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This paper discusses null objects (NOs) in Ibero-Romance. European Portuguese (EP) has both definite and indefinte NOs, but Castillian Spanish (CSpanish) only allows NOs when the antecedent is a bare plural nominal or a mass noun. The paper argues that these differences are related to the distribution of bare nominals in each language and proposes that the same underlying mechanism is at the root of indefinite and definite object drop, namely a rootless [ nP n ] proform. [ nP n ] denotes a contextually salient property, its possible interpretations being derived by general type-shifting operations. In CSpanish, the property denoted by [ nP n ] is interpreted as a restrictive modifier of the predicate and the relevant variable is bound under VP level Existential Closure. Focusing on EP, there are striking similarities between definite NOs and other types of nominal anaphora, including epithets. In particular, like epithets, NOs are subject to an Antilogophoricity Constraint. This affinity between NOs and epithets constitutes a case in favor of the idea that the NO is a base-generated nominal. The difference with respect to CSpanish lies in the possibility of interpreting the null nominal by a choice function, a function maps a property onto an entity that has the property. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The typology of quantifier float (QF) in classifier languages has been the subject of research in several recent works. Some proposals suggest that languages should either have noun classifiers or the ability for the quantifier to “float”, that is, appear separate from the noun it quantifies. QF has never been described for any Hmong-Mien language, leaving a critical gap in existing work and limiting the existing typology. The current work fills this gap with an analysis of quantifier float in Hmong, and considers that Hmong possesses both bare classifiers and quantifier float, a combination previously unattested in the literature on QF and contrasts with current typological proposals. Hmong allows this via two quantifier + noun orderings (QN and NQ) related to two functions of the classifier system that both permit quantifier float. The QN-only ordering is canonically associated with indefinite nouns, and the NQ ordering involves a nested noun phrase structure and is associated with definite nouns (generally with inner NP-internal bare noun classifiers) and partitive or distributive readings. The QN-only ordering is particularly significant for the typology as quantifier float to the right is permitted for quantifier + classifier sequences associated with a prenominal NP-internal position, where the classifier involved in this QF pattern occupies the same syntactic position within the noun phrase as the bare noun classifier in noun phrases generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a case study of a definiteness split in a language in which three different types of nominal expressions are available for definite descriptions. The article contributes ample empirical data and comprises a close investigation of the patterns found in Reunion Creole (Réyoné), the language under study. Réyoné displays one kind of contrast also found in other languages which is frequently analyzed in terms of semantic versus pragmatic definiteness (following Löbner) or uniqueness versus familiarity (following Schwarz). What sets Réyoné apart from other languages though, is that it features a determiner that is dedicated to functional concepts. The language thereby distinguishes individual from functional concepts: the former type (the sun; the News) is exclusively expressed by bare noun phrases, while functional concepts – definite descriptions with functional head nouns (prefect of y; head of y), including a subtype of bridging reference, as well as compositionally created functional relations such as superlatives – are realized by lo-marked noun phrases. These facts offer strong support for Löbner's theory. The article also discusses demonstrative descriptions, which have already been reported to play a role in certain definiteness splits, and which are obligatory with sortal concepts in Réyoné. It is argued that demonstratives are pragmatic definites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the nuanced realm of case syncretism, focusing primarily on its synchronic presence in Modern Greek (dialectal variety) and on the diachronic emergence of the phenomenon, classifying the distribution of syncretic cells in the nominal inflectional system of the language. This analysis shows that syncretism has been extended over time to many nouns, no longer limited either to neuter nouns or to the cells for the Nominative and Accusative. I suggest that the distribution of syncretic cells in Greek is influenced primarily by grammatical gender, but it is also affected by the productivity of each inflectional class, which I attribute to the morphomic (in terms of Aronoff [1994]. Morphology by itself: Stems and inflectional classes, vol. 22. MIT Press.) nature of the phenomenon. I propose a decisive new factor preventing a cell from participating in syncretic patterns: inter-paradigmatic similarity of affixes appears to block syncretism. Further, I examine the factors facilitating the development and expansion of syncretic patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The focus of this study is on the function and grammaticalization of nominalizations in Thai and the nominalization categories and nominalizing strategies in Thai are described. The Thai language exhibits a composite of derivational and clausal nominalizations marked with three nominalizers: kaan1 derives nouns or nominalized clauses from lexical verbs and relative or complement clauses; khwaam1 derives nouns from lexical verbs and adjectives; and kaan1thii3 is used for clauses. The current study posits diachronic developments for nominalizers and addresses related issues. It is concluded that nominalizers kaan1 and khwaam1 were originally lexical nouns meaning 'work' and 'matter'. The essential features of the use of nominalizations have remained constant, but certain developments have occurred, which include lexical nominalization to clausal nominalization and the emergence of a new nominalizer, kaan1thii3. It is found that nominalizers kaan1, khwaam1 and kaan1thii3 are basically in complementary distribution, and language internal evolution and external contact are the primary motivations for nominalization in Thai. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using animate nouns to refer to entities in the world involves a complex interaction of ontology, cognition and language. The present study evaluates two accounts of the use of animate nouns, with Mandarin Chinese as the vehicle for testing between the competing accounts. One account was proposed by Cheng et al. (2008. How universal is the Universal Grinder? In Marjo van Koppen & Bert Botma (eds.), Linguistics in the Netherlands, 50–62. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins). These researchers contend that the count interpretation is basic for Mandarin animate nouns, due to a lexical blocking effect. To access the alternative, mass interpretation requires some kind of pragmatic coercion. A second account was proposed by Pelletier, based on English (1975. Non-Singular reference: Some preliminaries. Philosophia 5(4). 451–465; 2012. Lexical nouns are both +MASS and +COUNT, but they are neither +MASS nor + COUNT. In Diane Massam (ed.), Count and mass across languages, 9–26. Oxford: Oxford University Press). We extend this account to Mandarin animate nouns, proposing that they are encoded in the mental lexicon with both a count sense and a mass sense. To adjudicate between the accounts, we conducted four experiments that were designed to assess the interpretation assigned to animate nouns by Mandarin-speaking children and adults. The experimental conditions manipulated both the syntactic structures of the sentences and the non-linguistic contexts in which those sentences were presented. The experimental findings support our proposal that both mass and count interpretations of animate nouns are available to children and adults when sentences are presented in contexts that are congruent with these interpretations. The findings also suggest that syntactic structure is an even more critical factor in determining the interpretation that is assigned to animate nouns in Mandarin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present work is devoted to the syntax of specificational constructions with proper names within a typological perspective. The provided typology is based on the results obtained from the analysis of grammar descriptions and available corpus data for 94 languages. The paper discusses the morphosyntactic means that languages use to express specification, namely juxtaposition, attribution, and other less common strategies. It is shown that juxtapositional and attributive strategies are in competition in many of the sampled languages, so that certain expressions (for example, specificational constructions with the common noun 'city') prefer attributive-like coding, while others (especially constructions including personal names) show a clear tendency for juxtapositional coding cross-linguistically. Evidence from languages using an attributive strategy in specificational constructions shows that the common noun is generally the syntactic head of the construction. This conclusion contributes to the wide-scale discussion of the semantic grounds for headedness in specificational constructions. In addition, the paper shows that languages tend to place common nouns before personal proper names regardless of the word order used in specificational constructions with toponyms. This, as predicted, is correlated with the relative ordering of the head noun and its genitival dependent. The results of the present study also show that the constituent ordering in constructions with personal names implicationally depends on the order in constructions with toponyms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A syllabic acrostic (de-ca-te, "tenth") has recently been discovered by Leah Kronenberg at Eclogue 4.9–11. The aim of the present article is to adduce further evidence for the intentionality of this acrostic. The article begins by pointing to corroborative clues in the text encompassed by the acrostic itself. Attention is then drawn to the overlooked deni‑acrostic in the previous Eclogue (3.55–58). This acrostical deni, for whose intentionality arguments are likewise adduced, evidently serves to corroborate acrostical decate. This deni‑acrostic is itself confirmed shortly afterwards by decem (Ecl. 3.71), which is in turn an imitation of Theocritus (Id. 3.10). This Theocritean text, which contains the word δέκα in 'line ten', provides further corroboration of the decate-acrostic, which is likewise centred around 'line ten'. In particular it is argued that this passage of Theocritus has inspired the noun which decate can be shown to qualify. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Turkish nominalizer -(y)Iş demonstrates a broad spectrum of functions ranging from a deverbal word-formation device that forms lexicalized nouns with concrete and abstract meanings to an inflectional marker used in nominal clauses, especially in clausal complementation. In some uses, the item conveys manner semantics. While the item itself has been variously investigated and forms an established part of any Turkish grammar description, there is still a lack of consensus on its functional and semantic properties. This article investigates the morphosyntactic functions and the semantic features of the nominalizer -(y)Iş in light of the claims in the linguistic literature on the one hand, which include manner, countable events, factive imperfective, single instance of an event, direct reference to the inner process of an action, etc., and of examples from primary sources on the other, and evaluates the findings from the perspective of grammaticalization. It will be argued that the range of functions of this item and the fact that it seems to resist any straightforward analysis result from its transition from a derivational marker to an inflectional marker with tasks including complementizer functions, a process in which manner semantics will be argued to play a role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper revisits the phenomenon of inalienable possession between a dative argument and a body-part noun in Spanish. Specifically, it looks at contexts where the inalienable possession interpretation is obligatory, as in constructions containing monoeventive verbs of perception, and those where the inalienable reading becomes optional, namely with bi-eventive predicates denoting a change of state. I offer a possessor raising and applicative hybrid analysis, whereby the inalienable possessor originates inside the body-part DP and raises to the specifier of an applicative head to license dative case; the position ApplP occupies in the derivation determines the dative's interpretation as a mere possessor (low applicative), or as an affected possessor as well (middle applicative). Alternatively, cases where the dative is not understood as the inalienable possessor but simply as affected occur when this argument is an additional one originating in the specifier of the middle applicative head, and the possessor of the body-part noun is encoded internally via a clitic or strong possessive, or by means of a genitive PP inside the DP. Thus, I propose the existence of two types of affected applicative heads: (i) one whose specifier is available for the possessor inside the possessum DP to move into to be case licensed, and (ii) another introducing an additional argument in its specifier. Additionally, this analysis accounts for the complementary distribution between dative possessors and possessive determiners in Spanish. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conversion is a common feature of present-day English, leading to many 'heterosemous' words that express related meanings across multiple word classes. Especially common is verb/noun heterosemy, as in flow or hand, both of which can be used as verbs or as nouns. The prevalence of verb/noun heterosemy sets English apart from closely related Germanic languages and is one respect in which English behaves as a language with high boundary permeability. This paper investigates how verb/noun heterosemy has been evolving in Recent English (1920s–2010s). Using quantitative analysis within a large sample of 877 heterosemous words, it is shown that associations between specific words and word classes have been weakening over the last century. More precisely, within our sample, heterosemous words on average tend to develop towards more balanced heterosemy, whereby their association to either one word class or another becomes less pronounced. The findings suggest that English is in the process of a long-term drift towards greater boundary permeability. As high boundary permeability has been associated with low reliance on inflectional morphology in a language, this could be a long-term consequence of the overall loss of inflections earlier in the history of the language. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates a type of empty morph that attaches to noun forms and that will be called "noun affix" here. Based on six case studies from unrelated African and American genera, I arrive at a diachronic typology of noun affixes that in many ways confirms and in other ways expands on the findings of Joseph Greenberg, whose work on the topic remains the yardstick. One claim is that noun affixes may emerge directly from gender markers and that this is reflected in the paradigm size of noun affixes. Furthermore, there is evidence for the idea that old noun affixes may be repurposed for the creation of phonologically minimal word forms. The main interest of this study is in what the development of noun affixes reveals about processes of grammaticalization. The current literature mostly focuses on the fact that grammaticalization is initiated by semantic changes (mostly semantic reduction) rather than by formal changes. This raises the question of whether semantic reduction is also completed before formal reduction. The noun affixes provide compelling evidence for this idea and thus suggest that empty morphs may arise via grammaticalization. This runs counter to approaches on which form and function erode in parallel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study contributes to the empirical basis of grammaticalization theory by presenting a grammaticalization profile of Zapotec, a language family of Mesoamerica. The discussion centers around co-grammaticalization of lexemes and constructions, polygrammaticalization, interdependence between syntactic and prosodic conditioning of grammaticalization, and mutual feedback between grammaticalization and morphosyntactic typology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The book "Nominal Style" by Mathilde Hennig deals with the concept of nominalization in the German language. It explains how verbs and attributes can be transformed into nouns through nominalization. The book is aimed at students of German studies and offers a thorough analysis of example sentences and their comprehensibility after nominalization. However, it emphasizes that not all nominal groups are productive and that not everything can be expressed in a nominal way. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Germanistische Linguistik is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

My goal in this study is to persuade the reader that the word mycms is a compound noun with the elements /may/ + /yucmas/. I will endorse the analysis argued by Good that the Punic compound can be explained by reference to the Greek word Μαιουμα(ς), the name of a spring festival. To the cogent objections of critics of the seemingly odd compound implied by this analysis, I offer agreement, but also the further observation that linguistic theory predicts its oddness. Punic mycms provides an example of noun incorporation, a process of deriving lexemes from sentence elements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prepositional form and function in Irish, as in other Modern Celtic languages, are topics of much significance. In Modern Irish numerous simple prepositions not only form compounds with possessive forms of personal pronouns but additionally marshal an impressive array of 'conjugated' forms corresponding to the various grammatical persons. Prepositions also play a crucial role in indicating aspect and are involved in passive/ reflexive roles with the verbal noun. This paper offers an overview of the functioning of a selection of important prepositions in the language and provides examples by way of illustration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is the first survey of verbal affixes encoding the day period ('at night','in the morning' etc.) or the yearly seasons ('in winter' etc.) when the action takes place. It introduces the term 'periodic tense' to refer to this comparative concept, explores the attested paradigms, their interactions with other verbal categories (including the more usual deictic tense), and investigates their diachronic origins. It shows that periodic tense markers are not restricted to incorporated nouns of time period but constitute a highly grammaticalized verbal category in some languages, which can redundantly co-occur with free adverbs or nouns indicating time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with how English deverbal nouns with the suffix -ing have been imported into Italian. The focus is on the semantic characteristics of these borrowed nouns in Italian and, in particular, on the question of whether they have been borrowed not as simple sign-concept pairings but with argument and event structure. In previous research, it has been claimed that argument and event structure need to be licensed by some overt functional element. Hence, borrowed deverbal nouns should have argument structure and event structure only if they have an overt affix, in other words, only if the forms are not borrowed holistically as unsegmented words but retain internal morphological structure, implying that morphological borrowing of the affix has occurred. When a foreign affix combines with native bases of the recipient language, this is often considered an important criterion for morphological borrowing, which is clearly not the case for the suffix -ing in Italian. Here, it will be shown that contrary to expectation, numerous occurrences with argument and event structure may be found in a large Italian web corpus for a sample of English deverbal nouns ending in -ing, borrowed into (certain registers) of Italian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper targets the division of labor between borrowed English forms and heritage alternatives in Belgian-Dutch youth language. Through lexical semantic analysis of a youth-language corpus containing over 450,000 private instant messages, the choice for English or Dutch person-reference nouns (e.g. Eng. girlfriend, loser, sister; Du. vriendin, sukkel, zus) is studied at three levels of semasiological granularity. First, at the level of the semantic field as a whole, Dutch appears to have the strongest foothold, accounting for over 75 % of the types and over 85 % of the tokens referencing people. Second, coarse-grained semantic-feature annotation reveals that Dutch retains its dominant position in all identified semantic subcategories of person-reference nouns although some hubs of English are also attested. Third, an in-depth analysis of the selection between the near-synonyms sis, sister, zus, zusje and zuster in the corpus indicates socio-pragmatic differentiation between the English and Dutch terms, English being used more for (affective) address and for friends, Dutch being reserved for reference and for proper kin. Overall, our study indicates the potential of a three-tiered onomasiological approach: the results of the three case studies show both similarities, in the systematically stronger foothold of Dutch at all levels of analysis, and differences, in the semantic specialization for English progressively uncovered from the first to the third sub-study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Like many other Oceanic and Kanak languages of New Caledonia, Zuanga-Yuanga [ZY] has classifiers restricted to the possession of nouns denoting food, drink, animals and plants; it also has dichotomous direct and indirect adnominal possessive constructions, which are generally labeled inalienable or alienable in the Oceanic literature. These terms refer to a distinction between close versus distant structural marking, which do not strictly correlate with lexical-semantic categories. For instance, kinship nouns are split over the two types of constructions, distinguishing reference from address kinship terms, not in terms of semantic distinctions between close versus distant kinship types. The split for body-part nouns is between directly possessed dedicated terms and indirectly possessed metaphorical body terms, not in terms of permanent versus removable parts, or temporary body properties. In ZY possessive constructions correlate with fairly strict possessee noun classes belonging to one single structural class (directly or indirectly marked). Only a limited number of nouns denoting parts-of-whole have alternate constructions expressing different semantic relations to the possessed noun. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the nature and behavior of independent, bound and deverbal nouns at various levels of linguistic organization in Harakmbut (isolate, Peru), and assesses the explanatory potential of the alienability contrast for the data observed. While the distinction between bound and independent nouns is to a great extent motivated by the conceptual distinction between inalienably and alienably possessed items, the behavior of bound and independent nouns in adnominal possession is not. Whereas independent (and deverbal) nouns use a genitive-marked two-word construction, bound nouns can use the same one, when keeping their noun prefix, or they can use a genitive-marked one-word construction, in which they drop their prefix. It is thus argued that there is no alienability split in adnominal possession, that is, there is no coding split according to which bound nouns behave fully differently from independent nouns. This is supported by the finding that bound nouns (unlike independent and deverbal ones) also show the same choice between a two-word and a one-word coding strategy in non-possessive adnominal modification. In noun-noun compounding, the data merely reveal different preferences of bound and independent nouns for the N1 versus N2 position; here deverbal nouns behave identically to bound nouns in dropping their prefix in N2. In noun incorporation, finally, the relevance of the alienability contrast is similar to that for the two-way noun class system. Inalienable semantics (and morphological boundness) could be argued to determine the incorporability of nouns, but there are also exceptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the adnominal possessive construction of Mandinka (a West Mande language spoken in Gambia, Senegal, and Guinea Bissau), the possessor NP may be simply juxtaposed to the possessee or flagged by the postposition lá. This coding split shows unusual properties in comparison with most of the languages having formally similar coding splits. Crucially, any noun can be modified by an unflagged possessor, depending on the semantic nature of the possessor and of its relation to the possessee. The present-day distribution of the two constructions cannot be analyzed as reflecting an alienability contrast, nor can the alienability contrast account for the emergence of this coding split. The data analyzed in this study suggest that the lá-construction initially referred to situations where the possessor determines the location of the possessee, but is grammaticalized differently depending on the grammatical nature of the head noun and the semantic nature of the modifier. The Mandinka data also show the limits of explanations in terms of discourse frequency, and the need to admit that semantic features such as animacy and control may play a crucial role in the genesis of coding splits in the adnominal possession construction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this work we are presenting a database structure to encode the phenomenon of differential possession across languages, considering noun possession classes and possessive constructions as independent but linked. We show how this structure can be used to study different dimensions of possession: semantics, noun valence, and possessive constructions. We present preliminary survey results from a global sample of 120 languages and show that there is a universal semantic core in both inalienable and non-possessible noun classes. Inalienables are centered on body parts and kinship. Non-possessibles are centered on animals, humans, and natural elements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents an original analysis of possession in Mojeño Trinitario, an Arawak language, teasing apart the levels of lexical possessive noun classes, morphological derivation between noun classes, and adnominal possessive constructions. The three possessive noun classes (obligatorily prefixed, optionally prefixed and non-prefixable) do not exactly correspond to the three possessive noun classes of the traditional analysis of Arawak languages, as in the analysis proposed here some of the traditionally called "alienable" nouns, i.e. nouns occurring as either possessed or unpossessed, are classified as non-prefixable nouns because they need some additional derivational morphology to be prefixable. The two adnominal possessive constructions (basic, through prefixation and modification; and indirect, via a generic possessive noun) are described, and their distribution is discussed. The article then addresses the question of how the notion of "alienability contrast" could explain the phenomena described, at either the lexical or phrasal level. In the process, it offers frequency counts on how often nouns of the different possessive classes occur as possessed in discourse, and it discusses whether the three noun classes are open or closed classes. It concludes that the alienability contrast is at best only a partial explanation for the expression of possession in Mojeño Trinitario. This article ends by developing how this innovative account of possession in Mojeño Trinitario applies to other Arawak languages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on possession marking in Piaroa, a Jodï-Sáliban language spoken along the Middle Orinoco River on the Venezuelan-Colombian border. Based on a corpus of first-hand fieldwork data and building on previous descriptions of Piaroa possession, I show that Piaroa nouns can be divided into four main possessive noun classes based not only on the alienability (i.e., obligatorily possessed vs. optionally possessed) contrast but also based on construction types (i.e., directly possessed vs. indirectly possessed). This article thus contributes to our crosslinguistic understanding of possession constructions and possessive noun classes by showing that alienability is not a sufficient criterion to account for the different possessive classes and splits in Piaroa adnominal possessive constructions, which require positing two concurrent but distinct systems of possessive classification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japanese psychological nouns (psych nouns) suki 'like' and kirai 'dislike' mark their objects with nominative or accusative case, but it is unclear what circumstances make accusative objects acceptable. Two acceptability judgment experiments manipulating object case, object animacy, and the psych nouns' syntactic environment (copular, inchoative, relative clause) show significantly lower acceptability of accusative than nominative objects in copular and relative clauses, but no significant difference in inchoative clauses. A proposed account for these findings is that psych nouns can be nominalized VoicePs, in which case their projections contain external and event arguments and their objects are accusative-licensed, or nominalized VPs, in which case no external or event argument is available, and their objects are caseless and marked with nominative as the default case. The experiments also reveal a significant interaction between object animacy and case with suki 'like', suggesting the possibility that this is an emerging differential object-marking. (148) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This book, titled "Cross-Categorial Classification: Nouns and Verbs in Eegimaa," explores the noun and verb classification system of Eegimaa, an African language of the Jóola group. The book consists of eight chapters and two appendices, covering topics such as verb classification systems, morphological analysis of nouns and verbs, and the semantic motivations behind noun and verb classification. The author argues that Eegimaa uses the same morphosyntactic mechanism to classify non-finite verbs and nouns, and highlights the analogy between the nominal and verbal domains. This book provides valuable insights into the classification systems of nouns and verbs in Eegimaa and contributes to our understanding of similar systems in related languages. [Extracted from the article]

Hypocoristics have received considerable interest from phonologists in recent decades, particularly within the Optimality-theoretic literature. While most of these analyses have been situated in parallelist OT, I claim that this architectural choice entails hidden complexities. It is cross-linguistically common for multiple hypocoristics to be formed from a single proper noun, e.g., Matthew → Matt/Matty. In this case, parallelist OT must resort to co-phonologies to avoid ranking paradoxes, which results in significant analytical complexity. By contrast, I argue in this paper that a stratal analysis is crucial for capturing multiple patterns of Hypocoristic Formation (HF) within a single architecture. I present here data of disyllabic hypocoristics from Standard Chilean Spanish. These hypocoristics are derived from the proper nouns by means of two separate anchoring sites: to the left edge of the full name, or to prominence in the full name, i.e., the tonic syllable. In addition, hypocoristics may be prosodically- or morphologically-driven: they may solely be formed by truncating the material of the proper noun, or, in the latter case, there may also be additional suffixal material provided. These data, therefore, lend themselves to a four-way categorisation. I show that this categorisation can be fully accounted for within a stratal architecture, and without the need for additional co-phonologies. Within the analysis, I locate each of the anchoring sites within the lexical phonology: edge-anchoring occurs at the stem level, along with syllabification and stress assignment, while prominence-anchoring occurs at the word level. In this way, the input to edge-anchoring at the stem level comprises a string of segments, while the input to prominence-anchoring at the word-level contains prosodic units up to the foot, which permits word-level HF to anchor to prominence. I further posit that prosodic- and morphologically-driven HF are caused through the passing of hypocoristic morphemes from the morpho-syntax to the phonology. Purely prosodic HF is triggered through a null or covert morpheme, while morphological HF triggered by an overt one. The hypocoristic morphemes themselves are stored as diacritics in the proper nouns' lexical entries. Furthermore, the constraints that select the hypocoristic forms as optimal are sensitive to the presence of this hypocoristic morpheme, which is reflected in tableaux through indexing. When a hypocoristic morpheme is present in the input of a proper noun to a particular stratum, these highly-ranked indexed constraints select a corresponding hypocoristic form as optimal. If the hypocoristic morpheme is absent, these constraints do not assign violations, and the proper noun is instead (vacuously) found optimal. This analysis thus unifies two distinct patterns of HF in one phonological grammar through the inclusion of indexed-constraints and the serial derivation in a constraint-based architecture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We consider two asymmetries reported in the literature on word prosodic systems: the tendency to allow more prosodic contrast in nouns than in verbs and the tendency to avoid stress on functional material. We focus on the interaction between these two tendencies and propose a formal mechanism to handle this interaction couched in Optimality Theory. In a case study on a group of standard Serbo-Croatian varieties that have predictable stress in verbs but contrastive stress in nouns, we develop an analysis of predictable and morphologically conditioned stress assignment. Our analysis features a family of constraints militating against stress on non-lexical material on three different levels: stress on inflection proper (*Infl-Stress-1), stress on non-lexical material in the locality domain of inflection (*Infl-Stress-2), and stress on non-lexical material altogether (*Infl-Stress-3). Analyzing a class of prosodically exceptional denominal and borrowed verbs, we show that lexical-category effects exist between and within categories: denominal verbs allow exceptional preservation of nominal stress, which leads to additional prosodic contrast in this class of verbs. Finally, we explore the option of subsuming exceptionally contrast-preserving borrowed verbs under denominal verbs, offering arguments in favor of the hotly debated view from the literature that verbs are universally borrowed as denominal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides the first description of the possessive system in Patani, a South Halmahera-West New Guinea language (Austronesian). Possession in Patani involves the interplay of several parameters. Syntactically, there are two broad possessive constructions: direct, and indirect. Morphologically, both constructions make use of pronominal proclitics and possessive suffixes which express the person and number of the possessor. In the direct construction, this possessive marking attaches directly to the noun, whereas the indirect construction makes use of a possessive particle (a relational classifier) on which the possessive marking occurs. Semantically, all nouns which are directly possessed are inalienable nouns expressing kinship, part-of-whole relations, and close association. In the indirect construction, a semantic distinction is made between items related to eating and drinking on the one hand, and general possession on the other. This distinction is signaled through the choice of one of two possessive classifiers. At the same time, there are some idiosyncrasies which are not explained by the main semantic pattern. When both direct and indirect constructions are used together in a sentence, each part maps a different semantic relationship. Typologically, the Patani order is possessor-possessed, as is common in the region. Finally, both the direct and the indirect construction may be used phrasally ('my house'), or predicatively ('I have a house'). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Jahrbuch für Germanistische Sprachgeschicht is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Jahrbuch für Germanistische Sprachgeschicht is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article presents evidence that alienable versus inalienable possession is distinguished in the morphology of Nuer, a West Nilotic language. Although the distinction in possession type is subtle due to Nuer morphology being mostly non-segmental and is additionally obfuscated by numerous exceptions, we show that Nuer conforms to the well-established typological observation that alienable possessive constructions involve more structural complexity than inalienable ones. We argue that alienable possession is marked on the possessum with a non-segmental suffix owing to the presence of PossP structural layer; in contrast, inalienable possession involves a simple juxtaposition of the possessum and the possessor, which are in a head-complement configuration. These structural assumptions account for several morphological patterns where possessed nouns behave differently based on possession type. We also suggest that the exceptional patterns can be dealt with under a presumption that another non-segmental morpheme – the linker – intervenes between the possessum and the possessor when one of them is larger than a monosyllable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Grammatical cases of nouns are expressed by inflectional endings in Slovak. Therefore, nouns have several word forms, with the nominative considered the basic form. In addition to the endings, in some word forms there are morphophonological changes also in stems. The differences between the basic form and inflected forms are evaluated using the Levenshtein distance. We show that word forms more similar to the basic form occur more often. The category of animacy plays a very important role in the frequency behaviour of masculine nouns. The overall idea of the present paper is to give some insights into phenomena of noun inflection and to test various factors influencing and regulating the overall complexity of expressing certain required morphological information. It seems that word frequency, but also word length plays an important role. Moreover, it is shown that also gender and animacy has to be considered to understand noun declension in Slovak properly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Generative Linguistics of the past 40 years an ever increasing stress was put on the intricacies of the information load contributed by morpho-syntactic structure above the level of the root. Roots, seen as naked roots, entities without grammatical categories and arguments to be introduced into morpho-syntactic representations of clauses, contain basic encyclopaedic and phonological information. This paper seeks to show that the information coded by roots has to be more extensive; Roots representing Mental Property meanings in Polish have to apportion eventive arguments to explain diversities in the production of morpho-syntactic structures. To capture some interesting facts about the complementation of Mental Property adjectives in Polish and eventive implications of their cognate nominals, we have to resort to the representation of roots as entities responsible for apportioning arguments. Otherwise, our model would lack descriptive adequacy and it would make wrong predictions about Mental Property morpho-syntax of Polish. Extensive material of Polish Mental Property adjectival and nominal forms shows that eventiveness of some Mental Property adjectives and nominals is not a property of morpho-syntactic structures building such forms, but rather an idiosyncratic property of individual roots with Mental Property meanings. These findings may suggest that Mental Property adjectives and nominals in other languages may require a re-analyses which would take under consideration a possible non-structural, but lexical source of their eventiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is commonly assumed that the expression "an sich selbst" ("in itself") in Kant combines with terms to form complex nouns such as "thing in itself" and "end in itself." I argue that the basic use of "an sich selbst" in Kant's German is as a sentence adverb, which has the role of modifying subject-predicate combinations, rather than either subject or predicate on their own. Expressions of the form "S is P an sich selbst" mean roughly that S is P 'in its own right' or without some further 'condition'. Accordingly, "an sich selbst" should not be treated as forming complex nouns. This analysis has significant consequences for the interpretation of "thing in itself" in particular, for it implies that the latter is not a complete nominal expression. Instead, one must treat 'an sich selbst' as expressing how some S is a 'thing', looking to the wider sentential context. I conclude with a brief account of the new significance granted to the concept of a 'thing' (Ding) according to the present interpretation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study offers insights into the similarities and differences between the zero suffix and overt English suffixes involved in verb-to-noun and noun-to-verb derivation. It is based on morphosemantically related pairs of noun and verb senses released as a Princeton WordNet standoff file, which are annotated with a set of fourteen semantic relations further enriched with information about the affix(es) used in the derivation process. We compare the zero suffix and the overt suffixes with respect to their overall frequency in the dataset and their frequency as per semantic relation. We describe their semantics in terms of the relation between the base and the derived word senses, and of the semantic classes of words involved in affixal and zero derivation. We argue that the zero suffix is highly underspecified, occurring with all semantic relations, even though it manifests some preferences with respect to both the semantic relations expressed and the semantic classes of words it attaches to. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we bring evidence from English and Italian deverbal zero nominals (to climb > the climb-ØN) that zero is a possible spell-out of a nominalizer otherwise overtly instantiated in suffixed nominals (examin-ation). We argue in favor of a Distributed Morphology approach, a separationist theory that recognizes and easily implements zero morphology with underlying syntax-semantics. Abstracting away from other theoretical trends and their foundational reasons to refrain from using zero suffixes, we address three properties that have been argued to fundamentally distinguish zero nominals from overtly suffixed nominals, with the implication that they instantiate a different word formation process: i) realization of verbal argument structure, ii) possibility of embedding verbalizing suffixes, and iii) semantic transparency in relation to the verb. By means of corpus data and two manually collected datasets of 561 English and 174 Italian zero nominals based on lexicographic information, we bring solid evidence against these claims, by arguing that: i) a great proportion of zero nominals do realize verbal argument structure, ii) the zero affix may embed verbalizing affixes within the limits of the selectional restrictions it independently imposes on its base, and iii) zero nominals present the same patterns of polysemy that suffixed nominals display. However, we show that zero nominals also present some idiosyncrasies to the extent that not all of them express compositional event readings with argument structure, a matter that deserves further research within the frame of their competition with suffixed nominals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we examine Modern Greek adjectives with the negative prefix α- [a] (also called alpha privative) which are derived from nouns. These formations display formal and semantic properties that cannot be attributed to any overt element of the structure. Following a bottom-up approach, we revisit the question of whether zero morphemes are useful in the realm of derivational morphology. We argue for a zero derivational suffix that accounts for the lexical category and the inflectional properties of the formation and in combination with the negative prefix a- gives a privative reading. As this zero suffix attributes the basic properties of the formations, but it is not part of the overt structure, we raise the question of whether derivational structures can also be exocentric. Many scholars have claimed that exocentricity is a property pertinent only to compounds. However, we argue that there is no reason why the presence of zero morphemes and the notion of exocentricity should be excluded from derivational morphology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article shows that deverbal conversion nouns in Polish fall into several classes, depending on their inflectional properties and on their semantic interpretation, e. g. rzut 'throw', rząd 'government', odnowa 'renovation', and przystań 'haven, wharf'. In a theoretical framework which recognizes zero morphemes as nominalizers, such a situation would call for the recognition of many homonymous zero affixes (each specifying a distinct inflection class or a different semantic paraphrase of the resulting zero-derivative). It is argued here that a more felicitous account of this type of verb-to-noun derivation in Polish can be offered in the framework of Construction Morphology. It involves the postulation of multiple construction schemas which express the form-meaning correspondence observable in various subtypes of conversion nouns. Such low-level schemas are treated as instantiations of more general (high-level) schemas and they form a network of morphological constructions in a hierarchical lexicon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an overview, based on field data, of the adpositional system in Akebu, a Kwa (Ghana-Togo Mountain) language of West Africa. Like other Kwa languages, Akebu has both linear types of adpositions. Prepositions are not numerous and are fully grammaticalized. Two prepositions are used very widely, one of them expressing a comitative meaning and a number of related ones, the other having a generalized locative meaning, as well as other ones. In contrast, postpositions are more numerous, but most of them are weakly grammaticalized relator nouns that express the meanings of locational orientations and keep nominal morphology and independent uses. Still, grammaticalized postpositions are also present, the most common of them being a postposition that expresses apudessive, i.e. near, next to, orientation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores a typologically unusual but recurrent evolutionary path of innovated future formations neglected by typological research: the change of predicative deverbal nouns (understood here in the broad sense of any deverbal nominal expression/formation) – namely agent nouns and participles – denoting actions typical of referents to future verb-forms via hypoanalysis. Starting with an overview of typologically recurrent ways of creating new future formations, the article seeks to demonstrate that the l-future found in the three Nuristani languages Nuristani Kalasha, Ashkun and Katë developed from active participles designating actions typical of their referents. As a typological parallel of this development the Vedic Sanskrit tā́-future is established, and it is shown by the example of the English will + infinitive future and the futurate use of Russian perfective non-past verb-forms how the change of predicative deverbal nouns denoting actions typical of referents to future verb-forms is brought about by means of hypoanalysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we narrow our investigation to the talk provided by one teacher in the exploration phase of a primary school science project. The exploration phase warrants attention given its role in providing students with a common base of science activities that draws on their prior knowledge. We examine lesson excerpts from a grant-winning primary years science teacher who sets up her Year 3 students to explore garden ecosystems. The study's analytic framework is derived from Systemic Functional Linguistics and focuses on the way the teacher uses certain aspects of ideational, interpersonal and textual functions to mediate between the instructional and regulative discourses. Our findings show that the teacher orientated to the regulative discourse to provide students with access to an instructional discourse. Additionally, the teacher used a significant number of pronouns for signalling, and sequencing connectives that flowed on to a significant number of complex noun groups. We draw attention to the range of speech functions and comment on their role in school science lessons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a comprehensive analysis of adjectives in Dzongkha, a Trans-Himalayan (Tibeto-Burman) language spoken in Bhutan. Several syntactic and morphological properties serve to differentiate adjectives from other word classes. Syntactic properties include the ability of adjectives to directly modify the head noun in a noun phrase (NP), to be modified by an intensifier in the copula complement function, and to serve as the parameter of comparison in comparative constructions. They also include the inability of adjectives to form a complete NP or an intransitive predicate, to function as the possessor and the possessed in possessive constructions, and to occur in cleft-focus constructions. Morphological properties include comparative and superlative markings, as well as the inability of adjectives to take the markers of grammatical categories typically associated with verbs, such as tense, aspect, modality, causative derivation, imperative mood, and negation; or the markers of grammatical categories typically associated with nouns, such as gender, augmentative and diminutive, and case and number. This study is anticipated to cast light on the status of adjectives in other closely related Trans-Himalayan languages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Study 1 compared vowels in Child Directed Speech (CDS; child ages 25–46 months) to vowels in Adult Directed Speech (ADS) in natural conversation in the Australian Indigenous language Warlpiri, which has three vowels (/i/, /a/, /u). Study 2 compared the vowels of the child interlocutors from Study 1 to caregiver ADS and CDS. Study 1 indicates that Warlpiri CDS vowels are characterised by fronting, /a/-lowering, fo-raising, and increased duration, but not vowel space expansion. Vowels in CDS nouns, however, show increased between-contrast differentiation and reduced within-contrast variation, similar to what has been reported for other languages. We argue that this two-part CDS modification process serves a dual purpose: Vowel space shifting induces IDS/CDS that sounds more child-like, which may enhance child attention to speech, while increased between-contrast differentiation and reduced within-contrast variation in nouns may serve didactic purposes by providing high-quality information about lexical specifications. Study 2 indicates that Warlpiri CDS vowels are more like child vowels, providing indirect evidence that aspects of CDS may serve non-linguistic purposes simultaneously with other aspects serving linguistic-didactic purposes. The studies have novel implications for the way CDS vowel modifications are considered and highlight the necessity of naturalistic data collection, novel analyses, and typological diversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

North American languages have figured prominently in discussions about parts of speech. This paper examines more closely the evidence for morphological parts of speech in one Northern Iroquoian language, Oneida, and asks what semantic properties underlie its parts of speech. We make two claims. First, inflected parts of speech in Oneida are semantically transparent in that a part of speech can be determined solely on the basis of well-established semantic distinctions. Oneida parts of speech are, in this respect, canonical, in Canonical Typology's sense. Second, Oneida morphological parts of speech are organized along two orthogonal dimensions, an ontological dimension, i.e., the sort of entity that members of the category describe, and a semantic type dimension, i.e., the kind of semantic relation conveyed by members of the category. We show that Oneida inflection is sometimes sensitive to distinctions along the ontological semantic dimension, sometimes to distinctions along the semantic type dimension, and sometimes a single inflectional process is sensitive to distinctions along both dimensions at the same time. We then show that our bi-dimensional semantic classification of stems accounts for the mixed properties of kinship terms, i.e., which "noun"-like and which "verb"-like properties they have. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indonesian has two noun-forming prefixes, PE- and PEN-, that often stand in a paradigmatic relation to verbal base words with the prefixes BER- and MEN-. The central question addressed in the present study is whether the form similarities between PEN- and MEN- make PEN- easier to learn compared to PE-. To address this question, we made use of a computational model, the 'discriminative lexicon' (DL) model. We trained this model on 2,517 word forms that were inflected or derived variants of 99 different base words. Of these word forms, 109 were nouns with PE- and 221 words were nouns with PEN-. Both the production and the comprehension networks of the model performed with high accuracy for both prefixes. However, the model was able to provide more precise predictions for PE- as compared to PEN-, implying that PE- should have a processing advantage compared to PEN-. There are two reasons for why PE- is learned more robustly than PEN-. First, PE- words tend to be longer and hence have more discriminative triphones. Second, due to cue competition with MEN-, the prefixal triphones of PEN- are less effective cues than those of PE-. A measure of functional load is proposed that helps clarify the relative importance of the triphones in the prefixes and those straddling the boundary between prefix and stem. Our results shed further light on the productivity paradox, role of junctural phonotactics, and (dis)functionality of affix substitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Germanistische Linguistik is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article is an introduction to a collection of papers discussing the identity of form and diversity of function in non-finite verb forms from a variety of perspectives. We start by illustrating the phenomenon and introducing the main functions that non-finite forms can have in the languages of the world. We provide a concise typological overview of the attested combinations of these functions and show how and to what extent these patterns are reflected in the traditional labels, such as participles, converbs, verbal nouns, and infinitives. We briefly discuss the main approaches to the phenomenon under study that have been proposed within both functional and formal frameworks. Finally, we provide a summary of the papers comprising this Special Issue, highlighting the perspectives adopted in the individual contributions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]