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The article considers the growing influence of the Chinese Communist Party in light of the celebration of its 100th anniversary in July 2021. Topics discussed include the concerns of Western countries on the integration of nationalism and quasi-Marxism in China, role of digital technology in the increasing power of the party, and threat posed by Western political ideas, corruption, factionalism and disloyalty to the party according to party leader and President Xi Jinping.

The article informs that a group of anonymous activists launched a Twitter account that translates for foreign audiences extremist commentary that China's censors allow on social-media platforms. It mentions Great Translation Movement (TGTM) provides the non-Chinese-speaking world with a rare glimpse of how the Communist Party distorts online discourse among its citizens at home and abroad, where many get their news from Chinese social media.

The article focuses on the Han ethnic group of China and the domestic and international implications of its vision of ethnicity and nationhood. Topics discussed are race as an organizing principle in Republican China, relationship between the majority Han and ethnic minority citizens, Han-centered worldview of China on jurisdiction over ethnic-Han citizens as well as on immigrants and refugees, and the departure of Chinese from their country to study or work abroad.

The article discusses how China uses its huge market to bring other countries into submission. A particular focus is given to protests against the locations of South Korean department store operator Lotte across China in response to South Korea's decision to install a U.S. anti-missile system. The association between China's outbursts of nationalism and its trade war with the U.S. is explored, as well as the allegation that China stole intellectual property.

The article remembers the time when students went to Tiananmen Square in 1989 partly to protest against corruption and rampant inflation in China. It discusses that in the three decades since 1990, China saw an 11-fold rise in real incomes per head and a 15-fold increase in university enrolment; and mentions that the Communist Party under the Xi Jinping's leadership has shown a remarkable ability to adapt yet its tacit deal appears to be morphing into one that leans more heavily on nationalism.

The article examines China's foreign relations, particularly with the U.S. A shift in emphasis is considered in which China has been more assertive in defending or expanding what it considers its national interests at the expense of maintaining food relations with the U.S. as its top priority. The effect of a rise in explicit nationalism within China is discussed.

The article presents information related to Maotai or Moutai that is a brand of baijiu, a distilled Chinese liquor (spirit), made in the town of Maotai, China. It mentions that Moutai profits from Chinese nationalism; and was used to raise spirits and disinfect wounds in Mao's Long March. It mentions that Moutai was the Communist Party's drink until Chinese President Xi Jinping has cracked down on bribery.

The article focuses on the status of Japan, which desires a more typical foreign and defense policy as it regains economic security. By 2014, 8,000 U.S. marines are scheduled to leave Okinawa bases for Guam, an American dependency. Relations between China and Japan are discussed in depth, as well as Japanese nationalism.

The article reports that the Chinese government is encouraging nationalism to see its citizens through political and economic changes. Protests over Japan's role in World War II are evidence of growing nationalist sentiment among the middle class. The government does little to quell anti-Japanese views. Protests against Taiwan and America are less popular with the government.

The article examines the national day parade in China, celebrating the 70th anniversary of the Communist rule. Topics discussed include two messages conveyed by the parade, view of Chinese President Xi Jinping regarding the collapse of the Soviet Union to the moment that Russian leaders disavowed crimes by Stalin and other Communist leaders, and observation on China's nationalism.

The article comments on relations between China and Japan, Asia's two greatest powers. Last year, China overtook America to become Japan's biggest trading partner. Japan has been China's biggest trading partner in three of the past four years. Trade rows have virtually disappeared. The two economies are increasingly integrated. But tensions are rising again. China and Japan have been rivals for the best part of a millennium. While the two economies are complementary in terms of output, they are competitors for resources. In both China and Japan these days opinion towards each other is quite varied. Tensions between these two great powers, both fully conscious of their economic and political interests and of the weight of history, probably cannot be defused altogether for as long as the two countries' political systems remain so different, with China communist and Japan a democracy. Tensions might be defused, though, if both governments agreed to seek ways to make history, and thus nationalism, less of a flashpoint.

The article discusses how the Taiwanese are developing a distinct identity. For all its moorings in the culture of mainland China, Taiwan's version is now being perceived as something very distinct. Surveys conducted by Taiwan's National Chengchi University show a remarkable shift in Taiwanese self-perception over the past 12 years. The number of those identifying themselves as Taiwanese has risen, whereas those who see themselves purely as Chinese have dropped. This alarms the government in Beijing. It is true that President Chen Shui-ban is fostering Taiwaneseness, but he is doing it because it is popular. Now talk of "one China", with Taiwan as one of its components, has become dangerous for Taiwanese politicians. Galling though it is for China, Chen's emphasis on Taiwan's identity has helped win him votes. China knows that threats of war do not reinforce Taiwan's identification with the mainland. Some Beijing officials still hope that economic interaction with Taiwan will make people on the island feel more Chinese again, but many now have doubts.

The article focuses on the attitude of China's online nationalists towards the West. Topics discussed include the denouncement of Western fashion brands such as Versace, Coach and Givenchy for T-shirt designs perceived to run afoul of local political sensitivities, the apologies offered by the luxury brands to China, and Chinese history that offers insights into online Chinese nationalism.

The article focuses on the treatment of American companies in China in 2014. Topics include China's increased implementation of technationalism, rumors of a ban that would prevent U.S. firms from working with Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs), and the U.S. prosecution of the China's People's Liberation Army for theft of trade secrets and computer hacking.

The article discusses China's boundaries, the city of Sansha, China, and the challenges that Chinese President Xi Jinping reportedly faces in regards to his country's claims of ownership over various islets and sea lanes. According to the article, China claims that a large portion of the South China Sea is under the jurisdiction of Sansha, China. City-building and nationalism in China are mentioned, along with economic growth and social media services such as Sina Weibo.

The article considers the December 26, 2013 commemoration of the 120th birthday of Chinese Communist leader Mao Zedong in terms of his status as a political symbol in China. A dilemma for President Xi Jinping is examined in which although his own economic policies are sharply different than were Mao's, Mao remains a national hero to both the Communist Party and many other Chinese. Efforts to have the birthday made a national holiday are discussed.

The article focuses on the anti-Japanese protests occurring in China in 2012 stemming from the two countries' dispute over ownership of the Senkaku Islands. Topics include the U.S. pledge of mutual defense with Japan, how the leadership change in China could impact the dispute, and how Chinese nationalism influences protests.

The article considers political doctrines in China's politics and government. The role of nationalism in the ideology of the governing Communist Party is examined. The impact of the country's increased middle class on politics is discussed, particularly its role in influencing taxation policies and policies on income distribution.

The article examines foreign relations between Japan and China. A decline in relations between the two countries following a September, 2010 incident in which a Chinese fishing boat captain was arrested by Japan is discussed. It is noted that China has remained officially unsatisfied by Japan's release of the prisoner. Protests against Japan by Chinese citizens are considered. China's continued hostility is partially attributed to internal political considerations.

The article focuses on Chinese geopolitics in the South and East China Sea in 2016. It comments that in July 2016 an international tribunal in The Hague, Netherlands issued a ruling that challenged China's historical claim in the South China Sea and dismissed China's assertion of sovereignty that claims most of the South China. It mentions nationalistic sentiments and speculation on China's reaction, including a possible pivot to the East China Sea and Japan's claims on the Senkaku islands.

The article discusses the use of the term little pink (xiao fenhong) to describe young Chinese nationalist internet activists. Topics include controversies involving Taiwan and the independence of Hong Kong, China; online criticism against figures including the singer Lady Gaga and the swimmer Mack Horton; and the association of young women with the term little pink by the organization Communist Youth League.

The article reports on how Chinese President Xi Jinping is trying to contain public fury over a tribunal's ruling on the South China Sea dispute between China and the Philippines. Topics covered include the tribunal in The Hague, Netherlands saying that China's claims to most of the sea had no basis in international law, China's foreign policy having stubborn nationalism as its strong feature, and the lack of support by Xi for anti-U.S. sentiment that may disrupt his diplomacy.

The article discusses why members of China's middle class are not expected to be liberal, highlights the increasing nationalism in China, and cites a 2015 survey that reveals the percentage of Chinese who believe that their life should be protected from foreign influence.

The article reports on rising nationalist sentiment of the public in China in reaction to global criticism and news coverage of the Chinese crackdown in Tibet and China's human rights record generally. Blogs and web sites have sprung up in opposition to major news outlets like CNN, and more recently protesters have taken to the streets in Chinese cities. The government response is discussed.

The article examines the role ethnocentrism plays in the development of nationalist sentiments in China. Nationalism is one of the few political sentiments China's government encourages in its citizens, and it is important to maintaining support for its harsh treatment of the country's ethnic minorities. A year-long celebration of a mythical "Yellow Emperor," supposedly the founder of the Han Chinese ethnic group, is being held in conjunction with the 2008 Olympic Games.

The article focuses on Taiwan's president, Chen Shui-bian, who dismantled his country's National Unification Council, which was designed to facilitate unity with mainland China. The president wanted to appeal to Taiwanese nationalism to rally support, but was careful to use diplomatic language in his decision, so as to pacify Chinese and U.S. opposition to the Council's abolition.

This article focuses on relations between China and Taiwan. This week's visit to China by Lien Chan, the chairman of Taiwan's Nationalist Party or Kuomintang (KMT), is the first by a man of his rank since 1949 when the KMT lost the Chinese civil war and was forced to flee to Taiwan. If it had happened five years ago, it would have been an extraordinary breakthrough. But now the KMT rules neither China nor Taiwan. So is Lien's trip anything more than an interesting footnote to history? Optimists say it still could be. By showing goodwill to Lien, who served as Taiwan's prime minister and later as vice-president between 1993 and 2000, China could be trying to send a message to Taiwan's public that supporting Lien or a like-minded successor would help ease tensions between the two sides. China refuses to negotiate with Taiwan's government, not least because the ruling Democratic Progressive Party wants the island's permanent separation from China.

The article examines the response of the Chinese government to anti-Japanese protests and demonstrations. "It's a scary country," Japan's trade minister, Shoichi Nakagawa, said of China this week, following demonstrations in several Chinese cities by thousands of protesters, some of whom smashed the windows of Japanese shops and restaurants and threw stones at Japanese diplomatic buildings. The protests first turned violent in the south-western city of Chengdu on April 2nd, and erupted with particular fury in Beijing a week later. They were the biggest to take place in China since tens of thousands took to the streets across the country in 1999 in response to the bombing of China's Belgrade embassy by American aircraft during the Kosovo war. In a country where public protest is usually quickly suppressed, anti-Japanese sentiment has proved hard for the authorities to handle. The authorities' dilemma is reflected in their handling of these protests, which began as a show of opposition (on the grounds that Japan has failed to show sufficient contrition for its wartime atrocities) to Japan's campaign for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. China's government worries that if it is seen as too weak towards Japan, or cracks down too hard, the protesters could turn against the party. In the last century, pro-democracy unrest in China was often closely linked with patriotic demonstrations. Many participants in the recent protests have been university students, a group kept under particularly close watch by the authorities since the student-led protests in Tiananmen Square in 1989. The nationalist genie, once unbottled, could prove hard for China to restrain.

This article asserts that China's sending of a man into orbit was more about deflecting attention from domestic discontents than impressing other nations. The country has a new hero and its ruling Communist Party a renewed sense of pride. For Chinese leaders struggling to strengthen their legitimacy at a time of rapid social and economic change, this week's successful space mission was a propaganda windfall. Even the launch date for Shenzhou 5 (the name means "divine vessel" and is a homonym of a poetic term for China, "divine land") was chosen with the party in mind. It neatly followed a meeting of the party's 356-strong Central Committee, which was designed to put some wind into the sails of the divine land's economic and (to a lesser extent) political reforms. As the official press hailed its "victorious conclusion", Hu Jintao, the relatively new president and party chief, was already in place for the countdown at the Jiuquan space centre, 1,000 miles (1,600 km) west of Beijing. The country's secretive, military-controlled space programme, and the upsurge of nationalistic sentiment that China's leaders have sought to foster in connection with it, may well unnerve people outside China.

Discusses economic reforms in China in light of nationalism, weaponry, and the use of information technology in the country. Discussion of nationalist sentiment in China, and view that Chinese are able to express such feelings on the Internet; View that China will not exploit nationalism which could undermine economic development; Outlook for conflict between China and Taiwan.

The article focuses on Chinese plans to commemorate the end of the second world war in 1945 with a huge military parade in Beijing in September of 2015. It states that the parade will be the first time China commemorates the war with a show of military force instead of a solemn ceremony and suggests the symbolism will unsettle other East Asian nations. It suggests the demonization of Japan is unfair as Japan is largely pacifistic and warns that nationalist animosity cannot always be controlled.

The article reports on East Asia's balance of power. It is reported that only two countries viz China and the U.S. have emerged from the damage, which resulted from a year of plummeting currencies, simmering discontent and rising nationalism. It is further reported that the U.S. has been the indispensable co-architect of the financial rescue packages put together by the IMF, the World Bank and others.

Discusses reasons for an increase in Taiwanese nationalism. Information on the February 28 holiday, which commemorates the mass murder of thousands of Taiwanese by the government of mainland China in 1947; Focus on the international handling of the question of Chinese sovereignty over Taiwan; Details of a document released by the Taiwanese government in January 1997 addressing the issue of reunification with the mainland.

Looks at the issue of racism in China and states that the issue of race is bound to China's sense of nationhood. The riots against African students in 1988; China's definition of nationality and nationalism; The arrest of Harry Wu Hongda.

The article focuses on Xi Jinping, future president of China, and how he will govern in the rapidly changing China. Topics include his promotion of Chinese nationalism, if he will continue authoritarian policies, and the economic development of China between 2000 and 2013. Information is provided on how he will deal with the wealth gap among Chinese citizens.

The author offers opinions on politics, government and foreign relations in Northeast Asia. Noting that the election of Shinzo Abe as Prime Minister of Japan means that the leaders of that country, North Korea, South Korea and China all have fathers or grandfathers who were influential public officers, the author states that these family backgrounds could result in strong opposition to Abe's nationalistic foreign policy from the other three countries.

The article focuses on Mongolia and its economic reliance on China in 2012. Topics include the economic growth within Mongolia in 2012, the country's prospering mining industry, and the problem with 'resource nationalism.' Information is provided on the social and cultural tensions between ethnic groups in Mongolia.

The article focuses on Chinese nationalism in Hong Kong, China, in 2012 and the controversy surrounding the propaganda textbook "The China Model."

The author discusses accusations that Chinese athletes may have been discriminated against in the 2012 Olympic Games in London, England, and argues that some Chinese citizens frequently feel discriminated against by the Western media. Topics include the 2008 Olympic Games in Beijing, China, the Chinese Olympic gymnast Chen Yibing, and the Chinese Olympic swimmer Ye Shiwen. Chinese nationalism is emphasized.

The article discusses popular nationalism in China from the perspective that the country's actions in the South China Sea have subdued anti-American sentiment. China's disputed ownership of Scarborough Shoal, blind activist Chen Guangcheng's gaining diplomatic shelter at a U.S. embassy in China, and state-run newspapers' attempts to discredit U.S. ambassador Gary Locke are discussed. China's closing of a national website's bulletin board is noted.

The article offers information about the conflict between Tibetans and Chinese leaders in 2012. Topics include political violence in Tibet that resulted in police shootings, the economic conditions in Tibet related to the sale of an herbal medicine, and the attempts of the Chinese government to promote nationalism in Tibet.

The author offers opinions on China's foreign relations. A dispute with Japan over a collision of a Chinese fishing boat with Japanese naval ships in the East China Sea is seen as evidence of China's aggressive and at times bellicose approach to issues related to its sovereignty. It is seen as likely that this policy will result in other Asian nations cooperating to limit China's influence in the region.

The article focuses on Japan's foreign relations with China. Disputes between the two countries over fishing rights in the East China Sea and possession of what Japan calls the Senkaku Islands in the sea are discussed, particularly Japan's arrest of the captain of a Chinese fishing boat. The effects on relations of rising nationalist sentiment in China are considered.

The article discusses the 2010 World Expo taking place in Shanghai, China. Topics discussed include the history of the Manchu Empire's attempts to host a World's Fair in Nanjing, China, in 1910; the national pride evidenced in the Chinese government's efforts to make changes to Shanghai in preparation for the 2010 event; and the similarities between the preparations for the 2008 Olympics in Beijing, China, and the 2010 World Expo in Shanghai.

The author offers opinions on China. The country's government is criticized for an inability to adapt to a changing role in international relations created by the country's strong economic development. A need for an increased emphasis on international cooperation on issues such as economic development rather than a strong nationalistic attitude is seen.

The article reports on the controversy surrounding the May 2008 appointment of Gregory So Kam-leung to a significant ministerial post in the government of Hong Kong. Subsequent to the appointment it was revealed that So Kam-leung was not a Chinese citizen and that he held a foreign passport. The author blames the furor surrounding this revelation on heightened Chinese nationalism.

The author offers opinions on political conditions in China. There has been a tremendous upsurge in nationalist sentiment in reaction to criticism of China's policies in Tibet. Nationalism has also been encouraged by the government, partly to provide a safe expression of discontent. This is seen as endangering the economic integration with the outside world China is seeking. It could also backfire on the government, as citizens may turn their anger on it.

In this editorial the author discusses Chinese foreign relations in light of the 2008 global protests against China's treatment of Tibet. The article is critical of the Chinese nationalism that was a wide-spread domestic reaction to the protests. The author examines the government's response to the Tibetan demonstrations and suggests measures China could take that do not include violence.

In this editorial the authors offer the opinion of the magazine, stating that the world should not stage a boycott of the 2008 Olympic Games in Beijing, China. Noting that international opinion ran against China and its policy regarding Tibet, the authors suggest that a boycott would drive China to greater nationalism.

The article focuses on updates to China's railway infrastructure, fueled by national pride and economic growth. On the fringes of the annual session of the National People's Congress, China's parliament, earlier this month, Liu Zhijun, the minister for railways, announced approval for two bold and long-planned high-speed rail lines. China is increasingly relying on and investing in domestic technology.