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International tribunals — African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights — Access — Limitations on access by individuals — African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, 1981 and its Protocol on the Establishment of the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights, 1998 — Requirement under Article 34(6) of Protocol for State to deposit declaration accepting suit by individual — Jurisdiction — Non-State entity — Application of Article 34(6) — African Union — Corporate capacity — Adoption and enactment of Protocol on the Establishment of the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights, 1998 — International legal personality — Admissibility of application — Exhaustion of local remedies — Locus standiHuman rights — Duty of State to adopt legislative measures — Right to freedom from discrimination — Right to a fair hearing — Right of access to public property and services — Equality of all persons before the law — Independence of the courts — Power to adopt special protocols or agreements — Whether Article 34(6) of Protocol violating Articles 1, 2, 7, 13(3), 26 and 66 of African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, 1981International organizations — Legal personality — African Union — Capacity to sue and be sued — Whether African Union subject to the jurisdiction of the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights — Whether African Union could be held liable for violation of African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights — Protocol on the Establishment of the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights, 1998

The editors invited this article, and the subsequent four response pieces, as a contribution to the debate on knowledge production in Africa and African studies, which was a critical issue in the late colonial and post-independence African universities, and which has continued to be a concern of leading African scholars in the decades since.

This article interrogates the development of African diaspora studies. Based a global research project that seeks to map out the dispersals of African peoples in all the major regions of the world, compare the processes of diasporization, and examine the patterns of diaspora engagements, it offers a vigorous critique of the hegemonous Afro-Atlantic model in African diaspora studies. It focuses on two critical challenges that students of African diasporas must confront: the terms of analysis that are adopted, and the problems of historical mapping.

Dawson (1994) submits Black linked fate is a major predictor of Black political behavior. This theory conjectures that the experiences of African Americans with race and racial discrimination in the United States unify their personal interests under a rubric of interests that are best for the Black racial group. With increasing Black ethnic diversity in the United States, however, it becomes important to ascertain how African Americans perceive linkages across Black ethnic groups. This study examines African Americans' linkages with West Indian and African peoples in the United States, referred to here as diasporic linked fate. The study tests the influence of parent-child, intra-racial socialization messages on these linkages. Results suggest that, while a majority of African Americans acknowledge Black linked fate, they distinguish these linkages based on ethnicity and have more tenuous linkages with West Indians and Africans in the United States. While intra-racial socialization messages offer some import in explaining perceived differences in Black ethnic groups' living experiences, more frequent experiences with racial discrimination, and membership in a Black organization offer more import in explaining diasporic linked fate.

In this paper we approach, from a different angle than previous research, the question of whether gains in descriptive representation for African Americans result in losses in substantive representation. By looking at how the presence of African Americans has changed Congress over time, we assess the long-term impact of electing more African Americans to Congress on substantive representation. Specifically, we content analyze House floor debates on civil rights legislation, from 1957 to 1991, and find that Black members have influenced how White members talk about civil rights.

This article examines the extent to which the decision to establish the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights was motivated by the desire of African states to safeguard their own interests at the expense of effectively protecting human rights in Africa. Using an examination of the drafting history of the Banjul Charter and the establishment of the African Commission as a background, this article explores the potential implications for the future of human rights protection on the continent as a result of the creation of the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights and its proposed merger with the African Court of Justice.

David Krasner: In surveying contemporary London theatre, New York Times critic Ben Brantley reported that the Tricycle Theatre hadinaugurated a season of African-American plays with the commandingly titled but obscure Walk Hard, Talk Loud, a play by Abram Hill from the early1940's. Abram who? The name meant nothing to me, but Abram Hill (1910–1986) was a founder and director of the American Negro Theater in New York (1940–1951) and a playwright, it seems, of considerable verve.3That Abram Hill and the American Negro Theatre—the most important black theatre company during the mid-twentieth century—has flown below the radar is indicative of how much work still needs to be accomplished.

This article demonstrates that black British West Indians and black South Africans in post-First World War Cape Town viewed ‘American Negroes’ as divinely ordained liberators from South African white supremacy. These South-African based Garveyites articulated a prophetic Garveyist Christianity that provided common ideological ground for Africans and diasporic blacks through leading black South African organizations like the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League (UNIA), the African National Congress (ANC) and the Industrial and Commercial Workers Union (ICU). This study utilizes a ‘homeland and diaspora’ model that simultaneously offers an expansive framework for African history, redresses the relative neglect of Africa and Africans in African diaspora studies and demonstrates the impact of Garveyism on the country's interwar black freedom struggle.

Inspired in part by Paul Gilroy’s Black Atlantic paradigm, the past several years have witnessed a reinvigoration of Black Studies, with careful attention being paid to the approaches and methods of writing black history. The terms “African Diaspora” and “Black Diaspora” have become almost commonplace in scholarly discourse, emerging out of relative obscurity from their roots in the politically inspired Pan-Africanist and Civil Rights discourses of the 1950s and ’60s. Critiques of the Black Atlantic model and its overly narrow concentration on the English-speaking world have fueled new and important discussions that have touched fields and subfields well beyond the traditional boundaries of Black Studies.

Hakim Adi and Marika Sherwood. Pan-African History: Political Figures from Africa and the Diaspora since 1787. London: Routledge, 2003. xi + 194 pp. Index. $28.95. Paper. Profiles of political and cultural leaders from Africa and the diaspora are still a largely undeveloped genre. The best examples so far are Robert A. Hill's Pan-African Biography (California, 1987), Norbert C. Brockman's An African Biographical Dictionary (ABC-CLIO, 1994), and Ralph Uwechue's Makers of Modern Africa: Profites in History (Africa Books, 1996). Volume 3 of the ten-volume Encyclopedia Africana project, initiated in 1961 in Ghana under the editorial directorship of W.E.B. Du Bois, was to comprise biographies written by W. Alphaeus Hunton. Unfortunately, that project did not survive the death of its initiators. It eventually was revived by the Harvard University team of Kwame Anthony Appiah and Henry Louis Gates, in a much watered-down and truncated version; the result, the one-volume Encyclopedia Africana (Basic Civitas Books, 1999), generally reflects a woeful ignorance of all things African and hardly does justice to the memory of its illustrious initiators. In these circumstances, Pan-African History could even be viewed as some sort of rescue operation. Hakim Adi and Marika Sherwood, two British-based academics associated with the Black and Asian Studies Association, provide in condensed fashion the profiles of forty major political figures in the history of panAfricanism, by which they mean "women and men of African descent whose lives and work have been concerned, in some way, with the social and political emancipation of African peoples and those of the African diaspora" (vii). According to them, "Pan-African history... includes chronicling a variety of ideas, activities and movements that celebrated Africanness, resisted the exploitation and oppression of those of African descent, and opposed the ideologies of racism" (vii). The earliest entries are devoted to three antislavery and antiracism activists of the eighteenth century: Toussaint L'Ouverture, the leader in St. Domingue of the only successful slave revolution in history; and two British-based abolitionist activists and pioneers of the slave narrative, Olaudah Equiano and Ottobah Cugoano. In the nineteenth century, pan-African history was characterized by the need to refute the pseudoscientific racist ideologies of social Darwinism and to "vindicate the race." Some, like Martin R. Delany and Edward W. Blyden, called for an actual return to Africa, while others, such as Frederick Douglass, were determined to struggle to end slavery and achieve their human and civil rights in the country of their former enslavement, the United States. At the turn of the century, a number of prominent West African intellectuals-among them, Blyden, Joseph E. casely Hayford, and James Africanus Horton-began to promote African nationalism and to advocate African self-government with the motto "Africa for the Africans." The authors trace the birth of the organized pan-African movement to the founding of the African Association in London in 1897 and the convening, in the same city, of the first pan-African conference three years later. They note that during the 1930s pan-Africanism was strongly influenced by the ideology of Marxism-Leninism and socialism as a model of development. This was reflected in the life and work of such scholars and activists as Du Bois, Hunton, C. L. R. James, George Padmore, and Paul Robeson. As the authors rightly observe, while Europe was the center of the pan-African world before 1945, the focus of pan-African activity switched to Africa after that date. Stimulated by the independence of Ghana (1957) and the dynamic leadership of its first president, Kwame Nkrumah, a new type of pan-Africanism emerged, aimed at the total liberation of Africa from colonial and white minority rule and culminating in the founding of the Organization of African Unity in May 1963. …

RECENT studies addressing the ‘African diaspora’ have sought to provide global context for the experience of people of African descent. The two books under review – each a major contribution to studies of the African diaspora – provide an opportunity to take stock of the emerging genre of historical and cultural studies of which they are a part. The perspective of the African diaspora has the advantage of locating movements and connections of Africans around the world, and in so doing has the power to inform and sometimes surprise. From such a perspective, for instance, Alberto da Costa e Silva notes that during the 1860s a French bookseller in Rio de Janeiro sold a hundred copies of the Qur'an each year, mainly as clandestine sales to slaves and ex-slaves. This evidence confirms the continuing significance of Islam in Brazil, and raises the possibility that the religious practice was sustained through continuing contacts with West Africa. Over a century later, novelist Alice Walker launched a headline-grabbing campaign against female circumcision in Africa. As Joseph McLaren shows, Walker's campaign reflected not the shock of an African-American's initial encounter with the complex social practices of the African continent, but her considered judgment after decades of visits to East Africa. These examples suggest the range and interest of linkages across wide distances that may be elicited through studies of the African diaspora. They reflect the contributions of an academic enterprise that is apparently settling into a permanent place on the scholarly and curricular scene.

Richard A. Joseph's article "Facing Africa's Predicament: Academe Needs to Play a Stronger Role" (Chronicle of Higher Education, March 7, 2003) poses a thought-provoking question. He asks, "How can a revolution in African governance be effected that would build complexes of institutions that operate efficiently and synergistically?" The revolution is needed, he says, because "entrenched political corruption throughout Africa has become just one element of a broader phenomenon that I call 'catastrophic governance."' He defines the catastrophe as "endemic practices that steadily undermine a country's capacity to increase the supply of public goods to serve the basic needs of its population, including the security of life itself." The practices he has in mind include repressive regimes, absence of democratic institutions, pervasive corruption, theft, mismanagement, and inefficient utilization of public resources. It is true that there is a severe crisis of governance in Africa, and equally true that revolutionary measures are needed to address it. Joseph highlights the role that the African Studies Program at Northwestern University has played in bringing attention to Africa, and he calls on other disciplines in academia to contribute to the ending of this crisis. But what reason is there to believe that American colleges and universities have the will or determination to play such a role? Although Northwestern University--an institution with which Joseph is associated-has been a leader in promoting African studies in this country, it cannot to be assumed that the primary objective of African studies at Northwestern or anywhere else in the United States is to address the crisis he has in mind. It stretches the imagination to believe that Northwest

That there is a strong historical intellectual tradition of African Americans studying Africa is news to some. That there remains a demand among African Americans in the United States to study Africa is also a surprise. That these ideas are challenging to some is ludicrous to others. For many African Americans in African studies, affirming our engagement with Africa over and over is not only a nuisance but also a waste of precious time and intellectual energy. After countless efforts, many African Americans have simply disengaged, refusing to have these futile conversations. Others bear witness in perpetuity to the defense of Black nationality and global Pan-Africanism for themselves, the race, and the enlightenment of disbelievers. Both groups act with calculated rationality, yet denials of African Americans’ interest in, engagement with, and effect on African studies abound. The denial within the community of scholars comes mostly from White Americans but also from continental Africans and other African Americans.

Establishing an African studies program at a historically Black college or university (HBCU) may seem to make as much sense as carrying coals to Newcastle. In fact, though, very few of these institutions have African studies programs. Howard University is an important exception and was the first HBCU to establish an African studies program. That program, which was led initially by Rayford Logan, was created in 1953 following a $50,000 Ford Foundation grant in 1952. Anthropologist Melville Herskovits established the first African studies program in the United States in 1948. Howard University remains one of the few, if not the only, institution in the United States with an African Studies department that has its own faculty and that offers a doctorate in African studies.

The South African law library holds a similar function to that of its English counterpart. It provides a primary source to describe the law and how it has changed and grown over time. South African attorneys fulfil a similar role to solicitors and South African advocates can be equated with barristers. While attorneys have recently gained rights of audience in the High Court, most attorneys continue to brief advocates in complex matters due to their specialised knowledge and skills.

The problems of the absence or infrequency of states parties reports to the African Commission and the inadequacy of many that are submitted needs to be addressed. At the 25th session of the African Commission, South Africa presented its initial report. This process before, during and after the examination of the report is discussed and provides both encouragement for states to comply with their reporting obligations under the African Charter and useful lessons for states wishing to improve the quality of their reports.

In Pensée 1, “Africa on My Mind,” Mervat Hatem questions the perceived wisdom of creating the African Studies Association (focused on sub-Saharan Africa) and the Middle East Studies Association a decade later, which “institutionalized the political bifurcation of the African continent into two academic fields.” The cleaving of Africa into separate and distinct parts—a North Africa/Middle East and a sub-Saharan Africa—rendered a great disservice to all Africans: it has fractured dialogue, research, and policy while preventing students and scholars of Africa from articulating a coherent understanding of the continent.

The South African elections of 1994 constituted one of those rare historical moments when humankind made a significant step forward. The peaceful culmination of a liberation struggle, which for years many had feared would end in a bloodbath, registered not only a triumph for the democratic ideal but the resounding defeat of racism as an organising principle of government. If its more recent reference point was the collapse of dictatorial régimes throughout Eastern Europe during 1989–90, it can more distantly be identified as following in the grand tradition of 1789, confirming and extending and elaborating the ‘rights of man’. Yet historical ‘progress’ rarely unfolds in an uncomplicated way, and — however momentous and however much the external world may be willing it to succeed — South Africa's new democracy, by fairly general agreement, faces daunting tasks.

Music making in Africa has been, and is, an essential aspect of living. The philosophy and process of music making in South African schools bares no relevance to this idea. The present situation is that South African music educators are propagating western music education methods, while so-called ‘western’ music educators are turning to Africa to find answers to their perplexing problems. This paradoxical situation highlights the importance of evolving a philosophy and process of intercultural education through music for South Africa which draws upon research into music making in Africa.

In many studies of South African theatre, critical scholarship has elucidated the ways in which playwrights have dramatized their views of oppression and struggle under apartheid. As political change in the country in the 1990s determines new developments in cultural expression, theatre in many quarters finds itself no longer thematically bound to the unambiguous morality which characterized anti-apartheid theatre in the 1970s and 1980s. The issues, and the forms and methods used to construct interpretations of the issues in the theatre, appear increasingly more complex in the 1990s. In academic commentary on South African theatre, a moral outrage shared with theatre practitioners against a repugnant social system has frequently blunted critical faculties. Gayatri Spivak warns us that in the writing of history we need to “look at [our] own subjective investment in the narrative that is being produced.“ There is, in South African theatre studies, a great deal of room for critical vigilance when considering “theatre against apartheid.”

In this article, we describe a new research project on African Nova Scotian English (ANSE), a variety spoken by descendants of African American slaves who immigrated to Nova Scotia in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Subsequent segregation from surrounding populations has created a situation favoring retention of the vernacular, in conjunction with Standard English. In addition to providing the first systematic linguistic documentation of ANSE, we detail the characteristics of the Canadian scenario that make it an ideal test of the creole-origins and divergence hypotheses: in particular, that, more clearly than other African American English varieties that evolved independently in the diaspora, the Canadian situation has featured no creole influence. This fact can effectively date the occurrence of any creole-like features in contemporary ANSE (and, by extension, other varieties of African American Vernacular English [AAVE]) to (at least) the late 18th century, an important time-depth characterization. We then present the results of a series of quantitative analyses of linguistically diagnostic features and compare them to those obtained for (1) another transplanted variety of African American English (Samaná English) and (2) a prototype variety (the Ex-slave Recordings), and note the striking similarities among them. The results militate in favor of a genetic relationship among ANSE and its counterparts as a common precursor of contemporary varieties, thereby providing the first methodologically consistent cross-linguistic comparison of three distinct vestiges of “early” African American English, and contributing missing links in the history and development of AAVE.

Over a quarter of a century ago i was privileged to receive an invitation to contribute an article on South African politics to the first number of this journal. I recall dismissing the thesis that ‘economic forces, together with the emergence of an African middle class, will provide a long term solution to the country's problems…’ I argued thateven if we assume a lessening in international pressure, and an indefinite coqtinuation of the Republic's economic expansion, the [black] elite thrown up by this process may present the South African government (and the opposition parties) with their most fundamental challenge. In these circumstances — the most favourable South Africa can legitimately expect — the choice will still lie between yet more authoritarian methods of social control and a widening of the area of participation in the political process on terms distinctly more radical than those currently envisaged by the two major opposition parties in the Parliament based on the present electorate.

It is my great pleasure to introduce you to this year's recipient of the Harrell L. Strimple Award, Dr. George H. Junne, Jr. As I am sure you are all aware, the Strimple Award is given to an amateur paleontologist who has made significant contributions to our field of study either through research and publication, making outstanding collections of fossil material, or through public service such as promoting educational activities and fossil preservation. George qualifies on a number of fronts as a perfect Strimple Awardee. First I should tell you that George is Professor and Chair of Africana Studies in the School of Modern Languages and Cultural Studies at the University of Northern Colorado in Greeley. He received his Ph.D. in Higher and Adult Continuing Education from The University of Michigan in 1988. Subsequently, George has written 5 books and published nearly 100 papers on topics ranging from a history of Blacks in the American West to slavery and the role of black eunuchs in the Ottoman Empire. He has spent several summers teaching at Bogazici University in Istanbul. Additionally, George is an accomplished and published photographer and in his spare time has been known to brew a pretty mean bottle of beer. None of this, of course, is why we honor him this evening. George first came to The University of Michigan, Museum of Paleontology in 1981 as a part time photographer, a job he held (along with bouncer at the beloved and sorely missed Del Rio Bar) while beginning his …

At the close of the twentieth century, we are witnessing across the globe competing, frequently cataclysmic discourses about identity. These discourses are literally erupting into activities that reshape the meaning of “national culture.” Simultaneously, many of these cultural confrontations are giving visibility and voice to transnational cultural communities. Within this world-wide context, U.S. cultural and educational institutions are at the national frontline of a related volatile, but potentially promising, debate frequently referred to as “cultural wars.” Museums in particular have become a flash point on the cultural landscape of what cultural conservatives Arthur A. Schlesinger and Patrick J. Buchanan accurately, although shrilly, formulate as “a struggle to redefine the national identity.”

Ethnic differences based on national origin are often undistinguished within the Black community in the United States. The assumption of a singular Black ethnicity (or the notion that all Blacks in the U.S. identify their origins within the U.S.) defines the majority of scholarly work on Black political identity and political behavior. However, the growing visibility of Black immigrant communities in major metropolitan areas of the U.S. raises the following question for scholars of immigration and race politics: What are the political implications of ethnic diversity within the Black community?

Is there an African Studies establishment in the United States? Of course there is. The academic study of Africa has mushroomed since the end of the Second World War as federal dollars were invested in graduate training programs so that the United States would be able to cope with the challenges posed by the coming to independence of former colonial territories in Africa from 1956 onward. Most of this money went to major research universities. Accordingly, the training in African Studies that evolved at these centers was rooted in the historical development of western academic disciplines, the history of race and power in America, and hegemonic control over the discourse on Africa in America.

For better or worse, Africa is coming of age. The golden epoch of high hopes for pan-African co-operation and unity has passed. In its place is coming a new era of confrontation, ideological conflict and even ‘African imperialism’ that threatens everything pan-Africanists believed in and were crusading for… at the dawn of [the] continent's independence from colonial rule. The change in the nature of pan-African politics from lofty idealism to hard-nosed realpolitik is nowhere more evident than in the present paralysis of the Organisation of African Unity. The Angolan crisis and now the Spanish Sahara dispute have laid bare the new realities of the African continent in a revealing and even devastating manner. – The Montreal Star, 16 March 1976.

Johannesburg, in certain respects the Republic's leading urban centre, celebrates her centenary in 1986. Acquisitive citizens and indifferent officials have, however, long driven much of her past from the streets. Today carnival history is being manufactured hurriedly beyond remote tarmac parking grounds and behind ticketing turnstiles. Although its popularization is also overdue, scholarly interest in South African urban history fortunately has not attracted only whimsical attention. In the brief review which follows an attempt is made to sketch the outlines of the South African urban past, to capture the flavour of substantive research into South African urban history and to contour the intellectual climate in which this has been conducted and shaped. Emphasis is placed on research reported in scholarly outlets. Not unexpectedly there is a wide range of other publications which contain elements of urban historical interest, these ranging from newspapers and magazines to general historical texts and finely liveried, lavishly illustrated Africana. For the purposes of this presentation, the ‘modern period’ of South African urban history is closed during the 1950s.

In April 1986 British Africanists met to discuss the crisis facing African Studies in their country. The crisis was easily denned as one of lack of resources in universities where current cutbacks have particularly affected area studies; of the limited funds available to libraries specialising in African Studies; and of the severe reduction in the number of publishers willing to take on monographs relating to Africa, with the result that many scholars are ‘giving up all hope of being published'.1 Furthermore, lack of travel funds has meant that many Africanists teaching in Britain have not been to the continent of their study in seven years. So few new appointments have recently been made in the field of African Studies in British universities that, unless something drastic is done to reverse the trend, in fifteen years’ time there will be a sharp decline in the numbers actually engaged in African Studies as generations grow old and are not replaced.2 Students can see no future in pursuing African Studies at the postgraduate level and their teachers are in no position to advise even their most brilliant students that doctoral research will lead to an academic appointment. These developments have taken place in a context where those who run the government have lost or are losing interest in Africa, a continent which is seen increasingly as one of unending problems which they just wish would go away. Indeed, the whole crisis in African Studies, as described by some of the leading British Africanists that April, invited headlines in the respected weekly magazine West Africa: ‘African Studies in peril. Is the study of Africa in British universities dying?

Contemporary women from technological cultures are often perceived as self- rather than family- or relationship-oriented. Whether true or false, this perception creates problems in communication between males and females in the United States, especially in communities where black women grounded in African-world views attempt to respond to conflicting western cultural orientations. Issues of marriage, child-care, economics, employment, career advancement, and race relations have often contributed to the nexus of confusion surrounding the education and work of black women in a highly industrialised society.

Whatis ‘essence’ and what is ‘appearance’ in African politics? Does class or interest-group analysis describe and explain the various realities? These questions are unanswerable without an examination of the methods by which claims to correct understanding are made. All claims to knowledge are arbitrary until the methods of enquiry and the justification for their validity are made explicit.

As a Jewish political scientist who has lived, taught, and conducted research in Muslim areas of sub-Saharan Africa (particularly Niger and Northern Nigeria), I was more than intrigued with that aspect of the debate between Ali Mazrui and Hailu Habtu--two African Africanists, at least one of whom is of Islamic origin--concerning "Jewish cultural influences on Black Africa " ("The Semitic Impact on Black Africa: Arab and Jewish Cultural Influences"; "The Fallacy of the 'Triple Heritage' Thesis: A Critique," Issue, vol. XIII, 1985). As a reflection on the revolution in Africana studies that has occurred over the past few decades, it is refreshing to note that Westerners (including Jews) may now find themselves to be the objects of intellectual discourse and historical analysis by African scholars--and not, as has traditionally been the case, the other way around. As an illuminating exercise in academic and cultural role reversal, reading the erudite comments by African scholars upon what is familiarly referred to as the greater mishpocha engendered a feeling somewhat akin to what African students must have felt (and perhaps often still do) when "their" culture, language, history etc. has served as grist for the primarily European and North American academic mill. Both Professors Mazrui and Habtu, even while in internal disaccord as to the legitimacy of the double "Triple Heritage" thesis (indigenous, Semitic, and Greco-Roman influences impacting on Africa, and indigenous, Islamic, and Western influences in Nigeria) nevertheless converge in limiting themselves to the rather ethereal, abstract, and esoteric implications of the (especially) Jewish impact in sub-Saharan Africa. The "true" origins of circumcision (.i.e. Hebraic vs. Egyptian), genesis (biblical vs. African), monotheism (Mosaic vs. Melchizedekist) and even Marxism (Jewish or Western European) may be fascinating intellectual conundra in their own rights, but obscure what is perhaps a more relevant perspective: the present-day perception, significance, and image of Jews amongst "indigenous"--and even "Islamicized" (as if the two should be separated)--black Africans. This is the perspective that emerged for this Ashkenazi Jew living in the West African bush. In so recasting the frame of reference, the misplaced emphasis on "Jewish cultural influences" on Black Africa might be amended to the commonalities between the two traditions. Also, the trap of falling prey to ultimately futile (for unresolvable) arguments over historical precedence may be avoided. In this way, Mazrui's perhaps exaggerated notion of "'Jewish influence" upon Black Africa may be mitigated, without completely dismissing (as Habtu might do) the otherwise fascinating phenomenon of a JewishBlack African "Connection."

Is there a fundamental disparity between Africans and ourselves in modes of thought? Can they assimilate Western civilization, not merely accepting its scientific discoveries and inventions, but making its intellectual assumptions and methods really their own? There is obviously no question of greater theoretical and practical importance for the teacher.

This is the second in a series of progress reports on African archaeology in the United States. These reports are being produced at the request of the Archaeology Committee of the African Studies Association as a means of indicating the nature and extent of current North American participation in this aspect of African research. William Y. Adams of the University of Kentucky is leading an archaeological expedition to excavate the medieval Nubian village site of Kulubnarti in the Republic of the Sudan. The object of the expedition is to try to discover evidence of Islamization in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries -- a historical problem which received almost no attention during the recent High Dam salvage campaign in Nubia. Work will be carried on from January to May 1969 under the direction of Dr. and Mrs. Adams with four student assistants and a labor force of 125. The expedition is sponsored by the Department of Anthropology, University of Kentucky, under a grant from the National Science Foundation.

The native problem as it exists to-day in South Africa is not a phenomenon of recent growth. The issues which confront the country are the product of many decades of inter-racial contact and adjustment, during which Europeans and Natives have exercised a steadily growing influence upon each others' lives. Under the influence of European culture many of the Natives have abandoned their original tribal customs, and their social life is being reorganized on a new basis by the adoption of European habits and ideas. On the other hand, the presence of the Natives has so profoundly affected the social and economic development of the Europeans as to have become almost an integral part of the whole structure of civilization in South Africa. It is no longer possible for the two races to develop apart from each other. The future welfare of the country now depends upon the finding of some social and political system in which both may live together in close contact, without that increasing unrest and disturbance that seems to develop as the inevitable result of the lack of stability and unity in any society.