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This paper addresses recomplementation (i.e. double-complementizer constructions) in Spanish, comparing Latin American Spanish (LAS) and European Spanish (ES). I make the novel observation that in spite of a superficial difference whereby a lower que after a left dislocate (LD) surfaces in ES but not in LAS, LAS does have recomplementation. In fact, LAS patterns with ES in that there are two constructions in each variety, i.e. a construction in which an intonational break following the LD is present and a construction in which the break is absent. I argue that the constructions with the break differ from the constructions without it with regard to reconstruction effects, no insertion and the position of high adverbs, which arise due to a locality violation in the former but not in the latter. I propose a syntactic analysis in terms of phases and argue that the locality violation is circumvented in the constructions with no break via verb movement, which is not possible in the constructions with the break. I further propose a mapping from the syntactic structures of recomplementation into prosody that correlates with the presence/absence of the intonational break in these constructions, hence providing prosodic evidence for phasal structure more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the acceptability of several types of extraction out of the nominal domain (Left Branch Extraction - LBE, deep LBE, extraordinary LBE, double AP LBE, extraction of NP-complements, extraction across a numeral) in Polish and its relevance for the current views on the nominal structure of the "NP"/"DP"- languages. The point of departure is an overview of the abovementioned extraction types. Next, a succinct summary of an acceptability study of these constructions conducted on a population of 183 native speakers of Polish is provided. While the results confirm the cross-linguistic observation that the extractions in question are generally 'discourse-triggered', their acceptability in Polish seems to be relatively low and reveals fairly interesting differences between the specific constructions (e.g., LBE-wh vs. LBE-demonstratives). These may have broader implications for the ongoing debate concerning the optimal shape of the nominal structure in (languages like) Polish, as they seem to provide (at least circumstantial) arguments for a more elaborate sequence of projections on top of the NP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides a uniform account of a number of locality effects, in particular, the Subject Condition, the Adjunct Condition, Richards's () tucking in effect, and the full Comp-trace paradigm, including (in addition to the basic cases) relative and extraposed clauses, the impossibility of short subject topicalization, French que-qui alternation, and the effect of wh-movement on agreement in languages like Kinande. The account is based on a proposal that there is a difference in the timing of labeling between the basic case where a head and a phrase merge and the case where two phrases merge, as well as a particular labeling-based approach to antilocality, which has rather different empirical effects from the previous approaches to antilocality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]