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There has been a change in international politics since the 2008 financial crisis, thanks to a greater spread of economic resources and military capabilities. For many, it is a radical transformation that could spell the end of US hegemony in Latin America. This paper examines the proposition, beginning with a review of the concept of hegemony, which rather than being viewed as a structural characteristic is conceived of here as a "nuanced hegemony", in other words a network of asymmetric and hierarchical relations. We can observe not just one transformation then, but the emergence of a hemispheric context that could be described as "differentiated hegemony". The United States still occupies a central position, but its foreign policy is marked by subregional fragmentation and the externalisation of electoral priorities. The paper explores the effects at subregional level, focusing on the opportunities and challenges it presents to Latin American countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a world of growing international competition and rivalry between China and the United States, Latin America and the European Union (EU) are caught in the same thorny dilemma. Positioned between these global giants, both regions are facing a retorn to a Westphalian system of nation-states, which undermines their roles as emerging regional players. In view of these new global challenges in Latin America and the EU, this paper uses a qualitative and comparative approach to explore foreign policy discourses on autonomy in both regions. It examines their goals and priorities and assesses the potential regional and interregional consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is based on an understanding of the global immigration control regime as one of legal violence. It analyses the specialist literature that reveals the existence of an economy of deportability, understood as the unequal distribution of the forms of state power in the lives and freedoms of non-nationals, with gender playing a preponderant role. Taking a gender perspective, a selection of texts from the past two decades are reviewed that analyse the deportation and anti-trafficking apparatus in Europe, the United States and South America. The literature corroborates the existence of a gendered economy of deportability that generates social suffering that, in different ways and to differing degrees, shapes the (im)migrant presence in the national order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ostensibly, Joe Biden's victory over Donald Trump in the 2020 presidential elections should have placed United States international policy back on a familiar path. However, despite the prevalence of a highly traditional vision of US foreign policy, the Biden administration has maintained significant continuities with the previous administration, as reflected in the policy towards China and the withdrawal from Afghanistan. In part, this is due to the constraints produced by the deep divisions that exist at domestic level. This paper aims to unravel the fundamental elements of Biden's foreign policy, focusing on possible ideological and doctrinal elements, strategic priorities, and any continuities and changes relative to his predecessor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at how European thinkers whose ideas helped shape 20th century interwar Nazi and fascist movements have influenced the Alt-Right, a contemporary digital far right-wing movement based mainly in the United States. Specifically, it explores the notions of authoritarian government developed by intellectuals like Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900), above all, and Julius Evola (1898-1974), and their use today in the discourse of Richard B. Spencer, the US illiberal political movement's leader. The aim is to construct an analysis of the thought of the transnational radical right, particularly authoritarian thought, over time and via completely different means such as literature and the internet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the progress of ongoing research into the migrant caravans in Mexico or the exoduses of displaced Central Americans taking place since 2011, but which intensified in 2018. Their presence challenges the grammar of narrating and practising specific forms of migration governmentality, while at the same time forming a kind of migrant self-defence or insurrection, whose main characteristics are walking en masse, without coyotes or legal permission, and along paths controlled by migration agents colluding with organised crime who continue to exercise an "indirect private government". In short, this paper is a reflection on the results obtained from the ongoing research, which is mainly genealogical and historical in nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines secondary sanctions as part of the triangular relations between the United States, the European Union and Cuba. The analysis - built on Dittmer's (1981) strategic triangle theory and Womack's (2016) studies of asymmetric relationships - questions the evaluation of sanctions carried out by the US Departments of State, Commerce and the Treasury, noting that, by prioritising the impact on the target's economy, the evaluation ignores other fundamental effects of the sanctions in terms of triangular relations with allies and alternative powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Trump administration's foreign policy has generated significant debates in the field of US foreign policy studies. Using a methodology based on theoretical elements such as neoclassical realism and Foreign Policy Analysis, this paper seeks to unravel the foundations of his administration's foreign policy in areas like decision-making processes, doctrinal and ideological bases and the ruptures and continuities with his predecessor's foreign policy. The conclusions provide a more nuanced view of the foreign policy of a US president inspired by different theoretical sources with more continuities with his predecessor than most authors admit, but conditioned by a dysfunctional decision- making process and the lack of strategy in the medium and long term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Official Development Assistance (ODA) received a new boost at the start of the 21st century, but this did not translate into a meaningful decrease in poverty and inequality on the periphery. In Latin America, under the leadership of governments called progressive or post-neoliberal, significant advances were observed to this effect, with the Movement for Socialism (MAS) in Bolivia paradigmatic in terms of socioeconomic development and the political and cultural inclusion achieved. Beginning with a critique of US ODA to Latin America, and considering the case of Bolivia, this paper seeks to open up potential ways of underpinning a theoretical line in the political praxis of development that maintains a positive sense of this notion, and which is at the same time able to break with the neoliberal perspective and dispute the scepticism of post-structuralist radicalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The regional issue of peripheral underdevelopment has in the Brazilian Superintendency for the Development of the Northeast (SUDENE) its first great paradigmatic case. The adoption of its two master plans reflects the economic and political onslaught of this institution. In this context, dialogue between SUDENE and the United States was established via the request for financing. This paper analyses the rapprochement and distancing between SUDENE and the "Alliance for Progress" in order to identify the political negotiations established between the two actors in the 1961-1964 period. First, the process of rapprochement to the Alliance for Progress by SUDENE (1961-1962) is examined, followed by a review of the causes of the decline of those negotiations (1963-1964). The methodology is based on the documentary analysis of the acts of SUDENE's Deliberative Council and its first and second master plans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the time of the 10th anniversary of the opening of the detention centre in Guantanamo Bay, many are wondering about the reasons of its very existence in a country that purports to be the defender of the rule of law and human rights. To answer this question, this paper reviews the development of the regulations (both US and international humanitarian law) that are applied to the detainees. It also examines the violations of basic principles of law that have occurred and continue to occur, such as denial of access to ordinary courts and the right to a trial in case of detention, as well as breaches of the protections and guarantees provided by international humanitarian law. Finally, the author analyses the reasons that have allowed the centre to remain in operation despite President Obama's pledge to close it, which he made early on in his term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]