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This article is about one of the most violent and visible form anti-LGBTQI activism in Sweden, conducted by Neo-Nazis. Through a critical discourse analysis of 189 texts published in Swedish newspapers and Neo-Nazi alternative media, it argues that contemporary Swedish Neo-Nazi anti-LGBTQI activism draws upon and constructs transnational heteroactivist discourses. They claim to "protect the nuclear family" to deflate accusations of homophobia while gaining substantial visibility through news media covering their actions. The findings demonstrate the three ways Neo-Nazi texts use heteroactivist strategies. First, the texts argue that LGBTQI rights and feminism are societally harmful. Second, through intertextuality they refer to both local and international alternative media as the basis for their arguments. Third, they rationalise homophobic hatred. This paper contributes to discussions of heteroactivism, revealing the need to grapple with the ways it is intertwined with race and nationalism. Empirically, the analysis also highlights the significance of anti-LGBTQI activism in contemporary white power and extreme-right movements. The inclusion of news media texts that frame and represent heteroactivist strategies reveals that, despite their rationalising efforts, Neo-Nazi anti-LGBTQI activism is represented as homophobic and hateful in news and debate articles describing them. Additionally, news media representations of Neo-Nazi heteroactivist discourse present a nationalist contradiction, with authors re-constructing narratives of Sweden as a "LGBT friendly nation", bringing to light complex relations between heteroactivism, homophobia, racism, and nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Undocumented migrants often experience how their spatial vulnerability continues across their life trajectories through different forms of displacements in the form of forced migration, being at risk of deportation and being victims of gentrification or policies that make it difficult to find a stable housing situation. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork in Sweden and the UK, the paper shows how weak the position of undocumented migrants is on the housing market through recently established policies in the UK which criminalizes the letting of housing to undocumented migrants and the practice of sharing address information between the social services and the border police in Sweden. This intervention argues that these policies that construct spatial vulnerabilities locally are connected to national and transnational policies of displacement globally and suggest that "displaceability", the potential of being displaced, is a strategy for governing vulnerable groups at every scale where governing takes place. Consequently, this intervention suggests that displaceability can help us capture the universal, interconnected experience of spatial vulnerability shared by many differently positioned groups in the world who are susceptible to forced mobility or removal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite decreases in formal evictions in Sweden, housing precarity measured through homelessness as well as through various forms of displacement is increasing. It is therefore important to conceptualize beyond evictions when looking to the condition of various housing regimes. Forced relocation following renovations (renoviction) is a dominant form of displacement in Sweden today, and this form of displacement makes little difference compared to formal evictions, in terms of outcomes for both landlords and tenants. Drawing inspiration from displacement literature, I suggest conceptualizing all forms of 'mundane displacement' that lead to forced relocation as 'structural evictions'. By mundane displacement I mean displacement processes instigated from within an already established political and legal framework, by actors in the realm of housing, that result in for instance increased costs of living for households to the extent that they are forced to leave their homes. I will use the example of renoviction to show how the boundary between formal evictions and structural evictions through renoviction are blurry at best. In this paper the similarities between formal evictions and displacement through renoviction will be illustrated through narratives by tenants relocated within two neighborhoods in Uppsala, Sweden, that are undergoing renovations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a conceptualization of heteroactivism as a transnational phenomenon manifesting in local contexts to spread and express resistance to gender and sexual rights, this article aims to illuminate new dimensions of heteroactivism beyond a sole focus on gender and sexuality by bringing its specificities in the Swedish context to the fore. Drawing on digital ethnography with members of the neo-conservative, far-right thinktank Oikos and the ethnonationalist political party the Sweden Democrats (SD), the article shows how heteroactivist forms of resistance seek to reshape the state and the nation through the gender-sexuality nexus and how these resistances enter into negotiation with spatiohistorically established notions of gender equality and sexual rights. Through a multiscalar transnational approach, the article brings forth how heteroactivism connects several levels horizontally--from the local to the national and the transnational--and vertically and establishes linkages among gender, sexuality, the state and the nation. The analysis reveals how care, love and gratitude for the shared home are core elements used in heteroactivist negotiations, with contextually established notions of gender equality and sexual rights as national values. It also demonstrates how the home, which these actors seek to cherish and protect, takes shape as an exclusive and exclusionary space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Sweden, several cases of single repeat perpetrators in public spaces have raised public concern. These cases all represent situations in which one individual perpetrator affects a larger group of people in a specific time and place. By analysing journalistic reporting of four cities/towns described as "in fear" based on the acts of three separate serial rapists/sexual offenders and one shooter, I intersectionally examine responses and reactions to such specific threat to be able to contribute to a better understanding of how fear of violence affects urban geographical imaginations. These four cases in Sweden (The Haga Man, the Örebro Man, the Hagfors Man, and the Malmö Shooter) involve a consideration of how one specific individual influences narratives of fear and crime as a generalized pattern of gendered and racialized fear of violence in public space. The analysis revealed two different but interdependent stories, one based upon the concern to keep women "safe," and the other dependent upon racist threats and hate crimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a project that focuses on the multiple ways recently arrived migrant women position themselves, and are positioned, in relation to an urban community in a medium-sized town in central Sweden. The research draws on theories of place and social relationships in order to analyse how accessibility of place is structured and explores the tensions in the production of places. Special attention is paid to variations in narratives collected from participants about living in the town and to how the narratives influence the migrants' experiences of everyday places. The results shed light on the importance of social boundaries and of weak hegemonic relationships in generating a sense of homeplace, the ways our informants construct places in their everyday lives, and actions - or inactions - that result from ways that everyday places are constructed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]