Search

Recent research has focused increasingly on the strategies that Southeast Asian countries have adopted vis-à-vis a rising China. This article aims to contribute to the literature by discussing Myanmar's alignment posture towards China under the post-September 1988 military regime. In particular, the purpose is to specify and explain the nature and management of this alignment. The argument is as follows: first, during the two decades of SLORC/SPDC (State Law and Order Restoration Council/ State Peace and Development Council) rule, Myanmar sought only limited alignment with China, focused primarily on diplomatic support and protection, with only a moderate record of bilateral defence and security cooperation. Second, Myanmar's alignment with China after 1988 was shaped by at least three important factors: the core principles of the country's previous foreign policy after colonial rule, a deeply embedded sense of nationalism among the military elite, and Burma's Cold War interaction with China. Third, in managing its alignment with China over the last decade, the SPDC avoided compromises perceived as unpalatable in return for the promise of diplomatic protection and instead 'rewarded' Beijing by consenting to economic and infrastructure projects that were considered to advance the regime’s interest in either generating state revenue or contributing to the consolidation and expansion of control over state territory. The SPDC also pushed Beijing into reconsidering its position on the sensitive issue of armed ethnic groups in the Sino-Myanmar border region. The Myanmar case thus shows that lesser powers can obtain security benefits from a major power without this necessarily requiring more than limited alignment or entailing a serious erosion of political autonomy, particularly when the former possesses valuable natural resources and enjoys considerable geo-strategic significance for the latter.

Es gehört zwischenzeitlich zum Standardrepertoire großer transnationaler Unternehmen, ein Corprate Social Responsibility Engagement zu entwickeln und darüber zu berichten. Die Idee einer unternehmerischen Verantwortung (Corporate Social Responsibility, CSR) hat sich global verbreitet, aber zugleich haben sich unterschiedliche regionale und nationale Verständnisse entwickelt. In diesem Papier schlage ich vor, konstruktivistische Theorieansätze der Normlokalisierung zu nutzen, um nationale Dynamiken im Themenfeld CSR zu analysieren. Die Lokalisierungforschung in den Internationalen Beziehungen hat zu einem besseren Verständnis beigetragen, wie internationale Normen sich in verschiedenen nationalen Kontexten verbreiten, welche Rolle lokale Akteure dabei spielen und wie dies den Inhalt von Normen beeinflusst. Das Papier leistet sowohl einen Beitrag zur Normenforschung, indem Unternehmen als Adressaten von Normen untersucht werden, als auch zur Forschung über CSR in Schwellen- und Entwicklungsländern. Ziel ist es, einen theoretischen Rahmen vorzuschlagen, der helfen kann, unterschiedliche nationale CSR-Praktiken zu verstehen und zu erklären. Das theoretische Argument wird mit einer kurzen Fallstudie zu CSR in China illustriert. Die Idee von CSR fand um das Jahr 2005 Eingang in den nationalen Diskurs und wurde als unternehmerischer Beitrag zur "harmonischen Gesellschaft" gerahmt. Die Politik und Praktiken chinesischer Unternehmen zeichnen sich jedoch durch einige spezifische Charakteristika aus. Nationale CSR-Standards wurden entwickelt, die teilweise mit internationalen Standards konkurrieren. It is nowadays a standard practice for large transnational corporations to engage in and report about their Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) activities. The idea of CSR has diffused globally, but at the same time different regional and national understandings have developed. In this paper I propose to use constructivist norm localization theory to analyze national-level dynamics in the field of CSR. Localization research in International Relations (IR) has advanced the understanding of how international norms are traveling to different contexts, what role local actors play and how this affects the content of norms. The paper contributes to research on norms by applying it to corporations as norm addressees and to research on CSR in emerging economies and developing countries. The aim of this paper is to provide a framework for understanding and explaining different national CSR practices. I illustrate the argument by looking at the case of China. The idea of CSR entered into the national discourse after 2005 and was introduced as corporate contribution to "harmonious society". Policies and practices of Chinese corporations, however, display some unique characteristics and national Chinese CSR standards were developed that compete with international ones.

Since the call for papers for this Special Issue less than two years ago, the world has faced a stream of existential challenges, with the background drumbeat of environmental catastrophe(s) and geopolitical tensions growing ever louder. At this moment of unprecedented global challenges, it is increasingly apparent that the sphere of international politics and government, to which citizens would turn for action, is itself also displaying a deep crisis of structural dysfunction. The growing influence of China appears to be both a contributing cause and partial effect of the perceived international vacuum of the multilateral action needed to prevent and respond to such a serious moment of planetary crises. The burning question of the age arguably concerns how China will use, expand or lose its remarkable sources of economic, political and technological influence in this system crisis scenario while attempting to stabilise (or at least not upend) its own economic and socio-political conditions in the process. How will China actually go beyond China? And what world - what world order, what planet and nature, what globe-spanning sociotechnical systems - will this singularly important but not yet well-understood phenomenon create? This Special Issue opens up this agenda, presenting a series of insightful papers across a range of empirical sites that illuminate not only that profound change is underway with the (uncertain) rise of China and the global reach of its infra­structural projects amidst planetary phase shift, but also how that is currently unfolding.

"In the wake of the crisis in and around Ukraine and the subsequent marked deterioration of its relations with the West, Russia has embarked on a new policy direction: its 'pivot' to Asia (or rather China), in Russian terms Povorot na Vostok (Turn to the East). In Russia's turn to the East push and pull complement each other. At the same time it is something of everything. It follows the pragmatic need to accommodate a big neighbor (China) and at the same time charges this relationship with broad-based geostrategic objectives (helping multipolarism to come true). It aims at making proper use of unprecedented economic opportunities abroad, and at the same time it calls for decoupling and import substitution. It projects to fully develop the potential of Russia’s lands east of the Urals, but at the same time keeps it secluded. It not only turns East but also inwards and backwards. This Working Paper analyzes these various elements connected with Russia's Asia pivot: It addresses the rationale of Russia's turn to the East, presents the record to date, assesses the problems and risks and provides some concluding thoughts about the prospects. In conclusion Russia's turn to the East presents a mixed picture. It is certainly not predicated on a modernization or development strategy, but rather amounts to damage limitation. Yet damage limitation entails costs and as a rule does not follow an economic rationale. In this sense the push seems to dominate the pull. Substituting the Western direction by the Chinese rather than complementing it - as originally conceived - is not a promising proposition." (author's abstract) "Infolge der Ukraine-Krise und der damit einhergehenden merklichen Verschlechterung der Beziehungen zum Westen hat Russland einen Richtungswechsel vorgenommen: Richtung Asien (vielmehr Richtung China), auf Russisch Povorot na Vostok (Wende nach Osten). Dabei ergänzen sich Push- und Pull-Faktoren: Zum einen wird der pragmatischen Notwendigkeit Folge geleistet, sich mit dem großen Nachbarn (China) zu verständigen. Zum anderen wird die Wende nach Osten mit weitreichenden geostrategischen Zielen überladen (konkret soll sie dem Multipolarismus zum Durchbruch verhelfen). Einerseits eröffnet der Richtungswechsel neue Marktchancen im Ausland, andererseits vollzieht er sich aber parallel zur Entkopplung vom Weltmarkt und der geforderten Importsubstitution. Er verspricht, das Potenzial des asiatischen Teils Russlands voll zur Geltung zu bringen und hält die Region zugleich verschlossen. Russland blickt nach Osten und zugleich nach innen und zurück. Das Working Paper analysiert die Faktoren, die zu Russlands Wende nach Osten geführt haben, deren Logik und Ergebnisse sowie die Risiken und Probleme. Abschließend stellt es einige perspektivische Überlegungen an. Der Befund: Russlands Schwenk nach Osten liefert ein gemischtes Bild. Mit Sicherheit folgt er keinem Modernisierungs- oder Entwicklungsplan, sondern reflektiert das Bemühen um Schadensbegrenzung. Eine solche Schadensbegrenzung geht jedoch mit Kosten einher und folgt im Regelfall nicht wirtschaftlicher Logik. Und so scheint der Push und nicht der Pull zu dominieren. Es ist alles andere als ein vielversprechendes Projekt, die Orientierung nach Westen durch eine Ausrichtung nach China zu ersetzen, statt sich - wie ursprünglich geplant - sowohl nach Westen als auch nach Osten hin auszurichten." (Autorenreferat)

Die Informationslage über die Zuwanderung ausländischer Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftler nach Deutschland stellt sich als bislang unbefriedigend dar. Das Working Paper 50 versucht mit Hilfe der Daten des Mikrozensus, des IAB-Betriebspanels und des Ausländerzentralregisters (AZR) bisher bestehende Informationslücken zu schließen und auf weiteren Forschungsbedarf aufmerksam zu machen. Im Rahmen der vorliegenden Studie werden erstmals drittstaatsangehörige Forscher mit einem Aufenthaltstitel gem. § 20 Aufenthaltsgesetz (AufenthG) betrachtet. Darüber hinaus wird die Gesamtanzahl ausländischer Forscher ermittelt und deren Verteilung auf Betriebe und Wissenschaft untersucht. The information available on the immigration of foreign researchers to Germany is currently unsatisfactory. Working Paper 50 uses the data from the Microcensus, the IAB Establishment Panel and the Central Register of Foreigners (AZR) to close existing gaps in information and draw attention to furher research requirements. For the first time, this study observes researchers who are nationals of third countries who have a residence title in accordance with section 20 of the Residence Act (Aufenthaltsgesetz - AufenthG). Moreover, it has accertained the total number of foreign researchers and studied their distribution among establishments and in academia.

This paper contributes to the understanding of the diversity of capitalism by combining approaches from comparative political economy and development studies, notably developmental state theory. We show that different types of capitalism react differently to global shocks and offer some support for the classic varieties of capitalism argument that external pressure leads to the reinforcement of historically evolved institutions. Moreover, we make several departures from established theories on the variety of capitalism, namely, their Eurocentric bias, their under-theorization of the role of the state, and the methodological conservative bias of institutionalist approaches. At the empirical level, this paper studies the reaction of East Asian countries (China, Japan and Korea) to the global financial crisis with a focus on fiscal stimulus packages that were implemented from 2008 to 2010. Unlike in the West, where a (short-lived) revival of Keynesianism could be observed, East Asian governments implemented large fiscal stimulus packages with strong elements of industrial policies. This paper argues that the size and character of fiscal stimulus packages can be explained by a path dependency of developmental state capitalism. In addition, the paper examines the substantial changes in the transformation from an old-style developmental state to a neo-developmental state. (author's abstract), Dieses Diskussionspapier trägt zur Diskussion über unterschiedliche Spielarten des Kapitalismus bei, indem Theorieansätze aus den Bereichen Vergleichende Politische Ökonomie und Entwicklungstheorie miteinander verbunden werden. Ich stelle in diesem Papier dar, wie verschiedene Spielarten des Kapitalismus unterschiedlich auf den externen Schock der Weltfinanz- und Wirtschaftskrise seit 2008 reagiert haben. Das Papier stützt in gewissem Maße die Behauptung der Debatte über die varieties of capitalism, dass externe Herausforderungen tendenziell zu einer Stärkung historisch gewachsener institutioneller Arrangements führen. Gleichzeitig versucht der Beitrag, einige Schwachstellen der bisherigen Forschung zur Diversität von Kapitalismus zu überwinden - insbesondere den eurozentrischen Ansatz, die mangelnde Konzeptualisierung der Rolle des Staates und die zu enge Auslegung des Begriffs der Pfadabhängigkeit. Auf der empirischen Ebene untersucht dieses Diskussionspapier das Krisenmanagement ostasiatischer Länder (China, Japan und Südkorea) seit 2008. Der Fokus liegt dabei auf der Fiskalpolitik und der Implementierung von Konjunkturpaketen. Im Unterschied zum (kurzlebigen) Revival keynesianischer Nachfragepolitik im Westen lässt sich in Asien ein Rückgriff auf Elemente der Infrastruktur- und Industriepolitik beobachten. Diese Stärkung von Institutionen des klassischen ostasiatischen Entwicklungsstaates zeigt eine pfadabhängige Entwicklung an. Gleichzeitig lassen sich jedoch auch Elemente des Wandels feststellen, und das Papier beschreibt diese pfadabhängige Transformation des ursprünglichen Ostasiatischen Entwicklungsstaates in einen Entwicklungsstaat der zweiten Generation. (Autorenreferat)

Zuzüge zum Zweck des Studiums in Deutschland haben in den letzten Jahren zugenommen und machen die drittgrößte Gruppe aller Zuzüge von Ausländern nach Deutschland aus. Die Studie bietet eine Übersicht der rechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen sowie der praktischen Maßnahmen zur Gewinnung von Studierenden aus Drittstaaten. Zudem analysiert sie statistische Daten über erteilte Aufenthaltstitel zu Studienzwecken sowie zu Studienanfängern, Studierenden und Absolventen. Die rechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen für internationale Studierende wurden in den letzten Jahren kontinuierlich liberalisiert, um so die internationale Attraktivität Deutschlands als Hochschulstandort zu steigern. Die rechtlichen Bestimmungen der Zuwanderung von Studierenden aus Drittstaaten werden durch Länder, Hochschulen und Mittlerorganisationen mit praktischen Maßnahmen ergänzt. Der Bestand an Drittstaatsangehörigen mit einer Aufenthaltserlaubnis zum Zweck des Studiums lag zwischen 2007 und 2010 konstant bei ungefähr 120.000 und ging im Jahr 2011 auf rund 112.000 zurück. Die häufigsten Herkunftsländer sind China (mit großem Abstand), Russland, Südkorea und die Türkei. Die politischen Bemühungen, dem Fachkräftemangel entgegenzuwirken und internationale Studierende als Fachkräfte für den deutschen Arbeitsmarkt zu gewinnen, verzeichnen Erfolge, d.h. internationale Studierende machen von den entsprechenden rechtlichen Zuwanderungsmöglichkeiten Gebrauch: Im Jahr 2011 erhielten rund 4.000 Personen einen Aufenthaltstitel zu Erwerbszwecken im Anschluss an eine Aufenthaltserlaubnis zu Studienzwecken und ungefähr 3.500 eine Aufenthaltserlaubnis zur Arbeitssuche nach Studienabschluss. Seit dem Wintersemester 2010/2011 ist es auch Bildungsausländern aus Drittstaaten erlaubt, an EU-Mobilitätsprogrammen, z.B. den Erasmus-Programmen, teilzunehmen; jedoch nimmt nur eine geringe Zahl von Drittstaatsangehörigen diese Möglichkeiten wahr. Das Working Paper 47 wurde von der deutschen EMN-Kontaktstelle im Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge als Teilbericht zu einer europäisch-vergleichend angelegten Studie erarbeitet und aus EU-Mitteln kofinanziert. The study offers an overview of the legal framework and practical measures to attract students from third countries. It also analyses statistical data on residence permits that have been issued for study purposes, as well as on persons taking up their studies, students and graduates. The legal framework for international students has been continually liberalised in recent years in order to make Germany more internationally attractive as a place to study. The legal provisions for immigration by students from third countries are supplemented by practical measures from the Länder, higher education institutions and intermediary organisations. The number of third-country nationals with a residence permit for study purposes was at a constant level of roughly 120,000 between 2007 and 2010, falling to about 112,000 in 2011. The most common countries of origin are China (with a considerable lead), Russia, South Korea and Turkey. The political efforts to counter the shortage of specialists and to attract international students as specialists for the German labour market are proving successful, i.e. international students are taking up the appropriate legal possibilities to immigrate: In 2011 roughly 4,000 individuals received a residence title for employment purposes following on from a residence permit for study purposes, and roughly received 3,500 a residence permit for job-seeking after graduation. Since the winter semester 2010/2011, persons from third countries who have acquired their entitlement to study outside Germany have also been permitted to participate in EU mobility programmes such as the Erasmus programmes. However, only a small number of third-country nationals take up these possibilities. Working Paper 47 was drawn up by the German EMN Contact Point at the Federal Office for Migration and Refugees as a sub-report to a comparative European study, and was co-funded from funds from the EU.

1\. Introduction 5 2\. Diffusion and Domestic Politics 7 3\. European and Global Ideas Concerning Climate Change Mitigation 9 4\. Limited Socialization and Lesson-Drawing: The Development of Chinese Climate Change Policy 12 5\. Resistance to Diffusion: The Development of Indian Climate Change Policy 18 6\. Conclusions 23 Literature 25, The EU has for a long time claimed the title of “leader” in the international politics of climate change. However, existing research has generally failed to specify whether the EU’s purported leadership has induced the “followership” of other states. This working paper seeks to shed light on this somewhat neglected topic by examining the attempted diffusion of climate change norms, policies, and institutions by the EU to China and India. The paper makes two principal arguments. First, the development of Chinese and Indian climate change policy should be understood as primarily domestic developments. Nonetheless, there was limited evidence of diffusion from the EU, but there was significant variation between the Chinese and Indian responses to the EU’s diffusion attempts. The Chinese response was one increasing accommodation; the Indian response was a more straightforward case of resistance. Second, domestic factors help to explain the variation in the Chinese and Indian responses to EU attempts at diffusion and, related, the observed pattern of diffusion from the EU to China and India. Particularly important is the degree to which new external ideas and concepts resonate with pre-existing domestic ideas and concepts. The paper thus paints a picture of limited EU leadership, but also suggests that the EU attempts to secure “followership” could be enhanced by paying greater attention to the domestic politics and preferences of third countries.

Zuzüge zum Zweck des Studiums in Deutschland haben in den letzten Jahren zugenommen und machen die drittgrößte Gruppe aller Zuzüge von Ausländern nach Deutschland aus. Die Studie bietet eine Übersicht der rechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen sowie der praktischen Maßnahmen zur Gewinnung von Studierenden aus Drittstaaten. Zudem analysiert sie statistische Daten über erteilte Aufenthaltstitel zu Studienzwecken sowie zu Studienanfängern, Studierenden und Absolventen. Die rechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen für internationale Studierende wurden in den letzten Jahren kontinuierlich liberalisiert, um so die internationale Attraktivität Deutschlands als Hochschulstandort zu steigern. Die rechtlichen Bestimmungen der Zuwanderung von Studierenden aus Drittstaaten werden durch Länder, Hochschulen und Mittlerorganisationen mit praktischen Maßnahmen ergänzt. Der Bestand an Drittstaatsangehörigen mit einer Aufenthaltserlaubnis zum Zweck des Studiums lag zwischen 2007 und 2010 konstant bei ungefähr 120.000 und ging im Jahr 2011 auf rund 112.000 zurück. Die häufigsten Herkunftsländer sind China (mit großem Abstand), Russland, Südkorea und die Türkei. Die politischen Bemühungen, dem Fachkräftemangel entgegenzuwirken und internationale Studierende als Fachkräfte für den deutschen Arbeitsmarkt zu gewinnen, verzeichnen Erfolge, d.h. internationale Studierende machen von den entsprechenden rechtlichen Zuwanderungsmöglichkeiten Gebrauch: Im Jahr 2011 erhielten rund 4.000 Personen einen Aufenthaltstitel zu Erwerbszwecken im Anschluss an eine Aufenthaltserlaubnis zu Studienzwecken und ungefähr 3.500 eine Aufenthaltserlaubnis zur Arbeitssuche nach Studienabschluss. Seit dem Wintersemester 2010/2011 ist es auch Bildungsausländern aus Drittstaaten erlaubt, an EU-Mobilitätsprogrammen, z.B. den Erasmus-Programmen, teilzunehmen; jedoch nimmt nur eine geringe Zahl von Drittstaatsangehörigen diese Möglichkeiten wahr. Das Working Paper 47 wurde von der deutschen EMN-Kontaktstelle im Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge als Teilbericht zu einer europäisch-vergleichend angelegten Studie erarbeitet und aus EU-Mitteln kofinanziert. The study offers an overview of the legal framework and practical measures to attract students from third countries. It also analyses statistical data on residence permits that have been issued for study purposes, as well as on persons taking up their studies, students and graduates. The legal framework for international students has been continually liberalised in recent years in order to make Germany more internationally attractive as a place to study. The legal provisions for immigration by students from third countries are supplemented by practical measures from the Länder, higher education institutions and intermediary organisations. The number of third-country nationals with a residence permit for study purposes was at a constant level of roughly 120,000 between 2007 and 2010, falling to about 112,000 in 2011. The most common countries of origin are China (with a considerable lead), Russia, South Korea and Turkey. The political efforts to counter the shortage of specialists and to attract international students as specialists for the German labour market are proving successful, i.e. international students are taking up the appropriate legal possibilities to immigrate: In 2011 roughly 4,000 individuals received a residence title for employment purposes following on from a residence permit for study purposes, and roughly received 3,500 a residence permit for job-seeking after graduation. Since the winter semester 2010/2011, persons from third countries who have acquired their entitlement to study outside Germany have also been permitted to participate in EU mobility programmes such as the Erasmus programmes. However, only a small number of third-country nationals take up these possibilities. Working Paper 47 was drawn up by the German EMN Contact Point at the Federal Office for Migration and Refugees as a sub-report to a comparative European study, and was co-funded from funds from the EU.

"The EU under the German Presidency published its first strategy paper on Central Asia in June 2007. The document addresses a wide array of issues ranging from democracy and human rights to trade, energy cooperation, migration and inter-cultural dialogue. While Central Asia has been largely overlooked by the EU in the past, the new policy signals that the EU is no longer content to be left behind while other global powers become increasingly involved in the region. The EU will undoubtedly be a more visible presence in Central Asia in the coming years, but the question remains what kind of role the EU will play and the impact it will have on regional affairs. This paper analyzes the real motivations behind the new strategy, the role of Germany in its creation, the priorities it sets forth, as well as the characteristics and future challenges of the policy. Finally, the implications of the policy for China and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) are discussed. The analysis is based on the research of scholars from various countries and interviews conducted by the author in Germany and Brussels." (author's abstract)

"The economic and political rise of China has led to considerable controversy regarding potential repercussions for the current global governance architecture. At least two opposing scenarios are conceivable: China's adaptation to the rules and norms system shaped by developed countries or the pursuit of a distinctive policy approach, a possibility that involves the danger of clashing regulatory policies. A recent and increasingly dynamic trend giving substance to the phenomenon of China's rising importance is the growth of outward foreign direct investments (OFDI) by Chinese enterprises. Against this background, the present paper investigates the evolution and change of Chinese international investment policy-making, with a particular focus on bilateral investment treaties (BITs) as the most important legal instrument for the governance of global foreign direct investment (FDI) flows. China has been a committed signatory of BITs since the early 1980s (120 treaties up to 2007). It is thus the second most active contracting party to BITs worldwide, surpassed only by Germany. The traditional Chinese BIT approach, however, has only cautiously supported the legal protection of FDI. As a mere capital-importer, China concluded BITs that contained serious reservations and safeguards intended to preserve policy spaces for the regulation of incoming investments. Starting at the end of the 1990s the Chinese government initiated a decisive policy shift towards a liberal BIT approach characterized by high levels of substantive and procedural investment protection. Upon examining a representative sample of Sino-foreign BITs, this study concludes that the policy shift was a pro-active decision of the Chinese government intended to introduce liberal treaty provisions first and foremost with developing countries which are the main destination of Chinese OFDI. A further explanation for this development may be found in the great importance attached to the promotion of OFDI through the 'Going Global' strategy announced by the Chinese government at the end of the 1990s. In sum, this paper concludes that China has adopted a complementary rather than a competitive approach in the field of global FDI governance. China has fully agreed to standards of the current international liberal regime for FDI protection and has become an important global player in this context. This policy shift will yield consequences for China itself by levelling the playing field for international investors. Furthermore, developing countries that have concluded BITs with China will face a further reduction of their legal and regulatory autonomy, which is already limited by treaties with developed countries. China's BIT policy, therefore, contradicts the widespread rhetoric of a mutual beneficial South-South cooperation. Lastly, the emerging complementarity of investment policies between China and developed countries at the bilateral level gives rise to the possibility of enhanced cooperation between both at higher levels, for instance as part of the Heiligendamm Process between G8 countries and emerging countries." (author's abstract)

This paper sets out to challenge the dominant narrative of the creative economy as a new option for developing countries. The much-vaunted growth rates proclaimed by UNCTAD's Creative Economy Programme have slowed, and are seen to apply to a particular kind of manufactured good, as well as being overwhelmingly dominated by Asia, and especially China. This paper tries to unpick the dominant creative economy model of entrepreneurship, creative human capital and open market opportunity and suggests that - other than in East Asia - it is business as usual for the Global North. The creative economy not only fails to deliver its promise of development but has profound consequences for local cultures, caught up in an ever more global web of exploitation driven by the new digital platforms. We need to return to the earlier concerns of 'culture and development' now fully aware of the downsides, as well as the potential, of cultural economies in an uncertain global landscape.

"Germany's pioneering role in the field of renewable energies (RES) can best be observed by its world leading position in installed wind power and photovoltaics. Also its first European rank in the production of biofuels and installed solar thermal collector space is remarkable. These successes are not due to an exceptionally good natural resource base; mainly they are the result of an innovative national support policy. Pressure from the European and international commitments also have contributed to the German success story in RES. The current paper analyses the main factors of the German case in the development of RES, including the design elements of the national promotion instruments and support programmes, the policy impacts from the European and the international level, technical as well as cognitive conditions. In addition, a description is given of further driving forces for a successful RES development in other European countries. The paper ends with the question which of the described success factors of the German RES case might be transferable to China - and which not." (author's abstract)

"This paper is a snapshot of the potential of Chinese environmental NGOs to effectively address environmental problems and needs, alone and in partnership with others. As environmental NGOs have only be on stage for the last ten years or so and as they undergo dynamic changes, a thoroughly conducted scientific analysis about the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and risks is not possible yet. However, as the author has more than six years working experience with different Chinese environmental NGOs across the country, some empiric findings can be given, and some trends and tendencies be predicted. The paper starts with a look at the history of NGOs in China with a specific focus on environmental NGOs, followed by problems and chances caused by the present legal status of the groups. It then describes the main working areas of Chinese environmental NGOs, illustrating them by giving some representative examples. After a brief analysis, the paper proposes current trends and tendencies about the development of China's environmental NGOs. The main trend is that Chinese NGOs, independently on their origin (grass root, semistate organizations or Government-organized non-profit environmental organizations) will gain more respect and influence in both environmental awareness raising and as competent partners in policy formulation and law enforcement, if the State institutions concerned will involve them in planning and developing processes in an early stage and assist them in their capacity building. NGOs in this paper means citizen and not-profit organizations, such as charities, social organizations, environmental groups, intermediary groups, and so forth." (author's abstract)

Since Xi Jinping took office as General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, he has been tightening ideological control across many fronts. This article investigates how the framing of televised confessions facilitates Xi’s rule. Originating from the intra-Party disciplinary technique of self-criticism, the recent resurgence of mediated confessions reflects Xi’s pursued strategy in tackling social and political challenges. Applying critical discourse analysis to the case of the disappeared Swedish bookseller Gui Minhai, this paper shows the way in which the framing of Gui’s televised confession follows Xi’s so-called rule of law agenda and selectively appeals to traditional Chinese family values. The paper argues that the propaganda value of the televised confession from a little-known, non-Party confessant lies in its banality, which blends into the Party's everyday narration. The resurgence of confessions might suggest a regression towards Maoist-style campaigns, but more audience-oriented research is needed to address this issue fully.

Despite the signing of the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) between mainland China and Taiwan in 2010, Taiwan's future status in the field of Asian regional integration remains unclear. While Taiwan remains outside the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), China's rise and continued expansion in regional integration put increasing pressure on Taiwan to confront its political differences with China. This paper discusses the interconnection between regional integration and cross-Strait relations and seeks to address the implications such linkage entails. The authors note the exploitation of a two-pronged strategy by Beijing to pressure Taibei into confronting the political problem between China and Taiwan. In addition, the authors assess Taiwan's performance in terms of its progress in the establishment of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) from 2008 to 2016 under the Ma Ying-jeou (Ma Yingjiu) administration and identify the hurdles and prospects for Taiwan's future integration efforts. This paper concludes with a brief consideration of Taiwan's New Southward Policy.

Cross-Strait economic activities are no longer unidirectional. The Taiwanese government opened the doors to Chinese investment in 2009. This paper addresses the following crucial question: What is the impact of Chinese investment on Taiwan's high-technology industrial development? Two further questions immediately follow: Will Chinese investment put Taiwanese industrial development at risk? Will an influx of Chinese investment lead to a turning point for Taiwanese industry? The paper first reviews Chinese investment in Taiwan under the framework of the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) and then explains why we have chosen to focus here on the high-technology industry in Taiwan. It then outlines the main elements of Chinese outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) before seeking to answer the above research questions. Fieldwork for this paper was conducted from December 2014 to March 2016. Interviewees include Chinese investors, along with consultants from a Taiwanese institute created to promote industrial development.

This paper uses a political ecology approach to unpack the experience of local governments and displaced communities in Sarawak, Malaysia, with Chinese dam construction at the Bakun Hydroelectric Dam. Data for the study was collected over 32 months from 2014 to 2016. The field site offered a unique insight into how recipient countries of aid are also often at the receiving end of domestic politics of donor countries. The paper finds that Chinese and Australian enterprises involved in the dam construction and resettlement of indigenous communities displayed different understandings with regards to social and environmental safeguards, resulting in a dysfunctional handover of the project from Australian to Chinese leadership. Consequently, indigenous communities were dispossessed from their land, affecting their ability to successfully reconstruct their livelihoods, with their attempts to do so causing further damage to the environment around the reservoir of the dam.

China’s growing presence in Africa is not news: the expansion of bilateral trade and investment ties has garnered intense media and political focus over the past decade. However, less is known about the people accompanying these increasingly intensive flows of goods and capital. This paper focuses on Zambia, drawing on mul­­tiple primary datasets to shed light on both the scale and nature of Chinese migration to the continent. Two years of Department of Immigration employment-permit data serve as the basis for the first quantitative analysis of the “Chinese” in “Africa,” illuminating the increasing diversity of this population flow. While the growing Chinese presence in Africa is often viewed as a coherent neocolonialist strategy planned and implemented by the Chinese state, this paper demonstrates that it is in fact typified by a multitude of both public and private actors with independent motives.

Am Ende eines Verhandlungsmarathons erzielten die P5+1 und der Iran Anfang April 2015 eine Einigung auf die Parameter eines noch im Detail auszuarbeitenden und gegebenenfalls bis Ende Juni 2015 anzunehmenden Endabkommens zur Beilegung des Disputs um das iranische Nuklearprogramm. Dieses Papier greift diese Punkte auf und nimmt eine Diskussion und Bewertung der Rahmenvereinbarung von Lausanne vor. Gleichzeitig werden die unterschiedlichen Facetten und Dimensionen des Disputs an sich beleuchtet., At the end of lengthy negotiations, the P5+1 and Iran reached a deal on the parameters for a final agreement to be concluded by the end of June 2015 and intended to settle a longstanding dispute over latter’s nuclear program. This paper looks into this framework agreement achieved in Lausanne and explores and discusses potential strengths and weaknesses, at the same time, providing background information on the different elements and dimensions of the dispute as such.

"NGO-firm partnerships have been well studied in the literature on corporate social responsibility (CSR) (Marano and Tashman 2012; Dahan et al. 2010; Oetzel and Doh 2009). However, these studies have generally limited their focus to Western multinationals and Western NGOs and, moreover, not by-and-large examine in depth the institutional settings under which either the firm or the NGO operates Building on recent institutional approaches to CSR (Brammer, Jackson, and Matten 2012; Kang and Moon 2012; Matten and Moon 2008), this paper examines how the institutional dynamics of several partnerships between Chinese firms and NGOs affect the manifestation of CSR (e.g. 'implicit' vs. 'explicit'). The paper also looks into how CSR and NGO-firm collaboration plays out within a changing state-corporatist framework in Chinese context (Unger and Chan 1995, 2008; Hsu and Hasmath forthcoming). The paper then argues 1) that the involvement of an NGO in the partnership reflects a changing institutional setting in China, and 2) that type and level of involvement of Chinese government institutions affects whether a given firm takes an 'implicit" or an 'explicit' approach to CSR." (author's abstract)

"This paper argues that the comparison of labour policies in Taiwan and China has an important bearing on the interaction between state and society. The fact that labour policies have changed over time illustrates a process of bargaining between the state and society. The core question of this paper is whether the development of labour policies in Taiwan can provide China a good example to learn from. In order to answer this question more systematically, the first part of this paper provides theoretical reviews of the state-society relationship, while the second part aims to verify whether those labour-favouring policies in Taiwan have changed under a different party's governance. The third part of the paper further investigates labour policy in China; this section mainly focuses on the historical background to the new labour contract law. Based on the preceding two sections' literature review of the changing path of labour policies, the fourth section scrutinises fundamental issues reflected in the development of Taiwan's labour policies, then compares how those issues are reflected in the case of China. The conclusion of this paper is that although Taiwan, like China, formerly had a one-party system, the changes in Taiwan's labour policies are not completely comparable to China, though both societies had some similarities." (author's abstract)

Economics is an important perspective of growing interest to analyze the climate change issues, especially, when we concentrate on the development of market-based instruments at the regional level. Starting from the fundamental characteristics of economic goods, the research put forwards a definition of climate change goods and, furthermore, builds a model of climate change policies in three transitional phases: from global public goods to regional private goods. Based on this model, the paper analyzes the development of climate change strategies in China and the EU, specifically considering the climate policies in Central and Eastern European economies in transition. While international climate negotiations remain important, the development of market-based instruments at the regional development is an important issue of transformation and social learning. From our comparative study, the transitional phase will last long period for all regions. Furthermore, the phase of a mature, perfectly functioning market, will never be reached because some public good elements of climate change will remain. There are many common issues faced by the EU and China, from a transitional perspective such as national harmonisation versus regional differentiation, and integration of top-down versus bottom-up strategies, and so on. Mutual learning on capacity development in China and the EU will be beneficial even if linking of climate change goods’ markets in China and the EU will only be possible after 2020 due to divergent backgrounds. Wirtschaftswissenschaftliche Perspektiven werden zunehmend bedeutsamer für die Klimapolitik, besonders wenn es um die Entwicklung von dezentralen marktbasierten Instrumenten geht. Ausgehend von der grundlegenden Typologie ökonomischer Güter wird ein konzeptioneller Rahmen für die Entwicklung von „Klimagütern“ in drei Phasen skizziert. Auf dieser Grundlage werden die historischen und aktuellen Klimastrategien in China und der EU analysiert. Besondere Berücksichtigung finden dabei die Transformationsprozesse in der Klimapoltik der neuen Beitrittsländer in Mittel- und Osteuropa. Auch wenn eine weltweite Klimapolitik (Top down) unverzichtbar ist, müssen – parallel – regionale Transformations- und Lernprozesse stattfinden, deren Entwicklung lange Zeit braucht und am Ende immer Elemente staatlicher Regulierung und öffentlicher Gutsbereitstellung beinhalten. Eine „reine“ Marktlösung ist nicht möglich. Aus dieser Transformationsperspektive entstehen zahlreiche gemeinsame Themen für die wissenschaftliche Zusammenarbeit zwischen China und der EU, z.B. die Frage der (inter)nationalen Harmonisierung versus regionalen Differenzierung und die Verbindung von Top-down und Bottom-Up Strategien. Die Perspektive der Verknüpfung von „Klimagütermärkten“ zwischen der EU und China ist wegen der Ungleichzeitigkeit der Entwicklung und anhaltender Systemunterschiede allerdings nicht vor 2020 möglich.

Thirsty for oil and other raw materials needed to fuel its breakneck development, China is funnelling money and manpower into an expanding number of countries in order to secure access to natural resources. This effort has successfully increased Chinese oil assets overseas but it has also exposed Beijing and Chinese national oil companies (NOCs) to significant risks. The present paper focuses on one type of risk – political risk – and how it has affected China’s global quest for oil since 1993. It starts with a brief overview of political risk. It then looks at political risk management as applied to the oil industry in general. The paper continues with a discussion of the political risk management of Chinese national oil companies over time. This includes a concise exam-ination of several instances in which the interests of Chinese NOCs have been undermined due to political risk and the shortcomings in the approaches of Chinese NOCs to political risk. Recent developments suggest that Chinese NOCs are learning from these mistakes and adjusting their strategies accordingly. Although progress toward these readjust-ments has been made, China’s own socio-political context is still hampering the ability of Chinese NOCs to deal with on-the-ground realities that are clearly much more unstable than China’s own.

"This paper investigates how Beijing governs its two special administrative regions (SARs) of Hong Kong and Macau through leverages on their local autonomy. First, a conceptual analysis of local autonomy will be provided. Local autonomy is more than a zero-sum game between the central and local authorities over how much power should be granted or taken from the local authorities; it also concerns the space for cultural expression and the use of local customs in public administration. Second, the degree of local autonomy in Hong Kong and Macau will be critically examined. On paper, both SAR governments are able to freely make decisions on a wide range of policies. In practice, however, Beijing has the absolute authority to override the decisions of Hong Kong and Macau. It is argued that the autonomy in cultural expression can compensate for the institutional constraints on the two SARs' decision-making power and is thus able to alleviate public discontent - as long as the constraints do not conflict with the people's core values and ways of life." (author's abstract)

The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) government works hard to promote an image of ethnic harmony in China and downplays ethnic conflict by carefully controlling public information and debate about ethnic affairs. Despite such efforts, the recent clashes in Tibetan areas in 2008 and violent riots in Urumqi in 2009 reveal the weaknesses of this approach. This paper surveys the broad themes of ethnic propaganda (minzu xuanchuan) in present-day China, looking at the organisations involved, the systems of information management they utilise, and the current 'go' and 'no-go' zones for debate. The paper forms part of a larger study of the politics of ethnicity in China. It is based on primary- and secondary-source research in Chinese, secondary sources in English, and extensive interviews with Chinese bureaucrats and scholars regarding China's ethnic affairs conducted during fieldwork in China in 2002, 2004, 2005-2006, 2007, 2009, 2010 and 2012. Ethnic issues in China concern not only the minority peoples there, but also the majority Han - hence, my definition of ethnic propaganda incorporates materials relating to all of China's ethnic groups. The paper uses the events in Tibetan areas in 2008 and in Urumqi as case studies to demonstrate how these policies play out in periods of crisis. It concludes with a discussion of the role that ethnic propaganda plays in maintaining China's long-term political stability and its international affairs.

Although Myanmar is among the world’s oldest oil-producing countries, Chinese oil and gas companies did not start their oil and gas exploration projects there until recently. The most recent and significant China–Myanmar energy cooperation project is the oil and gas pipelines which got started in 2009. This paper will discuss the reasons and driving forces for this pipeline project and its broader objectives, and testify whether pipelines can deepen regional economic integration and strengthen bilateral relations. This paper concludes by saying that China might use the China–Myanmar pipeline construction as an opportunity to play a more constructive role in Myanmar’s domestic reforms, thus improving its image in Southeast Asia and strengthening its relations with Myanmar.

This paper provides a diversification explanation in order understand the development of PTAs in Southeast Asia. I argue that an important reason why ASEAN states participate in PTAs has been to diversify existing trade ties and to reduce overdependence on a narrow range of export markets. Southeast Asian countries have formed PTAs with markets with which they had weak or unexplored economic relations, as demonstrated by three case analyses: the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA), the ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement (ACFTA) and the ASEAN-Japan Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (AJCEP). To maximise the economic gains and the diversification effects of PTA participation, ASEAN countries have pursued a strategy of strengthening economic unity while keeping external economic linkages as diversified as possible. Although East Asia, and especially China, was an important alternative market to reduce ASEAN’s dependence on trade with America, ASEAN countries have also pursued PTAs with a number of other trading partners. This paper explains how PTAs have helped ASEAN states to develop more policy autonomy in their trading environment.

The paper examines the development of China's economic ties with Southeast Asia over the last two decades, culminating in the inauguration of the ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement (ACFTA) in 2010. Particular reference is made to China's trade ties with Indonesia. Although two-way trade between China and Indonesia has grown rapidly since 2000, Indonesian exports to China are dominated by primary products, while imports from China are dominated by manufactures. While this pattern might reflect short-term comparative advantage in both economies, it is causing some concern in Indonesia. The paper assesses these concerns, and possible political reactions.

This paper presents an analysis of the everyday practices of individuality among the migrant workers with whom I worked at 'Lamb Buddha', a hotpot restaurant in Anshan City, Liaoning Province, during the summer of 2007. The majority of the data comes from four young men, meaning that the analysis complements extant studies of Chinese female migrant workers by allowing male-gendered inflections of discourse prominence. The paper examines the internal structure of 'symbolic boundaries' drawn and managed in judgements, positioning statements, and so forth, attempting to regress the modalities by which these migrants assert themselves, thus showing how individuality arises from a discursive environment structured by relation to similar peers and distinctly different others.

Chinese Protestant Christianity has been continually growing over the past three decades, with an estimated one million converts per year. A number of studies have sought to explain this phenomenon. This paper critically reviews existing studies of China's “Christianity Fever” and then outlines the role of the community as one crucial factor in the conversion process. With its emphasis on communality, as a central element of both Christian theology and the fellowship activities that are part of Christian practice, Protestant Christianity fills a gap opened up by the change in traditional familial and social structures. By discussing specific aspects relating to the communal nature of Christianity, such as familism, elitism, and dynamics at work in face-to-face evangelism, this paper offers an alternative reading of existing studies.

'Dieser Beitrag tritt dafür ein, den Kontingenzfaktor von Geschichte stärker ins Bewusstsein der Historiker zu rücken. Kontrafaktisches Fragen, so die These, kann helfen, Kontingenz und Kausalität ins Verhältnis zu setzen und kausale und nichtkausale Zusammenhänge besser zu beleuchten, sofern die kontrafaktische Geschichtsschreibung aus ihren Zustand der (Selbst-)Isolation befreit und an andere Ansätze der modernen Geschichtsforschung angeschlossen wird. Die Autorin schlägt vor, kontrafaktisches Fragen in das kulturwissenschaftliche Konzept der 'Verflechtungsgeschichten' von Shalini Randeria zu integrieren und es damit zu einem wertvollen Instrument der Gegenprobe zu machen. Am Beispiel der komplexen Wechselwirkungen zwischen dem Reich der Mongolen und dem Lateinischen Westen, bzw. genauer: zwischen den Mongolenkhanen und den Dominikanern, untersucht sie in drei kontrafaktischen Szenarien den Grad und die Qualität der jeweiligen Verflechtungen.' (Autorenreferat), 'This paper claims that historians need to address the contingency factor in history, and that counterfactual thinking can be a useful method of cross-checks allowing for a deeper understanding of causal and non-causal connections. However, counterfactual thinking needs to become incorporated into existing methodological approaches of modern historiography in order to be of any use. The paper therefore suggests integrating counterfactual thinking into the concept of 'entangled histories' by Shalini Randeria, which is illustrated in a case study on the late Middle Ages. The complex interactions and interdependencies between the Mongolian Empire and the Latin West, and more specifically between the Mongolian leaders and the Dominican monks in the thirteenth century are described as a history of entanglement. But to what extent and in which ways are the historical phenomena, we are looking at, entangled? Here, three counterfactual scenarios may help to cross-check the potential and the limits of the entanglement.' (author's abstract)

"Die jüngste Welle von Neuankömmlingen innerhalb der chinesischen Diaspora in Südafrika Mitte der 1990er Jahre etablierte in erfolgreicher Weise eine Handelslinie zur Versorgung von Millionen Haushalten in Südafrika aus den weit entfernten Häfen Chinas. Diese Studie untersucht das wirtschaftliche Umfeld, in welchem kleine 'chinesische Läden' arbeiten und beschäftigt sich insbesondere mit dem Aspekt der Konkurrenz innerhalb der Gruppen chinesischer Händler und den Auswirkungen, die die jüngste Welle chinesischer Einwanderer auf die Versorgungsketten und Nachfrage in Südafrika hat. Eine Fallstudie in einer kleinen südafrikanischen Stadt zeigt auf, wie die chinesische Gemeinschaft ihre Wettbewerbsvorteile nutzt, um ihren Handelswert zu maximieren. Ein Thema dieser Studie ist ebenfalls, die Vorstellung einer 'China Inc' zu hinterfragen, indem dargelegt wird, dass chinesische Händler von Konsumgütern, selbst wenn sie die Nachfrage der Kunden in Südafrika verändert haben, doch vor allem in dem individuellen Streben konkurrieren, Vorteile über andere chinesische Geschäfte zu gewinnen." (Autorenreferat) "The recent wave, dating from the mid 1990s, of newcomers within the Chinese Diaspora in South Africa has managed to establish and dominate a line of trade supply all the way from the ports of China to the homes of millions of South Africans. This paper examines the economic environment within which small 'China shops' are active, exploring competition within the group of Chinese traders in particular and how the latest wave of Chinese immigrants has affected supply chains and demand within South Africa. A case study in one small South African town demonstrates how the Chinese community utilizes its competitive advantages to maximize the value of its trade. This paper also strives to shatter the notion of a 'China Inc', arguing that although Chinese traders in consumer goods may have altered consumer demands within South Africa, above all they compete in an individualistic scramble to gain competitive advantage over other 'China shops'." (author's abstract)

"Der in China beginnende Motorisierungsprozess führt zwangsläufig zu einer Konfrontation mit den Umwelt- und Ressourcenkonflikten, die mit der erdölbasierten Automobiltechnologie des vergangenen Jahrhunderts Hand in Hand gehen. Dadurch würde sich zum einen die gegenwärtig problematische Erdölenergiebilanz des Landes durch erhöhten CO²-Ausstoß verschärfen. Zum anderen würde der Aufbau einer chinesischen automobilen Infrastruktur auf Erdölbasis, die Ressourcenknappheit in diesem Sektor, die globalen Umweltprobleme und die Sicherung der weltweiten Energiebilanz negativ beeinflussen. Eine realistische Alternative für China ist ein Quantensprung auf dem Gebiet der Automobiltechnologie zu vollziehen und in Wasserstoffmotoren zu investieren. China kann mit einer Automobilwirtschaft auf der Basis einer Wasserstofftechnologie die durch Erdölverbrennung geschaffenen Umweltprobleme umgehen. Dieser Artikel untersucht das Potential Chinas zu einem solchen Quantensprung in der Automobiltechnologie. Ein wesentlicher Aspekt ist die Prüfung der Energiebilanz Chinas in den Jahren 1990-2000, die es ermöglicht den Energieverbrauch und die Produktion auf Quellenbasis internationaler Organisationen und wissenschaftlicher Arbeiten, zueinander in ein Verhältnis zu setzen. Die Energiebilanz der einzelnen Sektoren Atomkraft, Kohle, Erdöl und Erdgas wird analysiert und vergleichend werden die zukünftigen Trends prognostiziert. Für die Implementation von Wasserstofftechnologie ist die Verfügbarkeit und Nutzung von Energieressourcen von zentraler Bedeutung. Eine Analyse der Energiebilanz ist daher die Grundlage für eine wissenschaftlich fundierte Einschätzung des Potentials Chinas zu einem solchen technologischen Quantensprung." (Autorenreferat) "As a country beginning its motorization process, China must confront the problems attached to an oil-based car society. In adopting the conventional automobile technology, the country would aggravate an already unstable, domestic oil balance while pushing up increasing carbon dioxide levels. Not only would domestic problems emerge, but international concerns regarding oil shortage, global pollution, and the energy security balance would also result from China erecting a traditional automotive infrastructure. One viable alternative the country can consider is a leapfrog towards hydrogen technology. By using hydrogen as the fuel source and investing in a hydrogen-based car society, China could overstep the problems created by an oil-based infrastructure. Examining China's potential for undertaking this technology leapfrog also calls for an investigation of China's energy past and future. China's energy balance and energy resources play a crucial role in determining the country's leapfrogging possibility. This paper analyzes one facet in China's energy balance by scrutinizing energy expenditures between 1990-2000. By looking at data compiled from major international and academic sources, an overview of China's past energy consumption and production activities is presented. Patterns and discrepancies in Chinese coal, oil, natural gas, and nuclear production are unveiled and the trends considered in relation to the country’s energy balance. Each energy sector is analyzed separately for consumption and production trends. Because implementation of hydrogen technology is governed by energy resource availability and energy use patterns, such an energy analysis provides an appropriate background from which China's leapfrogging potential can be evaluated." (author's abstract)

"This paper analyzes the question whether or not in China structures of a civil society are emerging. It addresses the increasing separation of state and society, the society's differentiation, growing social and spatial disparities, the turn of the CCP from a class towards a people’s party, the arising of new interest groups and interest organizations, of issue groups, NGOs, GONGOS and think tanks, developing grassroots elections in rural and urban areas and the political role of the Internet. It concludes that the application of the term 'civil society' in this case is highly problematic as citizens in Western terms and the necessary preconditions like an enterprise culture, a civic culture, a discoursive culture and an everyday culture are just emerging." (author's abstract)

"Based on a three-year fieldwork in China’s Fujian Province (2000-2003), this paper contains the outcome of a research on labour brokers in China. It will focus on the composition and functions of labour brokerage in today’s restructuring processes of the labour market. The formal and informal dimensions and their impact will be particularly addressed. Furthermore, the institutionalization of the labour market will be discussed."[author´s abstract] List of Content: 1. General situation of the labour market; 2. Development of current labour brokerage business; 3. Features of labour brokerage; 3.1 Short history but rich varieties; 3.2 A highly profitable business; 3.3 A sector with low credit standing; 4. Conclusion; 5. References

"Vor dem Hintergrund ordnungs- und sicherheitspolitischer Herausforderungen im 21. Jahrhundert (Wandel der Gewaltformen, Möglichkeiten und Grenzen von Präventions- und Interventionsmaßnahmen) stellt sich die Frage, welchen theoretischen und praxeologischen Beitrag die friedenswissenschaftlich relevanten Teildisziplinen Friedens- und Konfliktforschung, Internationale Beziehungen und Regionalwissenschaften leisten können. Damit verbunden ist das Problem, inwieweit ein 'Trialog' zwischen den Teildisziplinen möglich ist und ob die bislang voneinander abgekoppelte Forschungslandschaft sinnvoll verbunden bzw. überwunden werden kann. Die Klärung dieser doppelten Problematik stand im Mittelpunkt des Workshops zu den 'sich kreuzenden Blickwinkeln auf innerstaatliche Gewalt und Krisenprävention'. Die vorliegende Zwischenbilanz bietet nicht nur eine Bestandsaufnahme der jeweiligen Forschungslogiken und Zugänge sowie eine Identifikation erkennbarer friedenspolitischer Defizite, sondern benennt auch Anknüpfungspunkte für die theoretische und methodische Weiterentwicklung und institutioneller Kooperationsformen." (Autorenreferat). Inhaltsverzeichnis: Volker Matthies: Wissenschaftliche Blickwinkel auf Konflikt und Prävention (1-3); Andreas Mehler: Regionales Wissen - global-lokales Handeln: Schwachstellenanalyse aus DÜI-Perspektive (3-6); Debatte (7-8). 2. Die verschiedenen Blickwinkel auf Konflikte - Sven Chojnacki: Internationale Beziehungen (8-10); Klaus Schlichte: Kriegs- und Friedensforschung (10-12); Sabine Kurtenbach: Regionalwissenschaften (12-13); Christoph Weller: Praxisnahe Beratung (13-14); Debatte (15-16). 3. Gewalt und Krisenprävention aus regionaler Perspektive - Hanspeter Mattes: Arabische Welt (17-18); Andreas Mehler: Afrika südlich der Sahara (18-20); Sabine Kurtenbach: Lateinamerika (20-21); Heike Holbig: China (21-23); Wolfgang Sporrer: Balkan (23-24); Debatte (24-26). 4. Kooperation im analytischen Umgang mit gewaltsamen Konflikten - Wolf-Dieter Eberwein: Sprachlosigkeit/ Kommunikationsprobleme (26-28); Thomas Held: Pluridisziplinäre Forschungsförderung (28-29); Debatte (30). "Multifaceted challenges in the normative patterns of international order and security policy in the 21st century (changing forms of violence, opportunities and limits in conflict prevention and intervention) raise serious questions – theoretically and practically – to the disciplines of peace and conflict studies, international relations and area studies. This issue is interlinked with the question, in how far a 'trialogue' among the disciplines is possible and how gaps could be overcome. In trying to clarify these problems, the workshop 'interlocking perspectives on intra-state violence and crisis prevention' offers a starting point for future debates and research strategies. In particular, this paper presents a summary of the particular research logics and theoretical approaches as well as it reveals observable deficits in current peace policies. Moreover, it provides focal points for theoretical and methodological developments and further forms of institutional co-operation." (author's abstract)

"Vor dem Hintergrund ordnungs- und sicherheitspolitischer Herausforderungen im 21. Jahrhundert (Wandel der Gewaltformen, Möglichkeiten und Grenzen von Präventions- und Interventionsmaßnahmen) stellt sich die Frage, welchen theoretischen und praxeologischen Beitrag die friedenswissenschaftlich relevanten Teildisziplinen Friedens- und Konfliktforschung, Internationale Beziehungen und Regionalwissenschaften leisten können. Damit verbunden ist das Problem, inwieweit ein 'Trialog' zwischen den Teildisziplinen möglich ist und ob die bislang voneinander abgekoppelte Forschungslandschaft sinnvoll verbunden bzw. überwunden werden kann. Die Klärung dieser doppelten Problematik stand im Mittelpunkt des Workshops zu den 'sich kreuzenden Blickwinkeln auf innerstaatliche Gewalt und Krisenprävention'. Die vorliegende Zwischenbilanz bietet nicht nur eine Bestandsaufnahme der jeweiligen Forschungslogiken und Zugänge sowie eine Identifikation erkennbarer friedenspolitischer Defizite, sondern benennt auch Anknüpfungspunkte für die theoretische und methodische Weiterentwicklung und institutioneller Kooperationsformen." (Autorenreferat). Inhaltsverzeichnis: Volker Matthies: Wissenschaftliche Blickwinkel auf Konflikt und Prävention (1-3); Andreas Mehler: Regionales Wissen - global-lokales Handeln: Schwachstellenanalyse aus DÜI-Perspektive (3-6); Debatte (7-8). 2. Die verschiedenen Blickwinkel auf Konflikte - Sven Chojnacki: Internationale Beziehungen (8-10); Klaus Schlichte: Kriegs- und Friedensforschung (10-12); Sabine Kurtenbach: Regionalwissenschaften (12-13); Christoph Weller: Praxisnahe Beratung (13-14); Debatte (15-16). 3. Gewalt und Krisenprävention aus regionaler Perspektive - Hanspeter Mattes: Arabische Welt (17-18); Andreas Mehler: Afrika südlich der Sahara (18-20); Sabine Kurtenbach: Lateinamerika (20-21); Heike Holbig: China (21-23); Wolfgang Sporrer: Balkan (23-24); Debatte (24-26). 4. Kooperation im analytischen Umgang mit gewaltsamen Konflikten - Wolf-Dieter Eberwein: Sprachlosigkeit/ Kommunikationsprobleme (26-28); Thomas Held: Pluridisziplinäre Forschungsförderung (28-29); Debatte (30)., "Multifaceted challenges in the normative patterns of international order and security policy in the 21st century (changing forms of violence, opportunities and limits in conflict prevention and intervention) raise serious questions – theoretically and practically – to the disciplines of peace and conflict studies, international relations and area studies. This issue is interlinked with the question, in how far a 'trialogue' among the disciplines is possible and how gaps could be overcome. In trying to clarify these problems, the workshop 'interlocking perspectives on intra-state violence and crisis prevention' offers a starting point for future debates and research strategies. In particular, this paper presents a summary of the particular research logics and theoretical approaches as well as it reveals observable deficits in current peace policies. Moreover, it provides focal points for theoretical and methodological developments and further forms of institutional co-operation." (author's abstract)

Chinese foreign policy is at the crossroads of regional interests and global power rivalry in the Middle East, especially in Iran. China's interests in the Middle East increasingly collide with those of the US, which has brought about a significant re-orientation of Chinese for­eign policy on this region. Beijing is increasingly concerned with balanc­ing US influence in the region. Relations with Iran offer China various possibilities for balancing US influence. A decisive factor for China’s Iran policy are its regulatory ideas aiming to establish equality of influence between the major global powers in a given region, in this case the Middle East. Chinese discourse underpins the shifts in Chinese foreign policy in which hard or soft balancing is increasingly becoming a feature of a "geo-politi­cised" regional policy. This geostrategic regional policy with regard to Iran shows that China is gaining influence there at the expense of the United States. German and European actors need a deeper understanding of China’s balancing policy. This would enable Germany and the EU to correctly assess and also question the rhetoric of the Chinese leadership. On this basis, Germany and the EU should adjust their engagement in Iran, especially with regard to the Iranian nuclear weapons issue. More­over, the new German government should ensure that foreign policy actions in third countries are comprehensive and coordinated with the EU so as to meet the challenges posed by China. Such coordination must also be pursued within the transatlantic framework. (author's abstract)

China estimates the number of people of Chinese origin outside the People's Republic to be 60 million. Beijing considers them all to be nationals of China, regardless of their citizenship. Xi Jinping views overseas Chinese as playing an 'irreplaceable role' in China's rise as a world power. Beijing is working hard to harness overseas Chinese resources for its own goals in the fields of economics, science and technology, as well as diplomacy and soft power. Beijing also expects people of Chinese origin in Germany to deepen rela­tions between China and Germany. But not only that: As 'unofficial ambassadors', they are also expected to spread China's narratives to the German public, defend China's 'core interests', and help with the trans­fer of knowledge and technology to China. Nevertheless, there are limits to China's diaspora policy: Chinese migrants' reactions to China's ambitions are heterogeneous. They range from wil­lingness to cooperate to disinterest or open rejection. German actors should develop a comprehensive understanding of Chinese diaspora policy and the goals and practices associated with it. Just as in Beijing, diaspora policy should be perceived as an important component of Chinese foreign policy.Only on this basis can answers to China's ambitions be found wherever German interests, legal principles, or social values are affected - without at the same time exposing people of Chinese origin to general suspicion. German actors should also expand their engagement in communities of people with a Chinese migration background instead of leaving this field to Chinese authorities.

Since the Korean War of 1950-53, the security architecture of the region previously referred to as the "Asia-Pacific" has been based on a US-led sys­tem of bilateral alliances known as the "hub-and-spokes" system. A multi­lateral system of collective defence, similar to NATO in Europe, has not existed in the region. In 2014, the People's Republic of China under Xi Jinping began to develop its own ideas for reshaping the regional security system. Xi called the hub-and-spokes system a relic of the Cold War and called for a regional security architecture "by Asians for Asians". The "Indo-Pacific" is widely regarded as a strategy to counter a Sinocentric restructuring of the region. The majority of actors involved conceives its security architecture as an antagonistic order in which security is estab­lished against, and not with, China. This architecture is more "Asianised" than before. The region's US allies are gaining significance in relation to Washington. What's more, bilateral and minilateral partnerships outside the hub-and-spokes system are becoming increasingly important, for example those involving states such as India or Indonesia. Structurally, bilateral alliances and partnerships dominate. They are in­creasingly supplemented by minilateral formats such as AUKUS or the Quad. For the EU and its member states, all this means that realising the idea of an inclusive Indo-Pacific has become a distant prospect. The effective multi­lateralism propagated by the EU is also gradually falling behind as the regional security architecture is increasingly being transformed into a web of bilateral and minilateral cooperation formats.

Following the crackdown on the Tiananmen Square protests in 1989, the beginning of the 1990s witnessed one of the few instances in modern Chinese history of the silenced making their voices heard – through printed messages on T-shirts. Phrases and sentences in large Chinese characters were printed on the front or back of plain white short-sleeve T-shirts with statements originating from a variety of sources, including literature, rock music, pop songs, movies, cartoons, old sayings and political slogans – or sometimes only an apparently meaningless assemblage of words. These phrases distanced the wearers from the earnest attitude that was promoted by the state, affording the wearer a sense of individual empowerment. This paper focuses on this cultural T-shirt fad of the 1990s in China and traces its rebellious origins, along with the multiple interpretations of its significance. This hermeneutic phenomenological inquiry relies on Chinese newspapers published at the time, as well as the researcher’s own observations as a participant of this shared cultural experience. As a unisex sartorial symbol, the “cultural T-shirt” presented an open arena for both males and females, as well as a battleground over “spiritual pollution”., International Quarterly for Asian Studies, Vol. 53 No. 1 (2022): Dress as Symbolic Resistance in Asia

Turkey’s neo-Eurasianist ideologues describe themselves as "Kemalist Eurasianists". They argue that "Eurasianism calls for a cultural, military, political and commercial alliance with Turkey's eastern neighbors, notably Russia, Iran, the Turkic countries of Central Asia, and even Pakistan, India and China" and is hostile towards any type of pro-Western policy in the Eurasian space. Turkey's neo-Eurasianists transformed from incarcerated villains to coalition partners in government and the bureaucracy. This spectacular reversal of fortunes could only materialize due to the special circumstances that arose from the ruthless power struggle between Turkey's Islamists. Nationalist-Islamism and Eurasianism overlap as they both despise West­ern dominance in the international order, feel threatened by the liberal cultural-civilizational siege of the West and thus have a common counter-hegemonic view of the world. Turkish Islamists and Eurasianists believe that a post-Western world is in the making. They argue that the unipolarity of the 1990s is over and that the West is essentially in an unstoppable decline - not least because of its degeneration in values. The true significance of Turkish "Eurasianism" does not lie in its capacity to shape foreign and security policy although that cannot be totally dis­regarded; rather, its real contribution to the current regime comes from its critical role in widening and solidifying consent to authoritarian rule in Turkey. (author's abstract)

Connectivity and fragmentation coexist as two interlinked discourses on the relationship between infrastructures and societies. In response to the Digital Silk Road initiated by the Chinese government, Chinese companies have built numerous digital infrastructures globally. Simultaneously, China’s government seeks to strengthen domestic internet governance through laws and administrative regulations, such as the Cyber Security Law. This paper utilises the interpretive framework of “sociotechnical imaginaries” to explore the controversial tension between digital fragmentations and connectivity in cyberspace along technical, institutional and political dimensions. Scrutinising two cases studies – New IP and smart city – the study finds that China’s approach to infrastructuring cyberspace can be best understood as selective connectivity. China not only integrates into global cyber infrastructures to enhance its technological and regulatory capabilities, but also attempts to reshape global cyberspace governance to strengthen its political structures and enhance digital autonomy, seeking a balance between digital sovereignty, regime security and economic development. However, selective connectivity brings its own complexities and drawbacks., International Quarterly for Asian Studies, Vol. 53 No. 3 (2022): China beyond China, Part II

"Firms in socialist and transitional economies are often obliged to provide a social good in addition to a private good, which makes it difficult for a government to commit not to bail out the firm once it is in financial trouble. This creates a soft budget constraint syndrome which causes the firm to underinvest ex ante in order to extract state subsidy and thereby reduces dynamic efficiency. In this paper, we show that separating the provision of social goods from private goods can harden budget constraints, while introducing competition into the private market may not." (author's abstract) "Unternehmen in sozialistischen und Übergangsländern sind oft verpflichtet, neben privatwirtschaftlichen auch soziale Aufgaben zu übernehmen. Ob soziale Aufgaben von privaten Unternehmen oder von staatlichen Einrichtungen finanziert werden sollten, ist Gegenstand dieses Beitrags. Es wird gezeigt, dass die Verquickung von privatwirtschaftlichem Interesse mit öffentlichen Aufgaben durch gehörige Anreizprobleme gekennzeichnet ist. So entsteht etwa ein erhöhter Druck auf die Politik die Unternehmen zu subventionieren, wenn diese in finanzielle Schwierigkeiten geraten. Aufgrund dieser glaubwürdigen Absicherung seitens des Staates schwindet der Anreiz wettbewerbsfähige Strukturen in den Unternehmen umzusetzen, was in der Literatur unter dem Stichwort 'soft budget constraint' diskutiert wird. In der vorliegenden Untersuchung wird gezeigt, dass eine saubere Trennungen von sozialen und privaten Aufgaben für eine Entstehung von wettbewerbsfähigen Strukturen notwendig ist. Die bloße Einführung von mehr Wettbewerbsdruck, ohne strukturelle Separierung, führt zu keinen marktwirtschaftlich sinnvollen Lösungen." (Autorenreferat)

There have not been any (breakthrough) innovations in education in the past 100 years. We mostly teach and learn the same way as our ancestors have done and there haven’t yet been any innovations that allow for faster or better learning or teaching. As a result there is a growing need for enhanced education technology (edtech) in the field of education. As innovation often comes from startups, this article examines which innovative business models are developed outside higher education institutions (in the edtech field), especially by entrepreneurs. Previous research has discussed the need for edtech innovation in educational institutions and has given concrete examples of how to improve present higher education models, technologies and procedures. Yet, only a few studies have analysed and compared edtech firms between different countries. The goal of this study is to analyse the core elements of innovative business models in the field of edtech start-ups in higher education and to identify the most original practices in teaching and learning. Our analysis of innovative business models in the edtech sector may inform higher education institutions about how to address their future challenges, for instance, by cooperating with edtech companies.

In 2017 EU ministers said that culture is “an essential part of the EU’s international relations.” But the EU is a new-comer to the field of cultural diplomacy and its policy is still in its infancy, both conceptually and in terms of implementation. Many questions remain unanswered. How to draw the line between cultural relations and public diplomacy on the one hand and propaganda on the other? How to steer clear of neo-colonialism? How to encourage European governments, who are prone to national cultural show-casing, to work together and derive strength from unity? This paper will explore some of the contours of this emerging European Union policy, its potential as well as its limitations.

This paper econometrically analyses the relationship between public spending and women's and men’s urban employment in China for the period 1999-2009. Theoretically, spending on healthcare and education could increase employment growth and women’s relative employment via the expansion of paid care work (increasing labour demand) and reductions in unpaid labour (increasing labour supply). To empirically test this, female, male, and relative employment growth are estimated as functions of public spending while both demand-side and supply-side factors are controlled for. Economic growth is also included in a simultaneous equation estimation. While healthcare results are mixed, education spending is positively associated with economic growth, employment growth for both women and men, and women's relative urban employment. Using economic significance calculations, I describe how well-directed public policies can promote both economic growth and long- and short-run benefits in employment equality between the sexes.

Asien und die Pazifikregion sind in besonderem Maße von Flucht und Vertreibung betroffen: 3,8 Millionen Menschen befinden sich dort unter dem Mandat des UNHCR, und mehrere Millionen sind Binnenvertriebene. Dabei sind die Ursachen erzwungener Migration vielfältig und gehen über das hinaus, was durch das internationale Flüchtlingsregime abgedeckt wird. Angesichts dieser Tatsache argumentiert die Studie, dass die entwicklungspolitische Unterstützung von Flüchtlingen, Binnenvertriebenen und Aufnahmegesellschaften eine wichtige Ergänzung für die humanitäre Hilfe darstellt. Die vorliegende Studie systematisiert strukturelle sowie unmittelbar fluchtauslösende Ursachen von Flucht und Binnenvertreibung in Asien. Methodisch unterscheidet sie sechs Regionalcluster, die auf einer Gewichtung verschiedener Fluchtursachen basieren. Innerhalb der Cluster werden politische, sozioökonomische und ökologische Ursachen für Vertreibung in Asien analysiert. Hierauf aufbauend diskutieren Autorinnen und Autor Grenzen der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit und zeigen Ansatzpunkte für die EZ zur Bearbeitung von Fluchtursachen in der Region auf. EZ muss die Grenzen ihrer Wirksamkeit in Bezug auf die Bearbeitung von Fluchtursachen anerkennen und gleichzeitig über deren Bearbeitung hinausgehen, indem die entwicklungsorientierte Flüchtlingsarbeit weiter ausgebaut wird. Asia and the Pacific region are particularly affected by displacement: 3.8 million people are under the mandate of the UNHCR and millions of these are internally displaced people (IDPs). The causes of displacement in Asia are multiple and go well beyond what is covered by the international protection regime for refugees. For this reason, the study argues that - especially in protracted displacement situations - not only humanitarian action but also developmental approaches are required. Methodologically, this study differentiates between six regional clusters and categorizes the predominant causes of displacement for each. Clusters are based on a weighting of factors that affect displacement, distinguishing between political, socio-economic and ecological factors. Based on this approach, the authors discuss the limits and opportunities of development cooperation in tackling the causes of displacement in Asia. Development cooperation needs to acknowledge its limits in preventing displacement and must go beyond the containment of its causes by strengthening the displaced persons as well as the receiving communities.

China, Japan and South Korea are the largest economies in East Asia and, as such, play a decisive role in the region's prosperity and security. Their relations with each other, however, are increasingly marked by tensions in the absence of a regional organisation or institution playing a stabilising role. This study considers a constellation that has so far received little attention, namely the cooperation between these three states, which began in the late 1990s and has since established itself as an independent format. The study's central question is whether this trilateral cooperation can bring forth a new model of interaction in Northeast Asia, or whether it only confirms and reproduces existing (and predominantly negative) trends. The research has two focal points: it analyses developments within the three sets of bilateral relations, and provides a systematic overview of the extent of this trilateral cooperation to date. It shows that tensions within the Northeast-Asian triangle are caused not only by historic, territorial and maritime conflict, but also by the increasing competition between the US and China for primacy in the Asia-Pacific. To date trilateral cooperation between Beijing, Tokyo and Seoul therefore has a mixed but overall modest balance sheet, especially in security policy. The format is nevertheless significant in that it provides an institutional framework for exchanging views and keeps open channels of communication below "high politics", even in times of heightened bilateral tensions. (author's abstract)