Search

Background: In 2019, the Council of Europe agreed to urge member states to take steps toward total abolition of psychiatric coercive measures., Aims: To test if this aspiration is perceived as realistic and what the alternative would be in the event of a total abolition, we surveyed members of the European FOSTREN network of mental health practitioners and researchers, which is specifically dedicated to exchanging knowledge on reducing psychiatric coercion to its minimum., Methods: Web-based survey. Categorical responses were analyzed using frequencies, and free text responses were analyzed through thematic analysis., Results: In total, out of 167 invitations to FOSTREN network members, 76 responded to the survey (Response Rate 45.5%). A minority (31%) of participating experts dedicated to the reduction of psychiatric coercive measures believed a total abolition to be an achievable goal. A commonly held belief was that total abolition is not achievable because mental health disorders are difficult to treat and may cause violence, necessitating coercion, and there is a need to protect the involved persons from harm. Those responding that complete abolition is achievable argued that the consequences of coercion outweigh any gains and indicated that use of advance directives are sufficient as alternatives to coercion., Conclusion: Of a European group of experts specifically dedicated to the reduction of psychiatric coercion who participated in this questionnaire study, a minority believed a total abolition be an achievable goal. The study adds to the empirical evidence of the feasibility of the aspiration to totally abolish involuntary measures in the mental health services from the perspective of experts., Competing Interests: Declaration of competing interest None declared., (Copyright © 2024 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd.. All rights reserved.)

Histories of medicine and vaccinology routinely reference the Ottoman Empire with regard to Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, her children's variolation, and the transmission of this knowledge throughout Britain and thereafter Europe. Few, however, follow the empire's ongoing relationship with vaccination after the Montagu family's departure. This article examines this aspect of Ottoman medical history by noting how Jenner's advances diffused back into the empire and then presenting and analyzing how imperial, medical, and even community leaders began to both educationally condition the population and gradually enact legislation that mandated vaccination. Owing to severe infrastructural, personnel, and financial deficits, instability, and popular fears and trepidation, the empire's aspirations to achieve universal vaccination were far from realized by the time of its early 1920s demise—especially throughout largely rural Anatolia. Ottoman institutional, educational, and legislative advances, however, collectively prepared the ground for the succeeding Turkish republic and its public health agenda. Given the republic's promotion of its efforts to modernize Turkey amid its mutual initiatives of nation-building, the empire's histories of providing this foundation are also sometimes overlooked.

Background: There is substantial geographic variability in local cannabis policies within states that have legalized recreational cannabis. This study develops an interpretable machine learning model that uses county-level population demographics, sociopolitical factors, and estimates of substance use and mental illness prevalences to predict the legality of recreational cannabis sales within each U.S. county., Methods: We merged data and selected 14 model inputs from the 2010 Census, 2012 County Presidential Data from the MIT Elections Lab, and Small Area Estimates from the National Surveys on Drug Use and Health (NSDUH) from 2010 to 2012 at the county level. County policies were labeled as having recreational cannabis legal (RCL) if the sale of recreational cannabis was allowed anywhere in the county in 2014, resulting in 92 RCL and 3002 non-RCL counties. We used synthetic data augmentation and minority oversampling techniques to build an ensemble of 1000 logistic regressions on random sub-samples of the data, withholding one state at a time and building models from all remaining states. Performance was evaluated by comparing the predicted policy conditions with the actual outcomes in 2014., Results: When compared to the actual RCL policies in 2014, the ensemble estimated predictions of counties transitioning to RCL had a macro f1 average score of 0.61. The main factors associated with legalizing county-level recreational cannabis sales were the prevalences of past-month cannabis use and past-year cocaine use., Conclusion: By leveraging publicly available data from 2010 to 2012, our model was able to achieve appreciable discrimination in predicting counties with legal recreational cannabis sales in 2014, however, there is room for improvement. Having demonstrated model performance in the first handful of states to legalize cannabis, additional testing with more recent data using time to event models is warranted., Competing Interests: Declaration of competing interest The authors have no conflicts to declare., (Copyright © 2024 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)

Objectives: Previous research has shown that patients who are older, less educated, or have lower income are less likely to lodge complaints about health care. This variation may reflect less wish to complain or inequitable access to complaint channels or remedies. We aimed to investigate associations between sociodemographic characteristics and health users' wish to complain., Study Design: This was a randomized case vignette survey among 6756 Danish men aged 45-70 years (30% response rate)., Methods: Assuming they received the care in vignettes about prostate cancer (prostate-specific antigen) testing, participants rated their wish to complain on a 5-point Likert scale. Information on sociodemographic characteristics was obtained through self-reports and municipality-level information from national registries., Results: Lower education was associated with an increased wish to complain (mean Likert difference 0.44 [95% CI 0.36-0.51]; P < .001). The wish to complain was higher among unemployed men (difference 0.16 [95% CI 0.04-0.28]; P < .011) and those with a chronic illness (difference 0.06 [95% CI 0.02-0.10]; P < .004). Given the same healthcare scenarios, there was no difference in wish to complain among health users who were retired, living rurally, or from lower income groups., Conclusions: Health users who are less educated, lower income, elderly, or from rural or minority communities appear to be as likely, or more likely, to wish to complain about health care as others. Yet, younger, well-educated, and higher income citizens are overrepresented in actual complaint statistics. The finding suggests persisting inequalities in the suitability or accessibility of complaint processes for some groups of patients., (Copyright © 2022 The Author(s). Published by Elsevier Ltd.. All rights reserved.)

Psychiatric inpatients are particularly vulnerable to the transmission and effects of COVID-19. As such, healthcare providers should implement measures to prevent its spread within mental health units, including adequate testing, cohorting, and in some cases, the isolation of patients. Respiratory isolation imposes a significant limitation on an individual's right to liberty, and should be accompanied by appropriate legal safeguards. This paper explores the implications of respiratory isolation in English law, considering the applicability of the common law doctrine of necessity, the Mental Capacity Act 2005, the Mental Health Act 1983, and public health legislation. We then interrogate the practicality of currently available approaches by applying them to a series of hypothetical cases. There are currently no 'neat' or practicable solutions to the problem of lawfully isolating patients on mental health units, and we discuss the myriad issues with both mental health and public health law approaches to the problem. We conclude by making some suggestions to policymakers., Competing Interests: Declaration of Competing Interest ARK was a legal adviser to the Independent Review of the Mental Health Act 1983 (reported December 2018)., (Copyright © 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

Restrictions on the supply of alcohol are amongst the most effective and cost effective interventions to address harmful use. However, despite international human rights bodies recognising that self determination must be pre-eminent in efforts to improve Indigenous health, little is known about the role of Indigenous communities in designing and implementing alcohol controls as well as the degree to which government resourcing and/or regulation is utilised. This commentary explores Australian examples of the governance models used to ensure Indigenous participation and leadership when developing regulatory interventions for alcohol control within communities. We identify four models of Indigenous governance: alcohol control interventions that were community conceived and implemented, government-facilitated community-led, community coalitions backed by government intervention and government initiated community partnerships. Each model is underpinned by specific governance arrangements which incorporate rules and processes that determine authority, accountability and Indigenous participation in decision-making. The aim of this paper is to benchmark these models of governance along a spectrum of community engagement beginning with forms of non-participation and ending with full citizen control. In addition, we put forward recommendations for governments at all levels to facilitate culturally acceptable and robust models of Indigenous governance that have the potential to improve health and social outcomes., (Copyright © 2018 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)

Background: While naloxone, the overdose reversal medication, has been available for decades, factors associated with its availability through pharmacies remain unclear. Studies suggest that policy and pharmacist beliefs may impact availability. Indiana passed a standing order law for naloxone in 2015 to increase access to naloxone., Objective: To identify factors associated with community pharmacy naloxone stocking and dispensing following the enactment of a statewide naloxone standing order., Methods: A 2016 cross-sectional census of Indiana community pharmacists was conducted following a naloxone standing order. Community, pharmacy, and pharmacist characteristics, and pharmacist attitudes about naloxone dispensing, access, and perceptions of the standing order were measured. Modified Poisson and binary logistic regression models attempted to predict naloxone stocking and dispensing, respectively., Results: Over half (58.1%) of pharmacies stocked naloxone, yet 23.6% of pharmacists dispensed it. Most (72.5%) pharmacists believed the standing order would increase naloxone stocking, and 66.5% believed it would increase dispensing. Chain pharmacies were 3.2 times as likely to stock naloxone. Naloxone stocking was 1.6 times as likely in pharmacies with more than one full-time pharmacist. Pharmacies where pharmacists received naloxone continuing education in the past two years were 1.3 times as likely to stock naloxone. The attempted dispensing model yielded no improvement over the constant-only model., Conclusions: Pharmacies with larger capacity took advantage of the naloxone standing order. Predictors of pharmacist naloxone dispensing should continue to be explored to maximize naloxone access., (Copyright © 2018 The Authors. Published by Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)

Objectives: Non-communicable diseases (NCDs) are the leading cause of death globally and in the World Health Organization's (WHO) Eastern Mediterranean region (EMR). This paper reports on a research collaboration between the WHO's Eastern Mediterranean Office (EMRO) and the O'Neill Institute for National and Global Health Law at Georgetown University that aims to identify (1) regionally relevant, cost-effective and affordable legal interventions to prevent NCDs, and (2) methods to strengthen implementation and enforcement., Study Design: Comparative analysis of >200 international, regional and domestic interventions addressing key NCD risk factors, including tobacco, alcohol, diet and physical inactivity., Methods: Researchers searched legal and policy databases including the WHO Nutrition, Obesity and Physical Activity Database and drew upon academic commentary and 'grey' literature. Measures included evidence of impact; evidence of cost-effectiveness; and monitoring and enforcement mechanisms., Results: Researchers identified many examples of legal interventions effectively reducing NCD risk factors. Key enabling factors for effective NCD-related laws include regulatory capacity; governance mechanisms promoting multisectoral collaboration and accountability; and tailoring interventions to local legal, economic and social contexts., Conclusions: In the EMR, and globally, law can be a cost-effective and affordable means of curbing underlying drivers of the NCD pandemic, such as rampant junk food marketing. Building upon this research, together with international and regional experts, EMRO has identified 10 priority interventions in the areas of tobacco control, unhealthy diets and NCD governance. The EMRO/O'Neill Institute partnership will develop guidance tools and capacity building initiatives to support Member States to harness the power of law to achieve population health improvements., (Copyright © 2016. Published by Elsevier Ltd.)

The 'nanny state' has become a popular metaphor in debates about public health regulation. It fulfils a particular role in that debate: to caution government against taking action. This paper presents case studies of nanny state criticisms, using them to identify a series of contextual features that may assist in better understanding, evaluating and where appropriate, resisting the rhetorical force of nanny state criticisms. The case studies presented include Rush Limbaugh's reactions to Michelle Obama's efforts to encourage American food companies to market healthier food to children; Christopher Hitchens' critique of New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg's public health policies; and the reaction of neoliberal think tanks to Australia's plain tobacco packaging legislation. These case studies do not provide a basis for making generalisations about the practice of 'nanny state name-calling'. Nor do they preclude debate about the appropriate limits of government action. However, in appropriate cases they may assist policy-makers and public health advocates to contest the framing of public health interventions as unwarranted incursions into the private lives of individuals. One important lesson from these case studies is that the principal concern of nanny state critics is not loss of freedom as such, but the role of the state. The nanny state critique is ultimately a call for the state to be agnostic about the health of citizens, allowing market forces to dominate. Although the nanny state critique is not new, it is a significant challenge to government efforts to address lifestyle-influenced risk factors for non-communicable diseases, including tobacco use, harmful use of alcohol, and unhealthy diet., (Copyright © 2015 The Author. Published by Elsevier Ltd.. All rights reserved.)

In the sprawling American political debates over obesity, which date back a decade and a half, 'nanny state' has been a rhetorical cudgel used to oppose those seeking even modest state action to address rising obesity rates. This essay explores obesity policy through the prism of state involvement, focusing on four possible types of response to what virtually all those involved--physicians and nutritional scientists, public-health advocacy groups, even food industry executives--agree is a serious threat to individual and collective health., (Copyright © 2015 The Royal Society for Public Health. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)