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Discusses conditions in Russia in light of the March 2000 election of Vladimir Putin as president. Conditions in the Moscow airport as exemplary of conditions in the country; Poverty and decline in the standard of living; Population and birth rates; Political corruption, crime, and rule of law; Government control of media; War in Chechnya; Militarization of society; Foreign currency reserves; Inflation; Businesses and business governance; Obstacles to change.

The article reports on the challenges facing Russian President Vladimir Putin who was re-inaugurated on May 7, 2018. Topics discussed include protest, lead by Alexei Navalny, in Moscow, key element in Putin's political edifice, and political goals of Putin including health care and education improvement and raising the living standards.

Explores the economic and political conditions in Russia. Authority of the Russian government; President Mikhail Gorbachev's proposal of drawing up an economic union treaty; Russia's interest in maintaining Soviet Union; Ways to avoid nuclear proliferation; Interest of Russia in keeping the Soviet market in one piece.

The article discusses Russian President Vladimir Putin and his reported opposition to political corruption in his country, focusing on the dismissal of Russian Defence Minister Anatoly Serdyukov in October 2012 as part of Putin's anti-corruption campaign. An alleged embezzlement case involving Putin's Chief of Staff Sergei Ivanov is also mentioned, along with an analysis of Putin's election to a third presidential term in Russia.

The article focuses on Russian President Vladimir Putin and his reluctance to pursue large-scale economic or political reforms. Topics include Russia's advance in the World Bank's business rankings, his commitment to fiscal discipline, and rumors of political corruption. Information is provided on the emigration of skilled youths from Russia.

The article focuses on Russian politics and President Vladimir Putin. On September 13th Mr Putin stunned liberal opinion both in Russia and abroad by announcing a series of measures that will enhance the Kremlin's power and make life harder for dissenting voices. Inevitably, he justified them by citing the need to improve security after hundreds of adults and children had died in the school taken hostage by terrorists in Beslan. Under the new measures, the governors of Russia's 89 regions will be chosen by the president (and then confirmed by local assemblies), instead of being directly elected. In the future, the entire Duma will be made up from party lists, which will squeeze out independent legislators. The trend of strengthening the Kremlin's control has been obvious ever since Mr Putin became president in 2000. He had already trimmed the wings of the governors by removing them from the Federation Council, the upper house of parliament; by appointing presidential emissaries to watch over them; and by centralising the appointments of regional police chiefs, prosecutors and security-agency heads. As for the Duma, it is already dominated by pro-Kremlin parties.

The article offers a look at Russian President Vladimir Putin as of May 2004. Any other form of government would be not only harmful, but utterly ruinous for Russia. Boris Yeltsin, hailed as Russia's first democratic leader, spent nearly a decade presiding over near-anarchy. Putin, specially plucked from obscurity to be Yeltsin's obedient successor, has turned out to be nothing of the kind. Both Russian and western political liberals look at Russia with a tightening knot of fear in their bellies. They see an authoritarian leader who has repressed the media and free speech. An article in "Foreign Affairs" by two scholars, Andrei Shleifer and Daniel Treisman berated the press for exaggerating Putin's autocratic bent, and argued that on just about any measure Russia is now "a normal country", doing no worse than the average in the developing world. Putin wants Russia to be a strong country: economically powerful, politically stable and internationally respected. What is in dispute is what those goals mean to him, the methods he uses to achieve them. Economic liberalism and political illiberalism are complementary parts of Putin's strategy, but his contribution to both is often exaggerated.

This article examines the motivation behind the dismissal of a number of government officials in Russia by President Vladimir Putin. It is said of Vladimir Putin that he never takes a decision before he has to. So why has the Russian president just fired the prime minister, Mikhail Kasyanov, and his entire government? After his re-election on March 14th and later inauguration, they would have had to resign anyway. It is surely not to save time. Although forming a new government can take a month--the president names a prime minister, parliament approves him, and he selects a cabinet, with time quotas for each stage--Mr Putin has the power to ram it all through in days if he so chooses. Mr Putin's move could at least add interest to an election that looks increasingly pointless. What he means to do with his ever-tightening control will be clearer when he names a new prime minister. The man named as acting prime minister, Viktor Khristenko, is a neutral figure: a bureaucrat with no ties either to the pro-business clan or to the siloviki. He may be no more than a caretaker.

The prosecutors' campaign against Yukos, Russia's biggest oil company, which began on July 2nd with the arrest of a big shareholder and culminated on October 25th with the arrest of its boss, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, has President Vladimir Putin's approval. Only he, most think, could have given the go-ahead to throw the country's richest man in jail. Mr Putin feigned detachment from the legal probes, as he did three years ago when two other oligarchs, Vladimir Gusinsky and Boris Berezovsky, were stripped of their assets and chased into exile; but nobody doubts that their fate, like Mr Khodorkovsky's, was Mr Putin's punishment for political meddling. The conspiracy theories were fed by mid-week rumours of the resignation of the Kremlin's chief of staff, Alexander Voloshin, the linchpin of a pro-business faction in the government (though his departure has been wrongly rumoured before). Yukos's lobbying in parliament against changes to the oil industry's tax regime earlier this year, blocking some of them, was "absolutely the trigger" for the prosecutors' investigations, says Christopher Granville of United Financial Group, a Moscow-based investment bank.

Considers politics in Russia under the administration of President Vladimir Putin. Popularity of the President; His accomplishments, including tax reform, a balanced budget, controlling the power of regional bosses, and court reform; Questions regarding Putin's commitment to democracy; Pragmatic emphasis of his foreign policy; Questions about his commitment to domestic reform.

Focuses on Russian President Vladimir Putin. Details of the forced resignation of Governor Yevgeny Nazdratenko; Discussion of political reforms in Russia; Thought that bureaucrats are presenting obstacles to reform; Discussion of the overlap between government and business.

Discusses the emerging political power of Russian President Vladimir Putin. Tax reforms made by the President; Removal of the automatic membership of governors in the upper house of the parliament; Dismissal of some generals loyal to the Defence Minister Igor Sergeyev who has been resisting plans to spend more money on conventional weapons at the expense of Russia's nuclear forces.

Focuses on Russian President Vladimir Putin, a former KGB (Committee for State Security) member. Reaction to the arrest of an independent television station owner, Vladimir Gusinsky; Corruption in Russia; Assertion that it is unclear whether Putin is an autocrat or democrat.

Focuses on Russian President-elect Vladimir Putin, as of mid-April 2000. Impact of rising oil revenues on Russian economic conditions; Foreign relations; Parliamentary willingness to ratify the Start-2 nuclear reduction treaty; Scheduled visit to Britain; Domestic credibility.

Discusses how Russian President Boris Yeltsin is grappling with the problem that broke former Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev--how to keep a federal state together by reorganizing the division of power within it. The central problem is that the powers of parliament and the president were defined in the days when the Communist Party ruled the country. Other problems; New government modeled after United States; Predictions for the government.

Explores the controversies behind Russia President Mikhail Gorbachev resigning as the Communist Party's chief and recommending the abolition of its Central Committee. Political conditions in Russia; Gorbachev's belief in socialism; Republics' declaration of independence; Degree of political unity proposed in the union treaty.

Describes the political and economic problems and conditions in Russia under President Mikhail Gorbachev recommending Boris Yeltsin to replace him as president. Comparison of the political backgrounds and ideologies of Gorbachev and Yeltsin; History and implications of the perestroika and glasnost; Criticisms about the government under Gorbachev; Issues relating to the rejection of communism, the democratic reconstruction of the Soviet Union and a decentralized economic reform; Problems relating to ethnic violence and social conflicts; Proposals for political and economic reform.

Examines the mistakes committed by Russian President Mikhail Gorbachev. Failures to hold a direct election for the presidency in 1990; Failure to adopt the Shatalin plan for market reforms; Return of the country to dictatorship; Postponement of the decision on what sort of economic system Gorbachev is aiming for.

Reports on the declining effectiveness of Russian President Boris Yeltsin as of February 1998. The impact of his physical ailments on his ability to rule; His lack of commitment and clarity in economic policy and its contribution to Russia's recession; The speculation that he may run for a third term; How the country's problems mimic those of the president's weakening grasp on power.

Discusses the shortcomings of Boris Yeltsin's presidency of Russia as of February 14, 1998. His status as an improperly strong president amid improperly weak institutions; What he could do to change this situation; The fears that Russia could be taken over in the year 2000 elections by an authoritarian leader, dedicated to keeping Russia's democracy primitive and its foreign policy assertive.

The article reports on the appointment of both Anatoly Chubais and Boris Nemtsov to the rank of first deputy prime minister by Russia President Boris Yeltsin in March 1997. Nemtsov is tasked to implement change in energy monopolies, the creation of a new pensions system and the end to blanket subsidies to households in the form of cheap rents, maintenance and utilities. While Chubais is tasked to concentrate in improving the country's poor tax-collection.

The article comments on the reshuffling of the Russian government undertaken under the administration of President Boris Yeltsin in March 1997. Yeltsin has appointed Anatoly Chubais and Boris Nemtsov as economic ministers responsible for economic policymaking. The president has reshuffled his cabinet to focus on tax code reform, improvement of tax collection and to ensure the payment of wages and pensions.

This article discusses economic and political developments in Russia over the years. For Russia, though, there is a big difference between war in the Caucasus and war in the Balkans. For a start, history and geography pull Russia much more tightly into the Caucasus. Russians spent much of the 19th century fighting to tame the mountainous region. Russia has tangible interests, too. Then there is internal Russian politics. Toughness in the Caucasus helps Russian President Boris Yeltsin's team show they are gosudantvenniki-proponents of a strong state-and so to counter their Russian nationalist opponents.

This article discusses whom will General Pavel Grachev, Russia's defence minister, regard his commander-in-chief, in case the Congress impeaches President Boris Yeltsin. At a session of the Supreme Soviet on March 21, the day after Yeltsin announced presidential rule, the general appeared to throw his weight behind the president. He stopped short, however, of saying that he would use force to support him. But General Grachev has troubles of his own. A highly decorated veteran of the Afghan war, he is only 44 and might expect a long stay in office.

Discusses how the vacuum of power in Russia is very dangerous, and threatens the diminished political stature of President Boris Yeltsin. Although the ban on the Communist Party has been lifted, and it managed to organize an anti-Yeltsin demonstration attended by an estimated 20,000 people on February 23, the restoration of its monopoly power in Russia is inconceivable. Yeltsin turning virtually into the queen of England.

The article looks at Russian President Vladimir Putin's plan to retain power following the end of his second term in 2008. According to Russian constitution, Putin's second term should be his last. Putin has agreed to head the pro-Kremlin United Russia party, which will likely win the election, leaving Putin as prime minister. Since Putin will select the party's president, he will remain in a position of power for an extended period of time following his current presidency.

The article focuses on Russia's presidential election. President Vladimir Putin has appointed a radically restructured new government, which suggests that he will push hard in his second term for reforms that were stalled in the first. Putin's campaign is helped by pliant state-owned television networks, which feature the president heavily in newscasts and aired his entire speech to campaign workers. The only risk for the president is that, with the election not only predictable but irrelevant, not enough people will vote. The turnout could then fall below the 50% legal minimum, which would mean a fresh election with new candidates. Assuming that he wins, buys or steals enough votes to get past the 50% threshold, Putin will be ready to forge ahead. His new government has investors and economists excited. But the whole system retains two glaring weaknesses. The first lies in the difference between legislation and implementation. The second drawback is that there are no counterweights to the president's power. Bad laws can get through as easily as good ones; if they do, there will be little protest either in parliament or, given the Kremlin's control of the media, in public.

This article focuses on the deteriorating relationship between Russian president Vladimir Putin and leaders of Western nations. This weekend Vladimir Putin seems sure to be re-elected Russia's president by a landslide, not least because he has trampled down what feeble opposition there is. His second term has, in effect, already begun. But in the West, his erstwhile friends are turning more distant. A year ago, the world's leaders were courting Mr Putin to support or oppose the war on Iraq. Last September America's George Bush, no less, fulsomely praised Russia's democracy and its respect for the rule of law. In November it was the turn of Italy's Silvio Berlusconi, presiding over a European Union-Russia summit, who spoke up for Mr Putin when journalists posed questions about the same issues. But by January the American secretary of state, Colin Powell, was berating the Russians for abusing these virtues. Last month the European Commission issued a stinging report on the breakdown of the bilateral relationship, with harsh words for the Russian side. Last December's parliamentary election delivered near-total control of the Duma and its committees to the pro-Putin United Russia party. Investigations and arrests of business magnates who have meddled in politics have shown that the rule of law tends to apply only when it suits the state.

The article comments on a children's website featuring Russian President Vladimir Putin. Its creator, Grigory Oster, says its purpose is "to change the next generation's attitude to power." Putin's invincible popularity is self-evident. The latest craze--after portraits, books and chocolate effigies--is toy bunnies that sing the lyrics of a pop song: "I want a man like Putin." As Putin's presidency has progressed, the state has taken over the main television stations, which now devote large chunks of their news time to the president, enhancing his image as the man who makes everything in Russia happen. It also contains a more sombre warning to the next generation.

Profiles Russia's President Vladimir Putin. Controversy surrounding Putin concerning his motivation and character; View that he is not taking positive action to reform in Russia.

Focuses on the administration of Russian President Vladimir Putin. Political works of Putin; Reference to the efforts of ex-President Boris Yeltsin; Reasons for the success of Putin in areas where his predecessors failed; Role of media in Russia; Aims of Putin.

Comments on the March 2000 election of Vladimir Putin as president of Russia. Causes for concern about Putin's ethics and values, including his background in the intelligence service; Putin as a politician; Outlook for improvements in rule of law; Political appointments; Administration of justice.

Discusses Vladimir Putin, acting president of Russia following the resignation of Boris Yeltsin. The ambiguity of his political character; His power and popularity; His past involvement in the KGB; His political views and policies; Worries about what the author sees as his recklessness and relative mediocrity.

Presents information on the possible change of power in Russia following an extended period of ill health for Russian President Boris Yeltsin in November of 1998. How Yevgeny Primakov, prime minister, would be named president for three months if Yeltsin were to step down; Attitude of the West towards Primakov; What he would be like as president; Other prospects; The need for political stability in Russia.

The article states that the struggle that pitted Russian President Boris Yeltsin and his government against Russia's parliament was not really about which of two plausible programs for reform should be adopted, it was about whether or not Russia can be reformed at all. Most deputies in the parliament think they are taking on a maniacal monetarist government that is leading the country to catastrophe. In truth, parliament's plans offer no plausible alternative. They merely postpone or dilute government measures. The hope is that Russia can somehow muddle through, without so much pain. The outside world sometimes worries that Yeltsin's attempt to strengthen executive power at the parliament's expense may lead to authoritarianism. That risk certainly exists. Yet the still-popular Yeltsin has more legitimacy than a parliament elected under communist rules.

Focuses on the political situation in Russia. Comments that the state of Russian President Boris Yeltsin's health made an alarmingly shaky start on his second term of office; Impact of Yeltsin's health on the formation of new government; Appointments made by Yeltsin in new government; Effect of Russian election on Chechens war; Reasons for taking charge by Yeltsin.

Focuses on the political situation in Russia after Russian leader Boris Yeltsin's re-election as President of the country. Praise for Yeltsin's victory despite the adversities besetting him in health, temperament, and the poverty; Concerns regarding uncertainty of democracy and prosperity in Russia; Anxiety over Yeltsin's health; Challenge for Yeltsin due rebellion in Chechnya; Reforms needed to be tackled by Yeltsin; Prospects for passage of reforms in the Duma, the lower House of Parliament, due to domination of Communists and nationalists there.

This article speculates whether Russian President Boris Yeltsin should remain in office or not. On the surface, the signs are discouraging. The Foundation for the Support of Russia's First Elected President is trying to run its campaign from one room at the back of the town hail. It has managed to raise 80,000 roubles for him. Although nobody thinks that Yeltsin will have as much support as in 1991, he is expected to win enough in the referendum to give him the upper hand in the coming battle with parliament. Second, Yeltsin's opponents have appeared as disloyal intriguers. Vice-President Alexander Rutskoi, who has now joined speaker of the Parliament Ruslan Khasbulatov, as a leader of the opposition, has done little more than hurl unsubstantiated charges of corruption at the president's advisers.