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Over three decades ago, Robert Hill, the celebrated archivist and historian of the Universal Negro Improvement Association movement, argued that "the history of the audience is what's missing in the history of black radicalism." Building on Hill's provocation, this article theorizes modes of diasporic readership through the literature of the Jamaican communist and literary giant Claude McKay's novel Banjo. Through a close reading of two scenes in which the novel's characters engage in conversations about Black periodicals and embrace the contradictions within them, the article offers a provisional framework for exploring modes of readership and political education through print culture. Banjo must be read in part as an extension of McKay's political journalism and within his broader efforts to bridge Black nationalist and communist movements throughout the interwar period. Drawing on speculative and literary approaches to archival research, the article argues that the renewed emphasis on heterogeneity, ephemeral encounters, and place making depicted within Banjo can open up new lines of inquiry toward redressing the methodological challenges and textual silences surrounding the question of the audience and the study of radical print cultures within traditional archives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay offers reflections on how contemporary left internationalism could think through—and beyond—both "humanity" and "nation" when positioning its struggles. With this aim, it first turns to philosophy and then to history to distinguish unsettled questions that animate dilemmas of left internationalism today. The essay is not, in a straightforward way, an attempt to draw the boundaries, offer the definitions, and determine the strategies of left internationalism. Ultimately, it is an invitation to a partisan "we" who claims sides within humanity and nation. This "we" is an open question and permanent problem of left internationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The decades between 1960s and 1980s were punctuated by intense anti-colonial and anti-imperialist struggles, the rise of Third World internationalism (both in terms of formal and informal connections), the articulation of viable economic alternatives to those imposed by the West, but also a massive wave of counterrevolution with bloody coups, assassinations, and interventions. Symbolically, the long 1960s started with Patrice Lumumba's assassination and ended in 1980 with Walter Rodney's assassination, and the defeat of the NIEO (New International Economic Order). While numerous analyses have engaged with these assassinations as historical events, this article seeks to provide a theoretical engagement with the phenomenon of Third World assassinations. The author's engagement with this phenomenon aims to broaden the idea, put forth by Quynh Pham and Himadeep Muppidi, of the "anxiety of domination." Drawing on Edward Said, James Baldwin, and Eqbal Ahmad, the article seeks to situate theoretically Third World assassinations within a larger paradigm of colonial/imperial anxiety: these acts of annihilation happened not simply because these individuals were on the opposite ideological divide but because their political vision exceeded the grasp of domination and intelligibility of imperial/colonial power and challenged in fundamental ways the imperially sanctioned "epistemic conformity." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bringing together political theorists of empire with critical scholars of international relations who have interrogated the methodological nationalism (indeed the fetish of the nation-state) of their disciplines, this special issue examines the multifaceted dimensions (including political, ideological, and psycho-affective) of a radical international thought. Going beyond articulations of anti-colonial struggle at the national level, the issue charts radical theories and praxes of insurgency and revolutionary violence and brings an internationalist framework to bear on historical moments like the Spanish Civil War, the rise of anti-imperial development alternatives, and the Civil Rights Movement in the United States, and others. In doing so, the issue spotlights thinkers who are rarely read in a global register, such as Martin Luther King Jr., James Baldwin, Jalāl Āl-e Ahmad, Ghassan Kanafani, and Eqbal Ahmad, among others. Furthermore, the introduction argues, the essays track these understudied articulations of radical international thought in the context of the traveling projects of imperial domination to which they responded. These radical figures' political thought and action, in turn, inspired further imperial responses, such as political assassinations in the Third World, counterrevolutionary tactics, and other modes of violence in the service of empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Paris Commune led to annual celebrations from the labor movement across the globe. This article focuses on those in Britain and the United States from 1871 to the end of the century, exploring how the event's interpretation and function within a community has fluctuated over this period. It discusses the internationalism present in demonstrations as people shed their national identity and joined an internationalist community in celebration each year. It analyzes how the labor movement in each country responded to perceived threats from outside their community in the wake of the Haymarket Affair. It also demonstrates that the Commune was a palimpsest, an event that could be reinterpreted each year to express whatever ideals the movement needed. It was a call to reform and revolution, to hope and despair, and to past and future. The article's analysis of British and American Commune celebrations reveals a rich and evolving community that emphasized internationalism and oppression during a turbulent period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the overlooked contributions of Iranian students in the United States to US-based social movements against imperialism. Topics include the predominance of US racial formations in shaping ethnic studies, the impact of the geopolitical relationship between Iran and the United States on the perception of Iranian students, and the complex political consciousness and internationalism of Iranian students as explored in Manijeh Moradian's book, This Flame Within.

The article reconsiders contemporary internationalist experiences in relation to the multiple temporalities that characterized key cycles of struggles in the 2010s. Although these cycles are heterogeneous in social and political composition, they have resulted in significant synchronizations. The article's specificity lies in linking a reinterpretation of internationalism to an examination of the role that multitemporalities play both in longue durée capital development and in the various phases that characterized the post-2008 world. The series of crises that have marked the past decade have in fact led to contradictory outcomes, on the one hand opening the door to the rise of post-fascist forces, while on the other hand triggering unusual and powerful struggles. These outcomes have contradictory political orientations but are united by the fact they all have temporalities that are discordant with those initially imposed by capitalist processes. With regard to social movements, the article shows how the diversity of the geographies, practices, and claims animating them can be understood as unfolding "within and against" the post-2008 global scenario. It illustrates how contemporary social movements exhibit complex and contradictory rhythms and temporalities, arguing that the tuning between these multitemporalities is vital for rethinking the renewal of internationalism today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on Gayatri Gopinath's celebration of Manijeh Moradian's book This Flame Within: Iranian Revolutionaries in the United States, highlighting its contribution to reperiodizing the Iranian diaspora and understanding of Third World internationalism. Topics include the book's archival excavation of Iranian leftist student organizing history in the United States pre-1979, its interviews with Iranian Students Association members, and its insights into gender discourses.

This article analyzes the material networks, connections, and solidarities formed between revolutionary Iranian and Arab organizations in the Persian Gulf in the 1970s. In the context of decolonization and the Cold War, it explores how the Iranian Left engaged with the Dhufar Revolution (1965–76), which was crushed by a British-led colonial war that the shah of Iran and his forces supported. Using Persian, Arabic, and English sources, the author shows how a radical internationalism was forged through regional networks, a praxis of guerrilla warfare, and a common political struggle against imperialism and reactionary Gulf monarchs, tying together revolutionaries from both sides of the Gulf. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, scholars doing research on the anticommunist and social democratic tradition developed an interpretation in which socialist internationalism is portrayed not as opposed to nationalism but instead as complementary. This allowed them to move away from older perspectives and to examine the main features of international cooperation among socialists in a more positive light. Its substantial and convincing contributions notwithstanding, this literature also displays important shortcomings. Not only does it minimize the challenge that nationalism did pose to transnational solidarities; it is also too focused on Europe and therefore overlooks a more serious limit to internationalism, namely a perspective that proclaimed a principle of color‐blind solidarity among all peoples of the world but in practice built a much more limited transnational community of workers either born in Europe or of European descent. This article engages with these historiographical trends and complicates our knowledge of socialist internationalism in the 1920s by exploring a unique and underresearched event, the "World Migration Congress," held in London in 1926 and jointly organized by the International Federation of Trade Unions and the Labour and Socialist International, the main transnational networks of trade unionists and political parties of the social democratic tradition. Drawing on the idea that international organizations and meetings can be used as "observation points" for studying global history, the article uses the prolegomena to, the preparations for, and the discussions of this congress as a lens to understand the stances of socialist parties and reformist trade unions regarding the question of migration in the 1920s, explaining to what extent, and for what reason, they have changed in comparison with the prewar period. Moreover, it shows that the stances on migration were intertwined in many ways with socialist and labor perspectives on colonialism and condescending views of the "colored peoples" of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Visualizing Soviet internationalism as a student dormitory, this essay identifies a new transnational subgenre, the Soviet dormitory novel, and analyzes four examples: Nazim Hikmet's Life's Good, Brother (Turkish, 1964); Ismail Kadare's Twilight of the Eastern Gods (Albanian, 1978); Sonallah Ibrahim's Ice (Arabic, 2011); and Yurii Andrukhovych's Moscoviad (Ukrainian, 2000). These works each depict a different decade and come from different locations on the concentric map of Soviet influence: the Afro-Asian world, Eastern Europe, and the non-Russian USSR. Together, they reveal some shared formal features of the dormitory novel and some unintended consequences of Soviet internationalism, including the various racisms it rejected but helped perpetuate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the devolution of Soviet anti-racism and the emergence of ethnonationalist violence amid the collapse of the Soviet Union. Through an analysis of Uzbek writer Hamid Ismailov's novel Mbobo/The Underground (2009), it explores the contradictions of Soviet anti-racism at the interface of flesh and place, metaphor and materiality, ecology and affect—contradictions manifested in the ways in which Brown and Black bodies were mapped onto the triumphalist architecture of socialist internationalism. Attending to built infrastructures—metro stations, sports arenas, concert halls, and conference venues—and the bodies of visibly marked internal and international others who constructed, inhabited and moved through these spaces, it discusses how these bodies were conscripted in the material manifestation of socialist internationalism and then made the targets of racialized violence in the waning days of the Soviet Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the unconventional life of Ugandan Akiki Nyabongo, an "intellectual misfit" whose career and legacy reveal some of the limitations of global intellectual history. Nyabongo led a remarkably global life: he lived and worked with George Padmore, collaborated with W. E. B. Du Bois, and introduced civil rights activist Eslanda Goode Robeson to Uganda during her trip to the African continent in 1936. He conducted research for his doctorate degree at Oxford University, and he pursued additional projects in the Brooklyn Botanical Gardens and numerous universities across the United States. Thus far, though, Nyabongo has remained at the margins of stories about pan-Africanism, Black internationalism, or African anti-colonialism. This article argues that conventional global frameworks—often determined by scholarly priorities and interests that originated outside the African continent—have confined Nyabongo's relevance and importance. This scholarly and international invisibility is worth correcting, in part because he remains an important figure in western Uganda. And, his importance there reveals the limitations of conventional scholarly categories and sheds light on how western Ugandans, using oral traditions and long-standing idioms of power and prestige, understood global mobility and international importance in the midst of an increasingly globally connected world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the onset of the COVID‐19 pandemic, extensive restrictions on travel and migration effectively destroyed the global mobility of persons, while widespread supply chain disruptions meant that commodities were no longer as globally mobile. Drawing on this 2020 context, this article shows how 2020's Black Lives Matter protests indicate the contours of what we might think of as a "post‐global" politics: that is, a movement that reflects a globally informed analysis but nonetheless draws only implicitly on ideas of global commonality. National movements affirm the unity of national space, but BLM insists on its very unevenness; internationalism seeks to forge communities across regions and nations, but BLM takes the unity and transportability of "Black" as a given; globalization discourse argues that the world is coming ever closer together, but BLM lays claim to no future unity. This article demonstrates this post‐global conceptualization through two of 2020's most successful novels: Brit Bennett's The Vanishing Half and Charles Yu's Interior Chinatown. What, then, is the analytic value of worldwide comparisons for a post‐global movement? To answer this question, the US‐based BLM protests of 2020 are considered alongside Indian politics in the same period, both through the Indian farmers' protests that began in late 2020 and through an analysis of a successful 2020 US novel about India, Megha Majumdar's A Burning. This novel was explicitly connected by US readers to BLM's critiques of state violence against minority populations, yet the book itself feels claustrophobically small. Through the combined analysis of these three recent literary successes, this article shows how a post‐global politics is reshaping US understandings of racialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In June 2020, a group of more than one hundred African writers published a statement of solidarity with the Black Lives Matter uprisings that emerged around the world in the wake of the murder of George Floyd. In this statement are a number of claims around the extension of Black internationalism and solidarities and the uneven—and sometimes uneasy—interrelation between the violence of white supremacy as evidenced in the United States and the larger violence of coloniality experienced globally today. This essay, taking these claims as its spark, explores how the contemporary African literary novel, as a form, registers a response to the historical degradation of Black lives under the colonial matrix of power, which, while often sympathetic with the analytic framework of Black Lives Matter, does not always cohere with it. Reading a broad range of texts, the essay argues that the ambivalent relationship to Black Lives Matter engendered in these works stems from a persistent cleaving of coloniality from an America‐specific reading of white supremacy and violence against Black lives, which these texts sometimes perpetuate. Critics such as Ashleigh Harris and Sarah Brouillette have described the novel form in an African context as both "exhausted" and "residual," inextricably implicated in the violence of neoliberalism. By drawing on comparative readings of non‐novelistic work such as Marechera's House of Hunger and the Chimurenga Chronic, this essay concludes by considering the extent to which the ambivalence registered in the African literary novel is itself an inevitability of its own formal parameters and their entanglement with concepts of nation, extroversion/extraction, and coloniality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how the Iranian poet and translator Ahmad Shamlu (1925–2000) reconceives the configuration of world poetics. Working at the intersection of global modernism and translation studies, it traces the formation of a Persian modernist poetics of solidarity on the basis of translations from so-called third-world literatures and explores how Shamlu's political aesthetic traverses national borders to embrace ignored and marginalized poetic traditions. Rather than relying on French and other European modernisms to reinvigorate his national literature, Shamlu made available to his Iranian contemporaries a broad panorama of world literature that brought together Global Southern literatures, modernist poetics, and transnational political commitments. In tracing the literary and political forms shaped by Shamlu's poetics of global solidarity, this article develops a post-Eurocentric framework for the study of Iranian literary modernism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the relationship of poet Pier Paolo Pasolini with Iberian translation and Catalan literature and culture to discuss topics like translations, minority languages and internationalism. Other topics include the anarchic spirit and vague libertinism of films like "Mamma Roma" and "Accattone," as well as Pasolini's views on culture and language.

This article rethinks the history of Chinese script reforms and proposes a new genealogy for the Chinese Latin Alphabet (CLA), invented in 1931 by Chinese and Russian revolutionaries in the Soviet Union. Situating script reforms within a global information age that emerged out of the nineteenth-century communications revolution, the article historicizes the CLA within a technologically and ideologically contrived Sino-Soviet space. In particular, it shows the intimate links between the CLA and the Unified New Turkic Alphabet (UNTA), which grew out of a latinization movement based in Baku, Azerbaijan. The primary purpose of the UNTA was to latinize the Arabic script of the Turkic people living in Soviet Central Asia, but it was immediately exported to the non-Turkic world as well in an effort to latinize languages across Eurasia and ignite revolutionary internationalism. This article investigates the forgotten figures involved in carrying the Latin alphabet from Baku to Shanghai and offers a new framework to scrutinize the history of language, scripts, and knowledge production across Eurasia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines the cultural politics of migrant caravans through video testimonies produced by Honduras's Association of Returned Migrants with Disabilities (AMIREDIS). While the stated aim of the 2015 association‐sponsored Caravan of the Mutilated involved raising transnational public awareness of the plight of Central American migrants, this essay argues that AMIREDIS's testimonies and embodiments conjoin the savage risk confronting migrants with histories of imperialist expropriation and transnational financial processes in which migrants find themselves increasingly incorporated. In effect, their testimonies and embodiments invert the reparative logic of worker remittances — cash transfers often thought to be the objective of migration. Against the cruel economies of risk that decapacitated AMIREDIS members as laborers, their testimonies offer an internationalism of the vulnerable. This ethic of mutual vulnerability works against financial markets' "pooled risks" and capitalism's predilections to explain away its crippling eventualities with terms like "negative externalities" or "spillover effects." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In her poems of the 1960s and 1970s, Muriel Rukeyser developed feminist internationalist alternatives to both masculinist antiwar politics and isolationist currents of women's liberation. At the same time that the nascent women's liberation movement appeared to turn inward to a domestic scene of women's oppression, feminist internationalists politicized personal life by confronting the entanglement of home, family, and the frontlines of a distant war in Vietnam. Key poems from Rukeyser's 1968 collection The Speed of Darkness were excerpted widely and embraced as authorizing exemplars of a new feminist poetry that aimed to express hidden truths of women's lives. But considered in the context of the original volume and alongside the writings of other feminist internationalists, these poems evince a different aim: rather than exhuming and conveying intimate experience, Rukeyser renders it permeable. Her poems of the late 1960s conjure an internationalist atmosphere in which to immerse their readers. Rukeyser's feminist internationalism requires us to more radically reconceive second-wave feminism as an intellectual and cultural terrain always in contact with a range of movements, sites, and subjects, irreducible even in its earliest years to the fractious organizational landscape of women's liberation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The post–World War I treaties of Versailles, Sèvres, and Lausanne collectively created two related frames for ongoing Allied control over unreliable territory: a system of "minority protection" in the new and fragile states of eastern Europe, and a neocolonial regime of externally monitored "mandates" in the Mashriq and elsewhere, with both systems falling under the jurisdiction of the newly constructed League of Nations based in Geneva. This article explores how the architects of the peace agreements developed the concepts of minority rights and mandatory responsibilities in conjunction, as a way of codifying, formalizing, and legitimizing restrictions on sovereignty along immovable racial lines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the significance of minority rights to postcolonial internationalism by examining an emerging Afro-Asian collective at the United Nations in the late 1940s. As postcolonial nations became UN memberstates, they fostered transnational solidarity through the Arab-Asian group, a predecessor of the Afro-Asian bloc, and constructed an anti-imperial project that directly engaged with the making of the new international human rights system. However, the Arab-Asian group did not advance minority rights in their struggle for decolonization at the UN. Instead, they favored a gradual path toward formal self-rule and the recognition of national self-determination that worked within the international order, most clearly expressed through the removal of a minority rights article in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The steady rollout of Covid-19 vaccines comes attached with a series of difficult questions. Are vaccines a human right? Should patents be enforced in a way that puts people in the global South behind in a global queue? These questions are not new; the world struggled with these ethical dilemmas during the HIV-AIDS pandemic at the end of the twentieth century, when global South governments led by Nelson Mandela fought multinational pharmaceutical corporations for the right to essential life-saving drugs. Can the same strategies be mobilized to deal with inequalities in the distribution of the Covid-19 vaccine? This article demonstrates a technological and geopolitical shift in the last two decades that hinder global South solidarities actualized during the HIV-AIDS pandemic. Instead, Banerjee argues that in the present, multinational corporations and Euro-American governments are trying to reverse some of the key political visions and victories of HIV-AIDS internationalism, exploiting the urgency of the Covid-19 crisis to put in place a new vaccine apartheid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the roles of sexuality, race, and internationalism in works by authors Langston Hughes and Claude McKay and motion picture director Sergei Eisenstein. It references the concept of queer futurity as developed by performance scholar José Esteban Muñoz. Details on Hughes' travels in Uzbekistan, Eisenstein's film "¡Que viva México!" and McKay's book "Amiable With Big Teeth: A Novel of the Love Affair Between the Communists and the Poor Black Sheep of Harlem" are presented.

The article discusses the author's research on writer Claude McKay, which he published in the book "Claude McKay, Code Name Sasha: Queer Black Marxism and the Harlem Renaissance". Particular focus is given to McKay's homosexuality and his political radicalism. Topics include McKay's book "Romance in Marseille," Black internationalism, and the author's encounters with scholars performing similar research.

This essay focuses on two radical gay/ homosexual organizations of the early 1970s: Third World Gay Revolution (TWGR)—a small group of radical Black and Latinx activists that spun off from the Gay Liberation Front in 1970—and the Argentine organization Homosexual Liberation Front (FLH), which was active between 1971 and 1976. By analyzing periodicals, bulletins, and other ephemera produced by them, Garrido demonstrates how both groups not only articulated demands related to queer sexualities in relation to those of other oppressed communities but also inscribed their gay struggles in a movement for the liberation of all peoples on a planetary scale within the framework provided by third world anticolonial and anti-imperialist struggles being waged in African, Asian, and Latin American countries at the time. TWGR and the FLH engaged in "dissident forms of cosmopolitanism" (Chela Sandoval) that drew, in part, from the imaginary of a world in dispute—a world in which colonial and (neo)colonial/imperialist powers were being challenged and third worldism as a global emancipatory project led by "the darker nations" (Vijay Prashad) was gaining ground. At the dawn of neoliberal globalization, both organizations advanced a radical political agenda based on values of social justice with a spirit of transnational solidarity that, Garrido argues, may inspire the multidimensional nature of a queer cosmopolitics to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Largely overlooked in the booming scholarship on world literature, literary globalization, and transnational modernism, a world literature of socialist internationalism was imagined, written, theorized, and practiced in the aftermath of World War I, representing the first attempt to actualize the idea of world literature under the auspices of a social and political mass movement. This article develops and illustrates five theses about this internationalist world literature. It thereby sketches aspects of the history of internationalist world literature in Germany between 1918 and 1933 and formulates historical, historiographical, poetological, and literary and cultural theoretical interventions into the field of world literature studies. In particular, the article develops the notions of the transnational literary counterpublic and of realist modernism while tracing ideas about transnational class literatures and nonnormative imaginaries of the proletariat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how the ItalianCommunist Party and the Italian revolutionary Left connected internationalism to anti-fascism in the main internationalist campaigns that marked the high point of internationalist mobilizations between the mid-1960s and the mid-1970s, and considers to what extent this tradition is still relevant today. In particular, this article focuses on the movements of solidarity with the Vietnamese and Palestinian national liberation struggles and against the Greek and Chilean dictatorships. At various moments in time and depending on the particular campaign, multiple leftist actors bridged the gaps between anti-fascism and anti-imperialism in a variety of ways by relying on their peculiar relationships with the anti-fascist tradition. Furthermore, the actions of international and foreign individuals and organizations, the activities of anti-fascist veterans and neofascists, and the specific context of Italian and international political conjunctures influenced the nature of such "bridging" and the resonance between these frames of anti-fascism and anti-imperialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Woman was a category in flux during China's revolutionary 1920s. Alongside commercial magazines that celebrated the arrival of the modern girl (xiandai nüzi) were political currents that prioritized class and nation as sites for women's liberation. Scholarship has criticized Marxism and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) for negating women's gendered interests in favor of a class focus. Yet, it was the proletarian women's movement of the United Front that attracted the largest amount of women activists during China's National Revolution (1925–27). What was the allure of a Communist-influenced movement for modern girls whose subjectivities were awakened by Western humanist concerns? This article engages select articles from Chinü zazhi (Red Women Magazine) to argue that China's proletarian women's movement reconciled Marxist, nationalist, and feminist demands. It was able to do so largely because it took place at a time when there was no unified Chinese nation to speak of, and the CCP still framed its Marxist rhetoric in a May Fourth lens. An examination into the proletarian women's movement therefore problematizes Cold War narratives about the antithetical relationship between Marxism and feminism and asks us to reconsider approaches toward fostering interclass and international solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An interview with Peter Cole, author of book "Dockworker Power: Race and Activism in Durban and the San Francisco Bay Area" is presented. Topics discussed include book explores and compares the black internationalism and leftist politics of dockworkers in South Africa and the U.S., employers and the state ended the casual labor system from which workers' job control actually derived and South African Communist Party's postapartheid embrace of neoliberalism.

At the ideological heart of the Cuban Revolution is the commitment to liberation from oppressive systems at home and abroad. From early on, as it supported antiimperialist struggles, revolutionary Cuba also officially condemned racism and sexism. However, the state's attention to racism and sexism has fluctuated--it has been full-throated at times, silent at others. This essay examines gender and race inCuba's international liberatory efforts while also considering the human costs of armed internationalism. Focusing on Cuba's Angola mission (1975-91), it finds that the state approached gender and racial liberation separately and tactically, as means to military, political, and diplomatic ends. Through negrificación (blackening) of national identity, Cuba highlighted race to internationally legitimize its Angola mission. Women were a minor and primarily domestic theme, yet military women's femininity was racialized, as idealized feminine combatants were typically represented as white, light-skinned women despite a diverse racial composition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Tricontinental Conference in 1966 in Havana, Cuba, marked a moment of particular import for the development of an internationalism grounded in antiimperialist and decolonial solidarity. Tricontinental took place at the height of crisis for many nations fighting for independence. The Organization of Solidarity of the People of Africa, Asia, and Latin America (OSPAAAL) sought to promote an internationalist political perspective that interrelated global revolutionary movements through their collective opposition to imperial and colonial governance and resource extraction. This essay focuses on two affective aesthetic tactics: the mobilization of images of women represented as actors in armed struggle, as well asmore commonly gendered representations of motherhood. It examines imagery and writing that centers gender and focuses on the intersection of violence against women, aspects of capitalism, imperialism, interpersonal relationships, family and women's reproductive rights, and culture. Ultimately, it demonstrates that OSPAAAL used artistic production as a tool of political dialogue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that Cuban ideas about gender, sexuality, and the family shaped Cuban internationalist collaboration withNicaragua in the 1970s and 1980s. It demonstrates that collaboration sprang from a gendered political discourse, and in turn the dynamics of gendered relationships between Cubans and Nicaraguans affected the internationalist campaigns. First, the essay argues that state discourse expanded the idea of the New Man to include volunteering abroad, and cast female participants as moral agents of internationalism. Second, it analyzes the idea of revolutionary love and how it related to internationalism. Then, the article demonstrates how internationalism created transnational relationships. Finally, it examines the experiences of Nicaraguan students who went to boarding schools on the Isla de la Juventud. Throughout, the article centers the notion of family and shows how internationalist mobility created space for personal experiences, love within revolution, and new family dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on distinctions between refugees deserving of protection by the international community and migrants deserving of far less in human rights regime. It mentions original distinction, grounded in the tension between national sovereignty and internationalism, continues to plague how states and international institutions deal with issues of migration. It also mentions limits of looking to institutional forms of power to defend people made vulnerable by the violence.

It is next to impossible to write today, now, in this fraught historical moment about the May Fourth Movement and its centenary with anything other than sheer astonishment—still!—over the number of different sorts of people in China who organized themselves at that time, and who, in the extended process of self-organization, articulated—however inchoately and sometimes even incoherently—an intellectual and activist program of resistance and opposition to the corrupt domestic governmental systems, global institutions, local organizations, and specific individuals who were betraying the very principles of democracy and sovereignty that were supposed to be upheld. The betrayal of democratic and sovereign principles was part of an ongoing process of the elaboration of an establishment political position exercised by and through the wished-for domination of political and economic possibility by the powerful and by those who strove for power. As that process of imperialist-colonial expansion along with anti-democratic state-formation and sociocultural hegemonizing—sometimes in tandem with one another, and sometimes separately—became ever more evident, an increasingly vocal opposition posed itself as an active political force and not merely as a detached or abstract form of remonstrance. Through their activist political interventions and in the ensuing contingent realization of an incipient mass movement—incomplete, urban-based, and often elitist, to be sure—a new political consciousness and a new political discourse arose: a consciousness and discourse of the possibilities of and in mass mobilization, of a political practice of mass democracy. The May Fourth Movement, in its temporal proximity to and political juxtaposition with the Korean and Indian movements of the same year, and in the political space created by the ongoing revolution in Russia, helped constitute a world historical moment. That protracted moment can be seen as the inflection of the forces of global capitalism and imperialism into modern historical consciousness and political activism in China, as elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on women's strike which is act of stopping work in sphere in which one earns a wage in order to survive. It mentions neoliberalism has been destroying many spaces for protecting and fighting for labor rights and because union organization and refers to the structure of relations and ways of being and doing according to the division of gender roles. It also mentions solidarity expressed in it reflect an internationalism which characterizes the history of women's movements.

The article presents a manifesto that acknowledge the larger Afro-Asian environment in which the "Bandung moment" took place. It cites the book "Making a World After Empire" by Christopher Lee on the connections between Egyptian and Indonesian women's movements in the Bandung era. It mentions that 1950s and 1960s were not just an era of postcolonial diplomacy, but a period of intensive social and cultural interaction across the decolonizing world. Also discussed is modes of internationalism.

The Vietnam War made May '68 possible. The war prompted young radicals to experiment with new forms of struggle, reinvent radical internationalism and ultimately embrace revolution. Transnational exchanges and a changing political conjuncture pushed some radicals to argue that the best way to aid their Vietnamese comrades abroad was to bring the war home to France. Their efforts to translate the exemplary struggles in Vietnam into a domestic idiom helped trigger the events of May '68. Seen in this transnational context, May '68 was one front among many in a broader, worldwide anti-imperialist struggle, led primarily by the Vietnamese. In France, Vietnam became a universal symbol of revolt, supercharging other struggles, while radicals elsewhere were inspired to translate the French May into their own national contexts. This article shows just how profoundly Vietnam shaped the radical imaginary of the "68 years". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article takes up Todd Shepard's call to "write together the history of the Algerian War and European integration" by examining the French Socialist Party. Socialist internationalism, built around an analysis of European history, abhorred nationalism and exalted supranational organization. Its principles were durable and firm. Socialist visions for French colonies, on the other hand, were fluid. The asymmetry of the party's European and colonial visions encouraged socialist leaders to apply their European doctrine to France's colonies during the AlgerianWar. The war split socialists who favored the European communities into multiple parties, in which they cooperated with allies who did not support European integration. French socialist internationalism became a casualty of the Algerian War. In the decolonization of the French Socialist Party, support for European integration declined and internationalism largely vanished as a guiding principle of French socialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the nationalism, internationalism and cosmopolitanism in the interwar period focusing on the leftist internationalism that sought to appropriate and displace colonial liberalism, focusing on the paper "Nationalism, Internationalism and Cosmopolitanism: Some Observations from Modern Indian History," by Partha Chatterjee. It explores the significance of Fundamental Rights Resolution with particular consideration on the destabilization of nationalist imaginary in India.

The article focuses on nationalism, internationalism, and cosmopolitanism in various countries including India, Europe, and Africa. Topics discussed include the postcolonial state in India, ideals of Christian Europe, and Turkish nationalism. Information regarding the universial modernity is also provided.

An essay is presented concerning the practices and political concepts of nationalism, internationalism, and cosmopolitanism in Europe and North and West Africa. Topics include the cultures, traditions, and processes existing in Africa, Western imperialism and colonialism, and cultural and sociopolitical experimentations.

The article discusses internationalism in India and the postnational global order relative to the essay "Nationalism, Internationalism, and Cosmopolitanism: Some Observations from Modern Indian History," by Partha Chatterjee. Topics include the observations by Mohandas K. Gandhi about nationalism versus internationalism, the goal of Jawaharlal Nehru for the creation of One World which is the main objective of Indian foreign policy.

The article focuses on the interconnections between internationalism, nationalism, and cosmopolitanism and their association to empire in India, according to the essay of Partha Chatterjee. Topics discussed include the delineation of nationalism as modern ideology, the idealization of sovereignty, and the aspects of how nationalism was understood in the structures of empire.

The article offers the author's insights regarding the essay of Partha Chatterjee which focuses on nationalism, internationalism, cosmopolitanism, and colonialism in the modern Indian history. Topics include the relation between political movement and intellectual history, the aspects of the political idea of nationalism, and the exploration of anticolonialism concept.

This article traces the intellectual evolution of Zhang Chengzhi (b. 1948), a contemporary Chinese poet, novelist, essayist, archaeologist, and ethnographer, from Mao-era radicalism to Islamic internationalism. Allegedly the inventor of the term “Red Guard” in the context of the Cultural Revolution, he has remained an unapologetic defender of Mao and of the “Red Guard spirit” since the 1960s. In 1987, meanwhile, Zhang converted to an impoverished and ascetic sect of Chinese Islam, the Jahriyya, and since the 2000s he has become one of China's most prominent spokesmen for global Islam. This article explores how Zhang has reconciled his zeal for Cultural Revolution Maoism, on the one hand, with Pan-Islamist positions on the other. Although Zhang's stance suffers from undoubted contradictions and inconsistencies, his career and beliefs illuminate the complexities of the legacy of Mao's and the Cultural Revolutions, of Chinese intellectual dissidence, and of the contemporary trajectories of Chinese internationalism and global Islam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]