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Political scientists have long been concerned that a popularly elected presidency may destabilize competitive party systems. We develop and test a new theory holding that the impact is more immediate and severe than previously assumed. Coexisting legislative and presidential coalitions first and foremost impede the evolution of predictable party interactions at the executive level, which is the domain of the cabinet. This quality has become accessible for comparative research thanks to the concept of party system closure. Using a new dataset for all European democracies since 1848, we show that presidential elections undermine party system closure in two ways: (1) by confounding patterns of government formation (notably under powerful presidencies) and (2) by disturbing electoral/legislative politics, which in turn affect executive politics. The former, direct effect emerges as dominant from a series of panel analyses and case illustrations. These findings have important implications for current problems of constitutional design and institutional reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists commonly use Grambsch and Therneau's (1994, Biometrika 81, 515–526) ubiquitous Schoenfeld-based test to diagnose proportional hazard violations in Cox duration models. However, some statistical packages have changed how they implement the test's calculation. The traditional implementation makes a simplifying assumption about the test's variance–covariance matrix, while the newer implementation does not. Recent work suggests the test's performance differs, depending on its implementation. I use Monte Carlo simulations to more thoroughly investigate whether the test's implementation affects its performance. Surprisingly, I find the newer implementation performs very poorly with correlated covariates, with a false positive rate far above 5%. By contrast, the traditional implementation has no such issues in the same situations. This shocking finding raises new, complex questions for researchers moving forward. It appears to suggest, for now, researchers should favor the traditional implementation in situations where its simplifying assumption is likely met, but researchers must also be mindful that this implementation's false positive rate can be high in misspecified models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists know surprisingly little about the political behavior of inventors, or those who produce new technologies. I therefore merged US patent and campaign contribution (DIME) data to reveal the donation behavior of 30,603 American inventors from 1980 through 2014. Analysis of the data produces three major findings. First, the Democratic Party has made significant inroads among American inventors, but these gains increasingly come from only a few regions and flow to a relatively small number of candidates. Second, deeper geographic trends explain most of the change in aggregate donation patterns. Third, inventors do not strategically donate to candidates outside their own district and, since 2006, inventors increasingly contribute to relatively centrist employer PACs with weak ties to the Democratic Party. These findings suggest that the interaction between market-oriented policy and American electoral institutions may inhibit the formation of broad cross-regional coalitions to support the knowledge economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pablo Ruiz-Tagle's book, "Five Republics and One Tradition: A History of Constitutionalism in Chile, 1810–2020," provides a constitutional history of Chile based on the legal framework established in different constitutions since independence in 1810. The book focuses on how conflicts between elites resulted in constitutional orders that arbitrated political and social conflicts for extended periods of time. Ruiz-Tagle argues in favor of dividing Chilean constitutional history into five republics, each characterized by different political and social dynamics. The book does not extensively discuss the causes of the end of each republic or the role of marginalized groups in the political process. However, it offers valuable insights into the Chilean obsession with constitutions and the ongoing debate surrounding the replacement of the current constitution. [Extracted from the article]

Sungmin Rho's book, "Atomized Incorporation: Chinese Workers and the Aftermath of China's Rise," offers a new framework for understanding Chinese labor politics. Rho argues that the Chinese government has allowed small groups of workers to protest over economic demands specific to their firms, rather than incorporating workers through political parties or corporatist structures. This process empowers a privileged group of workers who have connections and modest grievances, while leaving out a larger group of marginalized individuals who blame the system itself for their problems. Rho's book provides fresh empirical data on worker demands and actions, and raises questions about the long-term prospects of atomized incorporation in China. [Extracted from the article]

This presidential address on Canada and the study of territorial politics makes four main arguments. The first is that territory is a central component of politics, especially of Canadian politics, and that it should remain a focal point of specialists of Canadian and comparative politics. The second is that territory matters in contemporary politics because it serves as grounding for political communities, their claims, and their politics. The third is that not "identifying" parts of Canadian politics as "territorial politics" risks overlooking the importance of territory in the theorizing of federalism, nationalism and regionalism. The fourth is that, through the case of Canada, political scientists have made significant contributions to the study of comparative territorial politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists are tasked with a deeply meaningful and consequential responsibility: explaining the political world. This encompasses a wide array of phenomena, from the behavior of presidents, voters, rebels, and bureaucrats to the origins, transformation, and demise of institutions, regimes, and wars across history and the world. Moreover, our discipline delves into profound normative questions surrounding domination, freedom, equality, representation, and sovereignty, among others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last few years, much of public discourse has been concerned with the rise of populist movements across the world. Hindu nationalism, Brexit, and the rise of Le Pen are just some of the phenomena that have garnered attention and concern. Although, in Rome and America , classicist and political scientist Dean Hammer does not start with this topic, contemporary populism is his destination, specifically in the shape of Donald Trump and the conditions in which his presidency arose. As Hammer investigates several aspects of both the creation and undoing of self-identity and political norms in the United States, he cites templates, points of comparison, and, finally, warnings in both Rome's founding myths and the history of its transition from republic to principate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists have increasingly deployed conjoint survey experiments to understand multidimensional choices in various settings. In this paper, we show that the average marginal component effect (AMCE) constitutes an aggregation of individual-level preferences that is meaningful both theoretically and empirically. First, extending previous results to allow for arbitrary randomization distributions, we show how the AMCE represents a summary of voters' multidimensional preferences that combines directionality and intensity according to a probabilistic generalization of the Borda rule. We demonstrate why incorporating both the directionality and intensity of multi-attribute preferences is essential for analyzing real-world elections, in which ceteris paribus comparisons almost never occur. Second, and in further empirical support of this point, we show how this aggregation translates directly into a primary quantity of interest to election scholars: the effect of a change in an attribute on a candidate's or party's expected vote share. These properties hold irrespective of the heterogeneity, strength, or interactivity of voters' preferences and regardless of how votes are aggregated into seats. Finally, we propose, formalize, and evaluate the feasibility of using conjoint data to estimate alternative quantities of interest to electoral studies, including the effect of an attribute on the probability of winning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Olivia Cheung's book, "Factional-Ideological Conflicts in Chinese Politics: To the Left or to the Right?" explores the role of policy experimentation in China's political landscape. Cheung argues that policy experiments were often driven by factions within the Party seeking to promote competing visions of governance and political reforms. The book traces the origins of this process to the national campaign to "Learn from Dazhai" in the 1960s and 1970s. Cheung also examines case studies, such as the decollectivization of agriculture in Anhui Province and the rise of Special Economic Zones in Shenzhen and Shekou. The book concludes by discussing the factional-ideational nexus within the Chinese Communist Party and the enduring importance of political ideas in Chinese politics. [Extracted from the article]

This article discusses two books that provide different perspectives on Xi Jinping, China's current leader. The first book, written by Alfred Chan, is a comprehensive biography of Xi Jinping, covering his life before becoming Party chief in 2012 and his first term in power. Chan argues that Xi is a transformative leader but does not explicitly analyze the impact of his governance. The second book, written by Willy Lam, focuses on Xi's policies in ideology, politics, economy, and foreign relations, as well as surveillance and social control mechanisms. Lam argues that Xi's leadership brings unprecedented challenges to China. Both books are well-researched and suitable for those interested in understanding China's politics, economy, and foreign relations. [Extracted from the article]

Florence Mok's book, "Covert Colonialism: Governance, Surveillance and Political Culture in British Hong Kong, c. 1966–97," challenges the prevailing belief in Hong Kong that foreign governments manipulated the massive rallies in the city. Mok argues that politics in colonial Hong Kong were not characterized by a lack of political activism, but rather by a complex interaction between political activists and the colonial government. The book reveals how the colonial government employed a secretive polling mechanism to monitor and respond to growing political activism and changing public opinion, a mechanism Mok terms "covert colonialism." The book also explores various protest movements in colonial Hong Kong and their impact on political culture. Overall, "Covert Colonialism" provides a nuanced understanding of Hong Kong's political history and challenges the myth of political apathy and stability in the city. [Extracted from the article]

"The Central Politics School and Local Governance in Nationalist China: Toward a Statecraft Beyond Science" by Chen-cheng Wang is a book that examines the experiences of students who graduated from the KMT's Central Politics School (CPS) in Nationalist China. The book explores how these students were trained in public administration and the challenges they faced when applying administrative science in rural China. Wang argues that the pursuit of a techno-scientific approach to politics often led to adverse outcomes and suggests that a more humanistic approach drawing upon indigenous political traditions may have been more effective. The book provides valuable insights into Chinese local governance, the history of rural areas in China's modernization, and the global history of public administration. [Extracted from the article]

Keywords: Empire and Imperialism; Foreign Relations; Military and Warfare; Politics and Government; Vietnam War EN Empire and Imperialism Foreign Relations Military and Warfare Politics and Government Vietnam War 259 264 6 09/19/23 20230701 NES 230701 This year marks the fiftieth anniversary of two important texts on excessive presidential war power. [6] Even Russell Kirk, one of the intellectual gurus of the New Right and certainly no fan of Schlesinger's, found it "heartening" that such a high-profile chronicler of Democratic presidents could develop a "healthy apprehension" for unchecked government power.[7] To be sure, Schlesinger's thesis was not exactly new. The second text celebrating its half-century is Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr.'s bestseller I The Imperial Presidency i , published in late 1973 to positive reviews and widespread cultural acceptance.[1] The influence of Schlesinger's book - or, more precisely, its title - is clear, and it has arguably had the more enduring effect on American understandings of executive war powers. [Extracted from the article]

Underlying almost every conversation about descriptive representation are questions about whether gender does and should always matter in politics. More specifically, those conversations rest on assumptions about whether political scientists should always evaluate the performance of political actors based on their membership in historically disadvantaged groups. How one answers that question can be problematic: A "yes" suggests that democratic citizens should evaluate the performance of members of historically disadvantaged groups using criteria (burdens?) beyond those used to evaluate members of privileged groups. A " no " seems to challenge the theoretical arguments for why the presence of historically disadvantaged groups is necessary. Admitting that not every woman in politics is a preferable descriptive representative for women seems to implicitly support having more men in politics and, thereby, the preferences that perpetuate male dominance in politics. Faced with such a quagmire of competing assumptions, those who study descriptive representation must balance concerns about essentializing women on one hand and reinforcing male dominance in politics on the other hand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists recognize discriminatory attitudes as key to understanding a range of political preferences. Sexism is associated with both explicitly and non-explicitly gendered attitudes. But why do certain individuals display discriminatory attitudes, while others do not? Drawing from psychology, we examine the potential power of an underexplored set of personality traits— secure versus fragile self-esteem —in explaining gendered attitudes and preferences. With an online sample of (N = 487) U.S.-based participants, we find that fragile self-esteem is an important trait underlying individuals' attitudes: individuals who display a discordant view of self—explicitly positive but implicitly negative—are more likely to hold hostile sexist attitudes and prefer men in leadership; these individuals are also more likely to support the Republican Party and former U.S. president Donald Trump. While present in only a fraction of the population, our results suggest that this trait may be important for understanding the development of discriminatory attitudes toward out-groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research letter introduces readers to health intelligence by conceptualizing critical components and providing a primer for research within political science broadly considered. Accordingly, a brief review of the literature is provided, concluding with possible future research agendas. The aim is to elaborate on the importance of public health intelligence to national security studies, and to political science more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rather than a vestige of colonial rule, the "reinvented petition" as Carpenter describes it was forced into centrality by petitioners intent on fashioning a democracy that "embed[ded] the voices of its people directly and regularly - not just at the time of election" (22). In I Democracy by Petition i , political scientist Daniel Carpenter builds a monumental case for the centrality of the petition to the shape and reach of the North American democratic experiment. [Extracted from the article]

In September 2022, I had the opportunity to organize a roundtable at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association (APSA), connected to my 2021 APSA Distinguished Award for Civic and Community Engagement. First conferred in 2020, the award honors "significant civic or community engagement activity by a political scientist which merges knowledge and practice and has an impact outside of the profession or the academy." I am happy to see that this attitude is changing, as both APSA and the APSA Women, Gender, and Politics Research Section have inaugurated public engagement awards in recent years. [Extracted from the article]

James Q. Wilson (1931–2012) ranks among the most influential political scientists and policy intellectuals of the past fifty years. This new account of Wilson's journey from liberal to conservative highlights his time at Harvard University in the 1960s, during the height of liberal authority and the emergence of the New Left, and draws from archival materials and records at MIT, Harvard, and RAND, and from a range of Wilson's writings on administration, urban affairs, and crime. It situates Wilson in the organizational nexus in which he worked, analyzing his thinking as it shifted from a preoccupation with incentives and running organizations ("organizational maintenance") to disincentives and punishing people ("order maintenance"). Wilson, the nation's leading institutionalist, formed his conservative ideas in the praxis of university administration—a venue typically ignored by scholars but one that influenced his understanding of organizations and crime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When mainstream parties accommodate radical-right parties, do citizens grow more concerned about immigration? Based on a rich literature, we argue that challenger parties' ability to affect mainstream party positions, particularly on immigration, is associated with greater public salience of immigration and voter positivity towards challengers exists. We use Comparative Manifesto Project and Comparative Study of Electoral Systems data in order to show that challenger issue entrepreneurship, and mainstream accommodation are associated with greater public concern for challenger issues. These factors do not result in greater public positivity towards challengers. Our findings thus support the argument that a mainstream party accommodative strategy might not be as beneficial for them as often expected by pundit and political scientists alike. This has implications for understanding the effect of indirect party strategies on public attitudes, since mainstream accommodation changes public concern regarding issues, which may bolster challengers' positions, including radical-right parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democratic cooperation is a particularly complex type of arrangement that requires attendant institutions to ensure that the problems inherent in collective action do not subvert the public good. It is perhaps due to this complexity that historians, political scientists, and others generally associate the birth of democracy with the emergence of so-called states and center it geographically in the "West," where it then diffused to the rest of theworld. We argue that the archaeological record of the American Southeast provides a case to examine the emergence of democratic institutions and to highlight the distinctive ways in which such long-lived institutions were--and continue to be--expressed by Native Americans. Our research at the Cold Springs site in northern Georgia, USA, provides important insight into the earliest documented council houses in the American Southeast. We present new radiocarbon dating of these structures along with dates for the associated early platform mounds that place their use as early as cal AD 500. This new dating makes the institution of theMuskogean council, whose active participants have always included bothmen and women, at least 1,500 years old, and therefore one of the most enduring and inclusive democratic institutions in world history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists increasingly use supervised machine learning to code multiple relevant labels from a single set of texts. The current "best practice" of individually applying supervised machine learning to each label ignores information on inter-label association(s), and is likely to under-perform as a result. We introduce multi-label prediction as a solution to this problem. After reviewing the multi-label prediction framework, we apply it to code multiple features of (i) access to information requests made to the Mexican government and (ii) country-year human rights reports. We find that multi-label prediction outperforms standard supervised learning approaches, even in instances where the correlations among one's multiple labels are low. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Sleep research presents an important frontier of discovery for political science. While sleep has largely been neglected by political scientists, human psychology is inextricably linked with sleep and so political cognition must be as well. Existing work shows that sleep is linked to political participation and ideology, and that contentious politics can disrupt sleep. I propose three directions for future research—on participatory democracy, on ideology, and on how context shapes sleep-politics links. I also note that sleep research intersects with the study of political institutions, of war and conflict, of elite decision-making, and of normative theory. In short, political scientists across subfields can and should consider whether and how sleep influences political life in their area of expertise and how to influence relevant policies. This new research agenda will enrich our theories of politics and enable us to identify pressing areas for policy interventions to revitalize our democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Knowledge creation is a social enterprise, especially in political science. Sharing new findings widely and quickly is essential for progress. Scholars can now use Twitter to rapidly disseminate ideas, and many do. What are the implications of this new tool? Who uses it, how do they use it, and what are the implications for exacerbating or ameliorating existing inequalities in terms of research dissemination and attention? We construct a novel dataset of all 1,236 political science professors at PhD-granting institutions in the United States who have a Twitter account to answer these questions. We find that female scholars and those on the tenure track are more likely to use Twitter, especially for the dissemination of research. However, we consistently find that research by men shared on Twitter is more likely to be passed along further by men than research by women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists have long asserted that populists use simpler language than their mainstream rivals to appeal to ordinary people and distance themselves from elites. However, there is little comparative evidence in support of that claim. In this study, we investigate the linguistic simplicity of four right-wing populists compared to their principal opponents in the United States, France, United Kingdom, and Italy. We do so by analysing a corpus of approximately one million words from leaders' speeches, using a series of linguistics measures for evaluating simplicity. Contrary to expectations, we find that Donald Trump was only slightly simpler than Hillary Clinton, while Nigel Farage in the UK and Marine Le Pen in France were more complex than their main rivals, and Italy's Matteo Salvini was simpler on some measures but not others. We conclude that the simple language claim is not borne out and that other aspects of the received wisdom about populism should be re-examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How should political scientists navigate the ethical and methodological quandaries associated with analyzing leaked classified documents and other nonconsensually acquired sources? Massive unauthorized disclosures may excite qualitative scholars with policy revelations and quantitative researchers with big-data suitability, but they are fraught with dilemmas that the discipline has yet to resolve. This paper critiques underspecified research designs and opaque references in the proliferation of scholarship with leaked materials, as well as incomplete and inconsistent guidance from leading journals. It identifies provenance as the primary concept for improved standards and reviews other disciplines' approaches to this problem. It elaborates eight normative and evidentiary criteria for scholars by which to assess source legitimacy and four recommendations for balancing their trade-offs. Fundamentally, it contends that scholars need deeper reflection on source provenance and its consequences, more humility about whether to access new materials and what inferences to draw, and more transparency in citation and research strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists routinely face the challenge of assessing the quality (validity and reliability) of measures in order to use them in substantive research. While stand-alone assessment tools exist, researchers rarely combine them comprehensively. Further, while a large literature informs data producers, data consumers lack guidance on how to assess existing measures for use in substantive research. We delineate a three-component practical approach to data quality assessment that integrates complementary multimethod tools to assess: (1) content validity; (2) the validity and reliability of the data generation process; and (3) convergent validity. We apply our quality assessment approach to the corruption measures from the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) project, both illustrating our rubric and unearthing several quality advantages and disadvantages of the V-Dem measures, compared to other existing measures of corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists are paying increasing attention to understanding the role of sexist attitudes on predicting vote choices and opinions on issues. However, the research in this area measures sexist attitudes with a variety of different items and scales. In this paper, I evaluate some of the most prominent contemporary measures of sexism and develop an approach for identifying optimal items based on (1) convergent validity, (2) predictive validity, and (3) distance from politics. I find that a subset of items from the hostile sexism scale exhibit the most desirable measurement properties and I conclude by recommending a simple two- to five-item reduced hostile sexism battery that will allow scholars to efficiently, validly, and consistently measure sexism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The Fate of Political Scientists in Europe: From Myth to Action" by Giliberto Capano and Luca Verzichelli is a book that examines the institutionalization, professionalization, and Europeanization of political science in Europe. The authors analyze the historical background and current state of the discipline, highlighting the lack of societal relevance and fragmentation within the field. They also discuss the trajectories of political science in Europe, categorizing political scientists based on their goals and impact on the public sphere. The book concludes with reflections on the challenges and relevance of political science in Europe, emphasizing the need for theoretical and analytical capacities to address societal problems. The authors propose that the education of new political scientists should focus on major social issues and the pedagogy of the next generation. Overall, the book offers hope and new impulses for European political science. [Extracted from the article]

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Carpenter sheds valuable light on how, in the shadow of these deep and persistent constraints, the peoples of North America were able to acquire and deploy a democratic voice even as the architecture and mechanics of electoral democracy were still evolving. It seems a cruel reversal that these tools that, as Carpenter shows, were pioneered by diverse communities throughout North America were then deployed by political elites to silence these very voices and reverse the impulse toward the ever-elusive goal of a truly diverse democracy. I Democracy by Petition, i the recent book by political scientist Daniel Carpenter, explores in voluminous and revelatory detail the largely forgotten role of petitions as a core element of the building of American democracy in the nineteenth century. [Extracted from the article]

Milanesio's book is the first compelling study of sexuality in the democratisation of Argentina - and one of the most prominent historical studies about this topic in the region. While previous historiographies considered sexuality a marginal dimension of broader cultural and political projects, Milanesio shows us how public disputes concerning intimacy were central in shifting notions of selfness, citizenship and freedom. As in her previous monograph, I Workers Go Shopping in Argentina: The Rise of Popular Consumer Culture i (2013), Milanesio successfully displaces the dominant focus of Argentine historiography on the State, bringing civil and private actors to the historical dynamic. [Extracted from the article]

Indigenous scholars have much to teach political scientists about recognizing and addressing the ways in which power, politics, and colonialism irrevocably shape the data-generating process. In this article, we present a methodological framework for a decolonial quantitative political science, outlining how it was operationalized in the design and execution of the 2019 Native Hawaiian Survey. We demonstrate the utility of this methodological framework through a descriptive analysis of Native Hawaiian respondents' self-identification. Aligned with the theoretical insights of kanaka (Native Hawaiian) scholars, we provide empirical support for the intertwined political relationship between Native Hawaiian identity and national identity––a finding that demands further empirical study among all Indigenous populations. This article offers two main contributions. First, it provides a methodological framework to guide quantitative political science research on Indigenous populations. Second, it adds empirically to the growing literature on Indigenous self-identification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At its core, Indigenous politics reflects the adaptability and resilience of Native governments, people, and nations, and the failure of powerful states to assimilate Indigenous people into broader society. This contributes to existing research, where political scientists have produced innovative scholarship on Indigenous politics, the politics within Indigenous governmental systems and the role of Indigenous governments in intergovernmental relations, both domestically and in different state contexts. While survivance and encounters are important theoretical frameworks for contextualizing Indigenous politics and power relations among tribal governments, individual Natives, Indigenous organizations and settler-colonial governments, they also require that we engage with ideas about where Indigenous groups are situated in society and political science. Conclusion While the articles in this special issue illustrate the tremendous breadth of Indigenous politics, they also demonstrate the potential for Indigenous research to add to our understanding of politics and political science more generally. [Extracted from the article]

A Biographical Study of Political Leadership Margaret Keck describes I Lula and His Politics of Cunning i as "about Lula as a leader and not about the party he led." Lula's reputation as one of the world's most successful politicians - the Pelé of worldwide presidential electoral politics - comes from eight successive elections since 1989 in which either Lula or his chosen PT candidate won or placed second, including four in a row won between 2002 and 2014. Political biography is said to be "the disciplinary poor relation to the study of political science more generally", and few would agree that, without biography, the discipline risks being "'a form of taxidermy" (Arklay 2006, 17, 15). Even in 2002, as Keck correctly observes, Lula may have insisted that his campaign be "freed from the strictures of party control", but it was "still built on party foundations.". [Extracted from the article]

Political science has increasingly embraced the experimental method to establish causal relationships suggested by theories and observational studies - from experiments' traditional sub-disciplinary home, political psychology, to international relations. 1 Innovations Experimentalists have traditionally faced the issue that the often-composite nature of experiments' treatment conditions leaves scholars uncertain as to the specific component responsible for an experimental effect. The difference between the overall average treatment effect and the treatment effect when the mediator is set at a particular value is identified as the role of the mechanism in the treatment effect, either through indirect effects or interactions. Yet while experiments allow scholars to identify causal effects, how and why treatment effects occur remain questions that challenge experimentalists. [Extracted from the article]

This article provides an accessible introduction to the phenomenon of monotone likelihood in duration modeling of political events. Monotone likelihood arises when covariate values are monotonic when ordered according to failure time, causing parameter estimates to diverge toward infinity. Within political science duration model applications, this problem leads to misinterpretation, model misspecification and omitted variable biases, among other issues. Using a combination of mathematical exposition, Monte Carlo simulations and empirical applications, this article illustrates the advantages of Firth's penalized maximum-likelihood estimation in resolving the methodological complications underlying monotone likelihood. The results identify the conditions under which monotone likelihood is most acute and provide guidance for political scientists applying duration modeling techniques in their empirical research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the late 1960s, scholars have researched both the agrarian reforms and the Revolutionary Government of the Armed Forces (RGAF) that enacted them. In early April 2021, shortly before the first round of the Peruvian general elections, the public television channel TV Perú pulled a programmed broadcast of the documentary I La revolución y la tierra i . The regime used SINAMOS (its political mobilization agency), education reform policies, and political communication strategies to overcome resistance to the reform from the peasantry and national and local elites. [Extracted from the article]

Political scientists invoke the standard rationale to justify making and using formal models. It goes like this: (1) we rely on formal models to generate predictions, (2) we treat these predictions as empirical hypotheses, and (3) we seek to test these hypotheses against evidence derived from the "real world." I show that this interpretation of formal models as directly empirical is inadequate just insofar as it fails to capture the way we actually use them. I then offer an alternative rationale for making and using formal models. Specifically, I argue that we use models, like we use fables, for conceptual purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several decades have passed since the first call was made toward political scientists, among other social scientists, to devote attention to human rights and enrich, through empirical investigations, our understanding of how human rights implementation works. Today, the political science discipline is finally beginning to respond to this appeal, with an increasing number of scholars making it their goal to isolate variables that obstruct or facilitate human rights implementation. The current paper joins this burgeoning body of literature by offering a within-case analysis of Japanese prison policy-making. In particular, I compare the 2005 bill updating the Prison Law (Kangoku hō) that had been in force in Japan since the Meiji era with an earlier draft version of that bill which appeared in parliament on three occasions since the early 1980s. On the basis of the convergence of these bills in terms of seeking to align Japan with the evolved new global standards for convicted prisoners' treatment, I argue that a three-decade delay occurred in the implementation of prisoners' rights in Japan. To account then for this delay, I point to a provision pertaining to the criminal procedure (i.e., pre-conviction) which was incorporated in the law in question in 1908 merely for pragmatic reasons, and with regard to which the modern-time stakeholders of the bar and the police could not find agreement. Ultimately, the message that this case deals to the political science of human rights is that institutional–infrastructural factors, such as ties of legal nature, matter to human rights implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In small samples, maximum likelihood (ML) estimates of logit model coefficients have substantial bias away from zero. As a solution, we remind political scientists of Firth's (1993, Biometrika, 80, 27–38) penalized maximum likelihood (PML) estimator. Prior research has described and used PML, especially in the context of separation, but its small sample properties remain under-appreciated. The PML estimator eliminates most of the bias and, perhaps more importantly, greatly reduces the variance of the usual ML estimator. Thus, researchers do not face a bias-variance tradeoff when choosing between the ML and PML estimators—the PML estimator has a smaller bias and a smaller variance. We use Monte Carlo simulations and a re-analysis of George and Epstein (1992, American Political Science Review, 86, 323–337) to show that the PML estimator offers a substantial improvement in small samples (e.g., 50 observations) and noticeable improvement even in larger samples (e.g., 1000 observations). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does space matter in our analyses? How can we evaluate diffusion of phenomena or interdependence among units? How biased can our analysis be if we do not consider spatial relationships? All the above questions are critical theoretical and empirical issues for political scientists belonging to several subfields from Electoral Studies to Comparative Politics, and also for International Relations. In this special issue on methods, our paper introduces political scientists to conceptualizing interdependence between units and how to empirically model these interdependencies using spatial regression. First, the paper presents the building blocks of any feature of spatial data (points, polygons, and raster) and the task of georeferencing. Second, the paper discusses what a spatial matrix (W) is, its varieties and the assumptions we make when choosing one. Third, the paper introduces how to investigate spatial clustering through visualizations (e.g. maps) as well as statistical tests (e.g. Moran's index). Fourth and finally, the paper explains how to model spatial relationships that are of substantive interest to some of our research questions. We conclude by inviting researchers to carefully consider space in their analysis and to reflect on the need, or the lack thereof, to use spatial models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Who runs and is elected is one of the most fundamental questions in political science as it pertains to the issue of descriptive representation. Despite the importance of this issue, until recently there were no longitudinal datasets on candidates in Canadian elections. This article presents two novel datasets including information on all candidates who ran in Canadian federal and Ontario provincial elections from 1867 to 2019. I present how these data were collected and how they can be used to gain new insights. I expect these data will be a valuable resource to Canadian political scientists for both research and teaching purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tolerance underlies many contemporary controversies, yet theorists and political scientists study it in strikingly different ways. This article bridges the gap by using recent developments in political theory to enrich empirical research and extend the study of tolerance to contexts beyond liberal democracies, such as authoritarian regimes. Our recommendations challenge dominant liberal-democratic frameworks by emphasizing variation across the (1) objects of tolerance; (2) possible responses to difference; and (3) sources of tolerance. We then illustrate the promise of our recommendations with three theoretically informed experiments inspired by historical debates about religious conversion. Our results suggest a marked 'convert effect' across not only contemporary religious but also secular political divides, with the same difference in terms of content viewed as less tolerable when resulting from conversion than when given or ascribed. The research demonstrates the benefits of greater dialogue across political theory and political science, while shedding light on a central question of tolerance today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists often distinguish between two types of issues: moral versus non-moral issues or social-cultural versus economic issues. The implication is that these types of issues trigger different types of reasoning: while economic issues rely on pragmatic, consequentialist reasoning, social-cultural issues are said to be dependent on principles and deontological reasoning. However, it is not known whether this distinction is as clear-cut from a citizen's perspective. Scholars agree that understanding the morality of voters' political attitudes has implications for their political behaviour, such as their willingness to compromise and openness to deliberation. However, few studies have analysed whether citizens reason in principled or pragmatic ways on different issues. This study takes an exploratory approach and analyses the determinants of principled versus pragmatic reasoning in direct democracy, in which citizens make direct policy decisions at the ballot box. Using a unique dataset based on thirty-four ballot decisions in Switzerland, it explores the justifications voters give for their ballot decisions in open-ended survey answers. It distinguishes between pragmatic (or consequentialist) arguments and principled (or value-based) arguments. The analysis shows that principled justifications are not tied to particular issues. Voters use both types of justifications almost equally frequently. Moral justifications are more likely when an issue is personally relevant, as well as when a proposition is accepted, while pragmatic justifications prevail when a proposition is rejected. Furthermore, right-wing voters more often argue in pragmatic terms. Finally, the framing of the issue during the campaign significantly affects moral versus pragmatic justifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article situates the 2020 presidential election within the context of U.S. history, specifically the longstanding relationship between white supremacist views and what types of U.S. citizens were considered capable of exercising democratic citizenship. I argue that President Trump's use of racialized, nativist tropes must be understood within that context and the ongoing backlash to the advancement of civil rights in the United States. White resistance to racial progress is not new, nor is the violence associated with it. Only by looking at the intersection of white racial resentment and modern sexism can we fully understand the durability of the Trump coalition. The article closes by considering what political scientists should be learning from this moment in order to better explain American political dynamics moving forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists have identified how resources, attitudes, and mobilization impact political participation across racial groups. However, the role of civic education has largely been overlooked in shaping these trends. I develop a theory that suggests exposure to civics curricula yields heterogeneous effects on the political participation of youth across racial groups. I test my hypotheses with data from the Black Youth Project's 2005 Youth Culture Survey, supplemented by two original data collections from 2017–2018. I find that civic education courses are associated with higher rates of external efficacy among white youth, but not for black and Latinx youth. Contrastingly, civic education courses appear to increase acts of public voice among black and Latinx respondents, but not for their white peers. Rather than viewing civic education courses as a panacea for low rates of youth political participation, scholars and policymakers should pay closer attention to the ways in which the content of civic education courses contributes to heterogeneous effects across racial and ethnic groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists rely heavily on survey research to gain insights into public attitudes and behaviors. Over the past decade, survey data collection has moved away from personal face-to-face and telephone interviewing towards a model of computer-assisted self-interviewing. A hallmark of many online surveys is the prominent display of the survey's sponsor, most often an academic institution, in the initial consent form and/or on the survey website itself. It is an open question whether these displays of academic survey sponsorship could increase total survey error. We measure the extent to which sponsorship (by a university or marketing firm) affects data quality, including satisficing behavior, demand characteristics, and socially desirable responding. In addition, we examine whether sponsor effects vary depending on the participant's experience with online surveys. Overall, we find no evidence that response quality is affected by survey sponsor or by past survey experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]