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The production and distribution of ceramic building materials (CBM) in the Roman period have long attracted the attention of archaeologists, as they provide clues to aspects of trade, identity, and technological and architectural traditions. However, there has been a notable scarcity of studies focusing on plain CBM in the southern Levant, particularly in the Mediterranean coastal region. This study concentrates on CBM (bricks, tubuli, drainage pipes, and roof tiles) from a Roman-period wealthy farmstead (Khirbat Khaur el-Bak) near the city of Ashqelon/Ascalon, apparently owned by a serving member of the military or a veteran. The petrographic analyses indicate that apart from the locally produced drainage pipes, the CBM were imported from overseas, namely Cilicia and Beirut. The results shed light on CBM trade in the Eastern Mediterranean, and on the complex nature of the population and material life in and around Roman Ashqelon, which included local and foreign elements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1st-c. CE Roman siege system of Masada exhibits a high degree of preservation due to its remote location and the arid climate. However, unlike the thoroughly excavated Masada fortress, the siege system has not received due attention. This article is part of a research project aimed at advancing our understanding of the conflict landscape around Masada using contemporary archaeological methods. Following a comprehensive surface survey and photogrammetric 3D modelling, we show that the circumvallation wall stood to a height of 2–2.5 m and served several functions – as an obstacle, a means of psychological warfare, and a platform from which to mount counterattacks. Based on our measurements and workload estimations, we argue that the construction of the siege wall and the camps around Masada occurred fairly quickly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The military punishment of decimatio , the cudgelling by lot of one in ten men in a disgraced unit, often described as a cornerstone of Roman military discipline, was never practised during the third and second centuries BC. The punishment was possibly used as an extraordinary measure a couple of times in the fifth and fourth centuries BC. It soon fell into total desuetude but was cultivated as a rhetorical construct that proclaimed theoretical powers commanders no longer dared effect. It was only revived, or rather reinvented, during the Late Republic, a violent moment that saw the confluence of antiquarian enthusiasm with military dynasts whose unrestrained powers allowed them to manifest what had previously been an aristocratic talking point. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1987, nine groups of graffiti written in Safaitic were published from Pompeii's theatre corridor (VIII.7.20). Safaitic, a south Semitic script used to record a dialect of Old Arabic, had never previously been documented in the West, and the appearance of these inscriptions at Pompeii since their publication has largely remained a mystery. I argue that Pompeii's Safaitic graffiti were inscribed by nomads from the Ḥarrah who had been incorporated into the Roman army, and who marched into Italy with Legio III Gallica during its campaign to install Vespasian as emperor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Roman presence in high mountainous areas has traditionally been considered marginal, but recent archaeological studies in several European regions have reshaped our understanding of the occupation and exploitation of these regions. Archaeological research conducted in the Cerdanya valley shows this to be the case in the eastern Pyrenees. The discovery and excavation of several indigenous settlements have allowed us to document an earlier and more intensive Roman presence there, attested by military activity and the exploitation of the area's resources. The site of Tossal de Baltarga (Lleida), where a group of Roman seal-rings was recovered, offers a window into this situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on recent advances in our knowledge (much of it owed to the proliferation of military diplomas) and a new analytical method to quantify the number of soldiers and their children who received Roman citizenship between 14 and 212 c.e. Although significant uncertainties remain, these can be quantified and turn out to be small relative to the overall scale of enfranchisement. The paper begins by reviewing what is known about grants of citizenship to soldiers, with particular attention to the remaining uncertainties, before presenting a quantitative model of the phenomenon. The total number of beneficiaries was somewhere in the region 0.9–1.6 million — significantly lower than previous estimates have suggested. It also emerges that the rate of enfranchisement varied substantially over time, in line with significant changes in manpower, length of service (and hence the number of recruits and discharged veterans) and the rate of family formation among soldiers. The Supplementary Material available online (https://doi.org/10.1017/S0075435819000662) contains a database of military diplomas (Supplementary Appendix 1), a mathematical model of enfranchisement implemented in MS Excel (Supplementary Appendix 2), a description of the model (Supplementary Appendix 3A) and a derivation of the model of attrition across service cohorts in Fig. 6 (Supplementary Appendix 3B). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contains full editions with commentary of a selection from the ink writing-tablets discovered in the excavation of 2017, four letters written by or to the prefect Iulius Verecundus. The editions are numbered continuously from 890 , following the sequence in Tab. Vindol. IV.1 and 2. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Disarticulated human remains were recovered from a first-century fort ditch at Vindolanda on the north-west frontier of the Roman Empire. Ancient DNA analysis revealed the skeleton to be that of a male individual and forensic taphonomic analysis suggested a primary deposition of the body in a waterlogged environment with no obvious evidence of formal burial. Occurrences of disarticulated human remains outside a cemetery context are often overlooked in Roman bioarchaeology. This discovery adds to the growing body of literature regarding alternative funerary practice in the Empire, highlighting that the concept of burial and disposal of the dead is more complex than ancient historical sources suggest. Details of the DNA analysis are provided in the Supplementary Material available at https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068113X1900014X. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

26 carefully positioned fire-pits indicate the location of a Roman marching camp situated near a river crossing and on a terrace of the river Ayr, South Ayrshire, Scotland. Radiocarbon dates from six of the pits provided dates ranging from 2 b.c. to a.d. 231, with an overlap around the Flavian period (a.d. 77–86 to 90). There is some evidence for the clay superstructure of ovens, and botanical evidence for the fuel used and crops cooked. Supplementary Material available online at https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068113X19000059. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The clades Variana was a major Roman defeat, occurring over three days of fighting in AD 9. Three Roman legions and several units of auxiliaries were destroyed, and their commander, Publius Quinctilius Varus, died at the climax of the fighting. Suetonius said that the army paid the price for its general's temeritas and neglegentia , and many other commentators, both ancient and modern, have condemned Varus as a general ever since. This paper re-evaluates Varus' competence as a general by re-examining the extensive literary and archaeological evidence for the clades, with reference to comparative literary evidence that shows how Roman generals usually reacted in comparable situations. It will be argued that Varus' aggressive march towards a rumoured rebellion with a large baggage train, his re-organisation of the baggage train, his change of course westwards, and even his fatal advance into the defile at Kalkriese, were logical decisions in the context of standard Roman military responses to crisis. It is shown that Varus was hamstrung by intelligence and logistical limitations that were not peculiar to him but were systemic to the Roman army at the time. Varus' generalship is thus contextualised as relatively competent, although uninspired. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The importance of long-distance alignments in Roman surveying is increasingly being recognised. It has now been discovered that they were used in setting out the central sectors of the Antonine Wall, but — in contrast to Hadrian's Wall — it appears that they were employed to determine the locations of the military installations along the Wall rather than the line of its rampart and ditch. It also appears that the enigmatic enclosures and expansions which are attached to the rear of the rampart of the Wall only seem to occur in connection with these alignments. A careful analysis of possible explanations indicates that the Romans may initially have sought to set up a two-level alarm system across the central sectors of the Antonine Wall, the possible impacts of which upon the planning and design of the Wall are examined. The Supplementary Material available online (https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068113X18000284) contains a table of inter-visabilities between known military installations, and OS grid references for the installations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The traditional explanation for the presence of Roman artefacts beyond the Roman Empire's frontiers is that these were objects of trade, but this view has been modified in two studies published around the same time. Although they both referred to areas north of the Rhine, each was based on different theoretical premises and presented a different explanation for the presence of Roman artefacts in these areas. One study, based on the concept of world systems theory, concluded that there were uninterrupted and mutually beneficial trade relations across the frontier. The other study was based on a linear culture-historical approach, and it concluded that there were no trade relations between the Empire and the 'barbarians', but that Roman artefacts were the result of specific historical events of brief duration. The present article analyses these apparently conflicting outcomes. It focuses on Roman artefacts from the Netherlands, specifically those from the modern province of Friesland, about 150 km north of the Rhine/the Limes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the trade in leather and other pastoralist products, which the tradition ascribes to the Meccans, could make sense on the assumption that the goods were destined for the Roman army, which is known to have required colossal quantities of leather and hides for its equipment. The hypothesis that the Meccans were servicing the Roman military is examined and found to be impossible to prove in our current state of knowledge; it is at least compatible with the evidence, however, and also highly promising in terms the light it could throw on the political aspects of the rise of Islam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Disputes the document published by M. Alexander Speidel concerning Roman military pay. Establishment of rates of legionary infantry pay from the rate of increase under Ceasar until A.D. 197; Lack of difference between rates of pay of auxiliary and legionary infantry and the cavalry of the legions and alae; Documentary evidence for pay.