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The article discusses the Western populists and nationalists' admiration for the Russian President Vladimir Putin, including the role that Russian propaganda plays in Europe and United States. An overview of U.S. President-elect Donald Trump's perspective towards Russia, including the leadership of Putin, is provided.

The article discusses politics and government in Russia. The relationship between President Dmitri Medvedev and Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, widely considered to be the real power in the government, is examined. Putin, a former President, has stated he may run for the position again in 2012. The country's relations with the U.S. are considered.

The article discusses the politics and government of Russia under the leadership of Vladimir Putin in 2007. Russia has been increasing its anti-American stand and becoming more difficult in its diplomatic relations with Europe. Russia provides many important natural resources to Europe, especially petroleum products.

Presents information on the reaction of Russia to the decision of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to intervene in Serbia to stop Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic's repression of ethnic Albanians in Kosovo. Russian Prime Minister Yevgeny Primkov turning his plan around on the way to the United States; His need to confer with International Monetary Fund (IMF) officials to get money for his country; Economic and political state of Russia.

Looks at the controversy between branches of the Russian government, Harvard University's Institute for International Development and the American government's development-assistance program, the Agency for International Development (USAID). The accusation of Andrei Shleifer and Jonathan Hay, two Harvard capital-markets experts, of using USAID resources in private investments; Russia's first-deputy prime minister Anatoly Chubais's request to terminate the institute's contracts in Russia.

Discusses several aspects of the third official summit meeting between President Bill Clinton and Boris Yeltsin. The modest agreements that were signed on the sale of nuclear technology to Iran; The issue of Chechnya; The Partnership for Peace; Concerns about the control of Minatom, the ministry for nuclear energy; The proposed sale of nuclear technology to Iran.

The article examines a November 5, 2008 state of the nation address given by Dmitry Medvedev, President of Russia. Medvedev was sharply critical of the U.S., and announced Russia would place short-range missiles in place where they could attack a proposed U.S. anti-missile system in Eastern Europe. Medvedev called for making Russia' government more transparent, but did not address the country's current economic downturn.

In 1991, as the cold war ended, U.S. Senators Sam Nunn and Richard Lugar persuaded Congress to enhance America's safety by helping to secure the vast archipelago of nuclear, chemical and biological dumps dotted across Russia and the former Soviet Union. Three years ago, the President George W. Bush administration persuaded its G8 partners to take up the cause: between them they pledged $20 billion over ten years to secure Russia's remaining nuclear weapons. However, the sense of urgency about the nuclear clean-up that followed the September 11th attacks has dissipated. For their part, American negotiators have been holding out for tough liability rules to govern future cooperation in Russia. The row has already set back by a year implementation of another agreement under which America and Russia will each dispose of 34 tonnes of plutonium by turning it into less vulnerable mixed-oxide reactor fuel. Russia's Vladimir Putin would rather the outside world put more of its cash elsewhere: into disposing of Russia's vast stockpile of chemical weapons and into dismantling decommissioned, and in some cases leaking, nuclear submarines that pose an environmental hazard in the Arctic and at naval bases in Russia's far east. The question is one of priorities.

The article focuses on celebrations in Russia marking the 60th anniversary of victory in Europe. Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, American President George W. Bush and dozens of other world leaders watched a parade on May 9th. Despite making sharply different remarks about the Soviet occupation of the Baltic states, the American and Russian presidents seemed to get on well. Mikhail Saakashvili, Georgia's president, boycotted the Moscow parade after a row over the timetable for Russia's withdrawal of troops from Georgia. Bush went on to Georgia, becoming the first U.S. president to visit a place he called "a beacon of liberty for this region and the world."

The article presents world news briefs relating to business. America took its dispute with the European Union over government subsidies to Airbus to the World Trade Organization.Italian carrier Alitalia finally reached an agreement with unions over lay-off packages for 3,700 employees, over 15% of the workforce. PeopleSoft fired its chief executive officer, Craig Conway, opponent-in-chief of Oracle's $7.7 billion hostile takeover bid. Manchester United, the world's richest football club, revealed that a mystery buyer was preparing a takeover bid Japan's Financial Services Agency said that it had filed a criminal complaint against UFJ, the country's fourth-largest bank. UFJ is suspected of obstructing an inspection of its books. The Russian government claimed that Yukos had paid some 75% of its tax debt for 2000. But the beleaguered oil giant's main production subsidiary, Yuganskneftegaz, was handed a bill for nearly one billion dollars for taxes in 2002, increasing the likelihood that the government will seize the unit to settle Yukos's debts.

The author comments on Russian relations with Europe and America. Just as Mr Putin has revealed himself as an insatiable centraliser at home, he is emerging as an incorrigible great-power nationalist abroad. According to this view, Mr Putin still sees Russia's interests in terms of spheres of influence. Worse, the "Russian" values that Mr Putin espouses in such matters as human rights and strong government make closer integration with the West impossible. For the past couple of years Russia had seemed to be pursuing a "normal" foreign policy, but in reality it was detente in another guise. If Mr Putin wants to fall out further with the West, he has chances aplenty coming up. Russia's dealings with the Europeans will be more painful now that the EU has taken in several ex-communist countries. Mr Putin may also alienate the West by making good on his threats to launch pre-emptive strikes against terrorists abroad--notably in Georgia's Pankisi gorge, the alleged hideaway of Chechen rebels. Russia's relations with the West are not as bad as they sometimes were in the volatile Yeltsin years. Mr Putin picks his fights carefully: witness his relative equanimity over NATO's eastward expansion. But he is certainly no internationalist. All parties feel short-changed by their experience of the past few years: the Europeans over Russia's human-rights and democratic failings; the Americans over Iraq; Mr Putin over meddling and misunderstandings on terrorism. A new period of great-power rivalry may be far off; but Russia's closer integration with the West is probably even more remote.

This article focuses on the deteriorating relationship between Russian president Vladimir Putin and leaders of Western nations. This weekend Vladimir Putin seems sure to be re-elected Russia's president by a landslide, not least because he has trampled down what feeble opposition there is. His second term has, in effect, already begun. But in the West, his erstwhile friends are turning more distant. A year ago, the world's leaders were courting Mr Putin to support or oppose the war on Iraq. Last September America's George Bush, no less, fulsomely praised Russia's democracy and its respect for the rule of law. In November it was the turn of Italy's Silvio Berlusconi, presiding over a European Union-Russia summit, who spoke up for Mr Putin when journalists posed questions about the same issues. But by January the American secretary of state, Colin Powell, was berating the Russians for abusing these virtues. Last month the European Commission issued a stinging report on the breakdown of the bilateral relationship, with harsh words for the Russian side. Last December's parliamentary election delivered near-total control of the Duma and its committees to the pro-Putin United Russia party. Investigations and arrests of business magnates who have meddled in politics have shown that the rule of law tends to apply only when it suits the state.

Like a flustered society debutante putting on every single piece of jewellery she can find, Russia is desperate to look her best for the 50-odd foreign leaders expected on May 30th in St Petersburg. In a separate meeting with European Union leaders, Vladimir Putin, Russia's president, is to discuss a common economic area and visa-free travel, but those are distant goals. So the event is truly a chance for Putin to show off how well the country is doing. Russia has been putting on a growth spurt. As the rest of the world totters, last year's gross domestic product grew at 4.3%. In April most analysts began predicting even faster growth this year, thanks mainly to high oil prices and unexpected productivity gains. The fear is not that Putin and U.S. President George W. Bush will find it hard to talk, but that there is little left to talk about: the main argument over Iraq is over, the delayed Moscow treaty on disarmament has been ratified, and Russia is said to be paying more heed to American worries about its support for Iran's nuclear program. Russia and the European Union, says Fyodor Lukyanov, editor of "Russia in Global Affairs", need a permanent co-operation body.