so, too, are the responses and the agency of the women who are subjected to these prejudices. The reactions of Muslim women are critical to recognize as they highlight their agency and their presence as intentional actors in their own lives. Navigating both Muslim and non-Muslim spheres, they activate different sources of cultural knowledge for both while also creating their own dynamic, experiential sources. These new sources include the marrying of "American" technologies to traditional Islamic reasoning to create a third body of knowledge that is uniquely second-generation, Muslim, and American. The cumulative result of a generation of women having private identity revolutions is a slow but sure sociocultural change for Islam in America., (Copyright © 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

There has been substantial increase in education attainment (EA) in both developing and developed countries over the past century. I present a simulation model to examine the potential evolutionary trajectories of EA under current selective pressure in western populations. With the assumption that EA is negatively correlated with fitness and has both a genetic component and a cultural component, I show that when prestige-biased transmission of the EA (i.e. people with more education are more likely to be copied) is present, the phenotype of EA is likely to keep increasing in the short term, yet the genetic component of EA may undergo a constant decline and become the limiting factor in further phenotypic increase., (Copyright © 2020. Published by Elsevier Ltd.)

In recent years, both fields of physics and psychology have made important scientific advances. The emergence of new instruments gave rise to a data-driven neuroscience allowing us to learn about the state of the brain supporting known mental functions and conversely. In parallel, the appearance of new mathematics allowed the development of computational models describing fundamental brain functions and implementing them in technological applications. While emphasizing the methodology of physics, the special issue aims to bring together these trends in both the experimental and theoretical sciences in order to explain some of the most basic mental processes such as perception, cognition, emotion, consciousness, and learning. In this editorial, we define unsolved problems for brain and psychological sciences, discuss possible means toward their respective solutions, and outline some collaborative initiatives aiming toward these goals. The following problems are defined in gradual order of difficulty: what are the universal properties of human behavior across conditions and cultures? What have each culture learned over historical times and why should specific elements of knowledge be accumulated over cultural evolution? Can computational psychiatry help predict, understand, and cure mental disorders? What is the function of art and cultural artifacts such as music, fiction, or poetry for the cognitive system? How to explain the relation between first-person subjective experience and third-person objective physiological data? What neural mechanisms operate on which mental content at the highest levels of organization of the hierarchical brain? How do abstract ideas emerge from sensory-motor contingencies and what are the conditions for the birth of a new concept? Could symmetry play a role in psychogenesis and support the emergence of new hierarchical layers in cognition? How can we start addressing the question of meaning scientifically, and what does it entail for the physical sciences?, (Copyright © 2019. Published by Elsevier B.V.)

Humans are fundamentally defined by our socially transmitted, often long-lived, sophisticated cultural traits. The nature of cultural transmission is the subject of ongoing debate: while some emphasize that it is a biased, transformational process, others point out that high-fidelity transmission is required to explain the quintessentially cumulative nature of human culture. This paper integrates both views into a model that has two main components: First, actions - observable motor-behavioural patterns - are inherited with high fidelity, or replicated, when they are copied, largely independently of their normal, effective or conventional function, by naive learners. Replicative action copying is the unbiased transmission process that ensures the continuity of cultural traditions. Second, mental culture - knowledge, skills, attitudes and values - is not inherited directly or faithfully, but instead emerges, or develops, during usage, when individuals learn the associations between actions and their contexts and outcomes. Mental cultural traits remain stable over generations to the extent that they are informed by similar (replicated) motor patterns unfolding in similar environments. The arguments in support of this model rest on clear distinctions between inheritance and usage; between public-behavioural and private-mental culture; and between selection for fidelity and selection for function., (Copyright © 2019 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)

A mathematical model of the joint evolution of learning and niche construction in a spatially subdivided population is described, in which culture is used to practice niche construction and can evolve by accumulating small improvements over generations. Individuals allocate their lifetimes to social learning, individual learning, niche construction to improve the environment, and exploitation of resources according to their genetically determined strategies. The coordinated optimal strategy (COS) is defined as the allocation strategy which maximizes the equilibrium fecundity of the population, as opposed to the convergence stable strategy (CSS), which is the strategy favored by natural selection. Both the COS and CSS are analytically derived and compared. It turns out that, although the levels of the CSS in terms of culture and the environmental quality can be high in a highly viscous population, they are in general much lower than those of the COS. It is argued that the discrepancy between the CSS and COS stems from the producer-scrounger structure inherent in the model. Analysis of transient dynamics reveals that the level of culture and the environmental quality may temporarily undergo drastic increases after sudden changes in parameter values, although they eventually drop down to low values due to the genetic adaptation of the time allocation strategy to the new cultural and environmental backgrounds. Implications of the results for human evolution are discussed., (Copyright © 2019 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

Human beings have generated a system of cumulative cultural learning with great adaptive value. The evolution of this system required an increase in the capacity to innovate and to imitate in hominin lineage. However that development is costly and, moreover, imitation may restrain the adaptive advantage of a greater investment on innovation. We suggest that a possible way to overcome this problem in hominin evolution was parental teaching by evaluative feedback - i.e. assessor teaching. To explore this hypothesis we developed a mathematical model of cumulative cultural learning. We consider two cognitive levels, one Basic, with less ability to imitate and innovate, and the other Smart, with more ability of both. We study the transition from Basic to Smart in the absence or in presence of teaching. We also study the transition from no teaching to teaching at each cognitive level. We show that the transition to a Smart is easier in a teaching context than in one of only imitation. We also show that the transition to teaching is easier the greater the cognitive level., (Copyright © 2019 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

The existence of complex structures involved in cultural skills is one of the unique characteristics in humans. Since human language is also complexly structured, we can presume that the ability to merge and divide units (structuration ability) contributes to their existence. To investigate the emergence of structuration ability archeologically, we must confirm its effect on cultural evolution. Using mathematical models, we study whether structuration ability leads to an increase in the difficulty of the cultural skills that can be maintained in the population. We show that even if individuals have structuration ability, the maximum difficulty of a maintainable cultural skill is unchanged provided that the individuals must learn every component skill step by step to master the structured skill; however, if individuals can learn each component skill in parallel, the maximum difficulty might increase. When the cultural skill affects the mortality or injury rate of its carriers, the structuration ability inhibits cultural evolution under some conditions. These results indicate the importance of the learning process and the role of structured cultural skills on cultural evolution., (Copyright © 2019 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

The notion of "progress" can be defined as a directional change towards the better, implying both a descriptive and an axiological element. "Organic progress" refers to this notion applied to the history of life, whereas "technological progress" refers to this notion applied to the history of technological artifacts. This paper aims to disentangle conceptual questions about the notion of organic progress with respect to evolutionary theory, by proposing an epistemological perspective that also accounts for technological progress. My argument is set out in four sections. In section 2, drawing on the thought of some eminent evolutionary biologists, I will pinpoint a theoretical claim according to which a specific notion of organic progress is consistent with evolutionary theory. In section 3, I show some limits and problems that arise in the application of this theoretical claim to the organic domain. In section 4, I consider why these problems with application are often underestimated: I hypothesize that this is linked to the analogy frequently made between organic and technological progress. Finally, in section 5, I will carry on the analysis of this analogy by proposing a distinction between two levels of axiology. I claim that this distinction avoids several common confusions when talking about progress., (Copyright © 2018 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

There has been an undercurrent of intellectual tension between geneticists studying human population history and archaeologists for almost 40 years. The rapid development of paleogenomics, with geneticists working on the very material discovered by archaeologists, appears to have recently heightened this tension. The relationship between these two fields thus far has largely been of a multidisciplinary nature, with archaeologists providing the raw materials for sequencing, as well as a scaffold of hypotheses based on interpretation of archaeological cultures from which the geneticists can ground their inferences from the genomic data. Much of this work has taken place in the context of western Eurasia, which is acting as testing ground for the interaction between the disciplines. Perhaps the major finding has not been any particular historical episode, but rather the apparent pervasiveness of migration events, some apparently of substantial scale, over the past ∼5000 years, challenging the prevailing view of archaeology that largely dismissed migration as a driving force of cultural change in the 1960s. However, while the genetic evidence for `migration' is generally statistically sound, the description of these events as structured behaviours is lacking, which, coupled with often over simplistic archaeological definitions, prevents the use of this information by archaeologists for studying the social processes they are interested in. In order to integrate paleogenomics and archaeology in a truly interdisciplinary manner, it will be necessary to focus less on grand narratives over space and time, and instead integrate genomic data with other form of archaeological information at the level of individual communities to understand the internal social dynamics, which can then be connected amongst communities to model migration at a regional level. A smattering of recent studies have begun to follow this approach, resulting in inferences that are not only helping ask questions that are currently relevant to archaeologists, but also potentially opening up new avenues of research., (Copyright © 2018 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

Recent work suggests that cultural transmission can lead to the emergence of linguistic structure as speakers' weak individual biases become amplified through iterated learning. However, to date no published study has demonstrated a similar emergence of linguistic structure in children. The lack of evidence from child learners constitutes a problematic gap in the literature: if such learning biases impact the emergence of linguistic structure, they should also be found in children, who are the primary learners in real-life language transmission. However, children may differ from adults in their biases given age-related differences in general cognitive skills. Moreover, adults' performance on iterated learning tasks may reflect existing (and explicit) linguistic biases, partially undermining the generality of the results. Examining children's performance can also help evaluate contrasting predictions about their role in emerging languages: do children play a larger or smaller role than adults in the creation of structure? Here, we report a series of four iterated artificial language learning studies (based on Kirby, Cornish & Smith, 2008) with both children and adults, using a novel child-friendly paradigm. Our results show that linguistic structure does not emerge more readily in children compared to adults, and that adults are overall better in both language learning and in creating linguistic structure. When languages could become underspecified (by allowing homonyms), children and adults were similar in developing consistent mappings between meanings and signals in the form of structured ambiguities. However, when homonimity was not allowed, only adults created compositional structure. This study is a first step in using iterated language learning paradigms to explore child-adult differences. It provides the first demonstration that cultural transmission has a different effect on the languages produced by children and adults: While children were able to develop systematicity, their languages did not show compositionality. We focus on the relation between learning and structure creation as a possible explanation for our findings and discuss implications for children's role in the emergence of linguistic structure., (Copyright © 2018 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)

Humans have created and maintained an exponentially large and sophisticated behavioral corpus over evolutionary time. In no small part this was achieved due to our tendency to imitate behaviours rather than to emulate outcomes. This tendency, however, can lead to inefficiency and redundancy in our behavioral repertoires. Drawing on evidence from multiple fields of psychology, we propose two novel competing hypotheses. The 'catalyst hypothesis' suggests that low (but not high) proportions of ritualized gesture in instrumental action sequences will improve subsequent recall of the entire action sequence (without itself enhancing the instrumental utility of the sequence). Conversely, the 'cost hypothesis' suggests that increasing proportions of ritualized gesture will impair recall, due to the introduction of cognitive load. The null hypothesis states that ritualized gestures are neither beneficial nor costly. In a pre-registered experiment, we presented participants with multiple versions of two complicated 2-min action sequences in which we varied the proportion of ritualized gesture. We then quantified the influence ritualized gesture had on recall for individuals gestures, overall outcomes, and described detail. We found clear evidence that high proportions of ritualized gestures impair recall for individual gestures and overall success, and weak evidence that low proportions increase overall success. At present, we may reject the null, but cannot rule out either of our competing hypotheses. We discuss potential implications for cultural evolution, and generate competing predictions that allow for adjudication between Ritual Modes theory (Whitehouse, 2004) and the 'Cognitive Resource Depletion' account of Religious Interaction (Schjoedt et al., 2013). All files (including data and syntax) are freely available at https://osf.io/spz68/., (Copyright © 2018 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)