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This essay aims to reappraise Agnes Arber's contribution to the history of science with reference to her work in the history of botany and biology. Both her first and her last books (Herbals, 1912; The Mind and the Eye, 1954) are classics: the former in the history of botany, the latter in that of biology. As such, they are still cited today, albeit with increasing criticism. Her very last book was rejected by Cambridge University Press because it did not meet the publisher's academic standards – we shall return to it in due course. Despite Kathryn Packer's two essays about Arber's life in context, much remains to be done toward a just appreciation of her research. We need such a reappraisal in order to avoid anachronistic criticisms of her contributions to the historiography of botany, or, on the other hand, uncritical applause for her studies in plant morphology.

This chapter examines 20th- and 21st-century German-language Berlin literature by women writers. It consists of an overview of key themes and texts, and close readings of three novels: Das kunstseidene Madchen [The Artificial Silk Girl] by Irmgard Keun, Die Schattenboxerin [The Shadow-Boxing Woman] by Inka Parei, and Walpurgistag [Walpurgis Day] by Annett Groschner.

The entrance of women into the male-dominated spheres of the professions and the arts has been a major theme of women's and gender history in nineteenth-century Britain. In general, historians have located this development primarily in the second half of the century and depicted it as an important corollary to the political aims of the wider women's movement. In contrast, this article contends that an overlooked earlier context for the formation and emergence of ideas of female professionalism and artistry were the debates surrounding female singers in the press between c. 1820 and 1850. In this era, writers in newly emerging specialist music periodicals increasingly advocated a view of female singers as both professionals and artists. Such views did not dominate discourse, however. There remained a great deal of ambivalence even in specialist publications about just how far female singers should pursue the lifestyle of the professional artist, while in the mainstream press very different attitudes towards female singers prevailed. Although female musical professionalism and artistry therefore remained contested concepts, this article highlights the significance of these debates about female singers as an important source for the new ideas about women's professional and artistic work emerging in nineteenth-century British society.

The population of colonial Australia was always marked by a significant imbalance in the ratio of European men and women, which closed only at the beginning of the twentieth century. Its legacy was a highly masculinist culture, where violence against women, especially Indigenous women, was common and women were treated as bedmates, child bearers and domestic workers. Feminists of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries campaigned vociferously for women’s bodily autonomy, recognition of their importance as mothers, and the right to vote and participate in government. The suffrage campaigns were rewarded by the relatively early extension of the franchise at State levels between 1894 (South Australia) and 1909 (Victoria). The right to vote for and stand for election in the Commonwealth parliament was granted to white women who were British subjects in 1902. Feminists argued for the women’s vote on the grounds of equality with men, but also because of the maternal values women would bring to public life. It was an argument that spoke directly to the racialised concerns of a new nation in need of white mothers to populate its vast expanses. This anxiety about population, its growth and colour, would continue to shape attitudes towards gender and sexuality across the century and beyond. Citizen-workers and citizen-mothers. Marriage and family was the expected life course for both men and women. Heterosexuality was normalised and sexual self-control was the ideal for all, though in practice women were held to this more tightly than men. While sex was often understood as an essential or inevitable part of men’s lives, the strong emphasis on motherhood and racial fitness left little room for non-procreative notions of female sexuality. In the period after Federation there was an emphasis on sexual and social purity that belied a deep interest in, and discussion of, sex. There were significant public conversations about the age of consent, prostitution, rape and masturbation. As one commentator remarked in 1917: ‘you can’t move without Sex being flung in your face’.

The social dimensions of Pentecostalism Probably more than most other subjects, Pentecostalism has been studied in a multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary way, and no discipline can rely on its own resources exclusively. Social scientists with their emphasis on empirical evidence are essential for a proper understanding of Pentecostalism. The literature on Pentecostalism has been enriched by the proliferation of social scientific studies since the 1960s, particularly in the disciplines of social history, anthropology and sociology. These often provide incisive and authoritative commentaries on the social significance of the movement worldwide, through studying Pentecostalism as a lived contemporary religion. Studies on Latin American Pentecostalism have been in the forefront of this development, pioneered by David Martin in 1990 (at least in English texts), following the earlier, more polemical texts of Lalive d’Epinay and Emilio Willems. Lalive d’Epinay saw Pentecostalism in terms of a social deprivation theory: it was a ‘haven to the masses’. This was also the approach of Robert Anderson, who saw early American Pentecostalism as a ‘vision of the disinherited’, and Malcolm Calley who regarded African Caribbean Pentecostalism in Britain in the 1960s as a refuge for the oppressed. The more recent studies are characterized by a neutrality and objectivity that is lacking in the older literature. They seek to demonstrate what it is about this rapidly growing movement that has shaped human relationships and influenced communities, families and political and economic life, the subject of the next chapter. Religion is a vital component of societies the world over, and it is impossible to fully understand those societies without understanding the role of religion there. There is a dynamic relationship between religion and all aspects of society, and in the case of Pentecostalism, we need to explore that relationship in order to understand its influence and avoid its pitfalls.

Gender, the equality of the sexes, and societal inequalities more generally have been intensely debated and studied by social scientists in the last several decades. In the wake of the debates, new fields of study and new ways of thinking about old issues have emerged. This is as true of psychology as of other social sciences. When psychologists take contemporary scholarship on gender, ethnic groups, sexuality, and other social categorizations into account, foundational assumptions and practices in psychology begin to shift. To begin with, new and different psychological questions emerge and new topics are brought forward. To answer such new questions and address new topics, new research methods have been devised. This, in turn, has caused gender researchers to become attentive to epistemological questions. In this book, we discuss these three innovations associated with gender scholarship: (1) in content, that is, new knowledge about gender and culture; (2) in method, that is, alternate ways of doing research and practice; and (3) in epistemology, that is, new ways of thinking about psychological knowledge. We approach these innovations from several different angles.

Conversations about sex are always part of a larger current of conversations and arguments. Desire's objects, expressions, control, suppression, transgression, relative importance, and the venues in which all of these are expressed, are not “natural” occurrences, but social ones. Like everything else of interest to the historian, they change over time. Gail Hershatter (1996:78) Does sex have a history? Almost any teenager coping with a parent who still lives in the dark ages will assure you that it does. But the history of sex is surprisingly difficult to study. Why? Lack of evidence. Most people keep their sex lives to themselves. What people write down, publish, and circulate may be sexual fantasy or invention, with plotlines designed to sell copy. This evidence can tell us a lot about what people like to read or watch or imagine, but little about what they actually do. Ironically, the most reliable evidence for a history of sex is the mass of material (by government officials, religious leaders, parents, doctors, and so on) telling people what not to do. We can be certain that some people were doing some of that.

To be chaste is very difficult and painful, favored by no one, of profit to no one, of no service to the state or society, and of no value at all to posterity. It has lost its vigor and has no reason to exist. Lu Xun, 1918 (Pao Tao 1991:118) Of late the new reformers have suggested the so-called new ethics. They denounce filial piety on the ground that children are borne by parents only because of their sexual passion.…They also regard lustful women and disloyal ministers in history as good people. Lin Shu, letter to Cai Yuanpei, 1919 (Tse-tsung Chow 1960:69) Today, there are still those who regard marriage problems as “personal affairs.” This viewpoint is mistaken.…Now we have to publicize the Marriage Law and have public trials to convince people that marriage problems are not just personal matters and everyone should care. Women's Federation report on the 1951 Marriage Law (Diamant 2000:45) During the New Culture Movement (1915–1919), China's urban intellectuals rejected the Confucian family values espoused by the late imperial government. But the system they challenged was deeply rooted in local custom and lineage power. The Qing government had created an informal system of control that minimized reliance on punitive legal sanctions to maintain the family-based social order. In addition, as we have seen, the late imperial state stressed positive rewards and transformation through education, rather than coercion, to enforce its policies. The imperial government's exceptional success in spreading its messages internalized gender values, especially in women, who were honored for widow fidelity and even for martyrdom in resisting rape or asserting their sexual purity. Court records show individual women testifying to their deep commitment to chastity, not only as a matter of family honor but also as a personal individual responsibility, to the point where a woman would take her own life to express her moral conviction (Theiss 2004).

The primacy of the national past Although global memory may not exist, there are certain aspects of the past that have transcended their original spatial confinements and entered historical consciousness in different parts of the world. Among the most well known and symbolically charged aspects of the human past are certainly the crimes and traumas of the Nazi era. In many countries, the atrocities committed during the Third Reich, particularly the shoa , occupy an important place in textbooks as well as in popular historical consciousness as they are transmitted and reinvoked on television, in newspapers, and other media. German fascism has also become an important subject of academic research and intellectual debate, even in regions such as East Asia or South Asia that were not directly affected by it. In many parts of the world there have been debates about the implications of the Nazi experience for notions of such fundamental concepts as modernity or Europe and its place in the world as well as – in some cases – human nature and God. The historical discourses surrounding the National Socialist past are certainly far from identical in different public spheres. However, this does not change the fact that important facets of the history of Nazism and its victims have been globalized in terms of their historical implications, connotations, and symbolism.

1. An introduction to conversation and gender Susan A. Speer and Elizabeth Stokoe Part I. Gender, Person Reference and Self-Categorization: 2. The gendered 'I' Clare Jackson 3. Categories in talk-in-interaction: gendering speaker and recipient Victoria Land and Celia Kitzinger 4. Doing gender categorization: non-recognitional person reference and the omnirelevance of gender Noa Logan Klein Part II. Gender, Repair and Recipient Design: 5. 'Girl - woman - sorry!': on the repair and non-repair of consecutive gender categories Elizabeth Stokoe 6. Gender, routinization and recipient design Sue Wilkinson 7. Recipients designed: tag questions and gender Alexa Hepburn and Jonathan Potter Part III. Gender and Action Formation: 8. On the role of reported, third party compliments in passing as a 'real' woman Susan A. Speer 9. 'D'you understand that honey?': gender and participation in conversation Jack Sidnell 10. Bids and responses to intimacy as 'gendered' enactments Wayne A. Beach and Phillip Glenn Part IV. Gender Identities and Membership Categorization Practices: 11. Accomplishing a cross-gender identity: a case of passing in children's talk-in-interaction Carly W. Butler and Ann Weatherall 12. Engendering children's play: person reference in children's conflictual interaction Marjorie Harness Goodwin 13. Being there for the children: the collaborative construction of gender inequality in divorce mediation Angela Cora Garcia and Lisa M. Fisher 14. Gender as a practical concern in children's management of play participation Jakob Cromdal.

Italy is universally acknowledged as the source of the European Renaissance, yet when one considers the trajectory of women's thought, France appears to have provided a more fertile intellectual context for women. This fact is paradoxical, for in the Italian city-states and principalities a significant number of women were provided with an excellent education that included training in Latin and occasionally even Greek and Hebrew. The numbers of such women were greater in Italy than in other European countries, and though women in France were literate in the vernacular, few wrote in Latin, perhaps because vernacular learning was established earlier in France. Christine de Pizan's father, Tomasso, may well have been following something of a Bolognese tradition when he gave his daughter an education approaching that of her brothers. In the north of Italy, and in Venice, Bologna, and Verona in particular, it was not completely unusual for the daughters of well-established noble and bourgeois families to be educated, and during the fifteenth century a good number of learned Italian women published letters, dialogues, and treatises. Christine reports that Novella Andrea, the daughter of a Bolognese legist, lectured at the university. This story is confirmed by other sources. Yet, from the point of view of the advancement of political themes, the known work of fifteenth-century Italian women is far less developed than Christine's.

Gender ideology is a concept often used, but seldom interrogated. In distinct contrast to other concepts such as gender identity, its use is so off-hand that it seldom rates an index entry in books related to any topic on gender, feminism, or women, although hegemonic masculinity – a concept that clearly suggests ideology – often is indexed. One suspects the definitional flexibility and multiple meanings associated with ideology more generally to be the source of both its common use and conceptual disregard. In “terminology reshuffling” (Gerring 1997: 960), gender ideology often is used synonymously with concepts such as gender attitudes, gender norms, gender power, gender relations, gender structures, and gender dynamics. It also appears in discussions of feminism, especially when feminism challenges cultural tradition or patriarchal dominance. A quick electronic search of the phrase “gender ideology” from 1980 to 2007 yielded 5,170 results. A nonsystematic examination of random pages from this search suggests that these articles overwhelmingly are concerned either with Bem sex-typing of traits and various psychological attitudes toward gender or with gender roles related to marriage, family, or household arrangements. Similar to the Poole-Rosenthal treatment of the liberal-conservative “political ideology” scale, some studies scaled gender ideology from traditional to egalitarian. Most of the 5,170 studies emanated from sociology or psychology, although anthropology also yielded a strong presence, analyzing the gender ideology underpinning norms for gender roles found in various world cultures.

The last thirty years of scholarship on parent–child relationships in England have been shaped by Lawrence Stone's narrative of evolution in family life. He identified three successive family types between 1500 and 1800, in which parents' emotional attitudes towards their children played a central role in distinguishing the different stages from one another, changing over time from indifference to devotion. Stone's broader thesis has been dismantled, with patriarchy, courtship, married life, kinship, and relationships between parents and offspring coming under close scrutiny. ‘Revisionists’ attacked Stone's problematic and limited use of sources and demolished his chronological thesis by showing that the early modern family was as affectionate as its eighteenth-century successor. The debate has entered a ‘post-revisionist’ phase in the last decade, shaped by gender, the inter-active relationship between cultural forces and everyday life, and the influence of both material and emotional factors on people's actions, and also by the attempt to uncover historical subjects' agency and dismantle simplistic concepts such as public and private. Parent–child relationships, however, have still not moved beyond the revisionist phase. Though many aspects of childhood studies have developed in sophisticated and stimulating ways, research into parenting has continued to ‘measure’ the degree of parental affection and emotional intimacy through the same key milestones: pregnancy and childbirth (including infanticide and abandonment); infant-care practices; discipline; child-independence (training and education); marriage-making; and finally death.

Until the 1970s, more or less, the history of women and sexuality did not interest the academic community. When it was even considered, such history was limited to a few references within research dedicated to more traditional subjects, regarded as scientifically more interesting. In the past thirty years, however, the horizons of classicists have expanded to include these issues and to dedicate ever more attention to the problem of social construction of gender as a political organizing principle. The opening up of these new horizons is part of a more general transformation of ancient and modern historiography, tied to the French school that followed Fernand Braudel, who criticized the history that concentrated on the great events and major figures (“l'histoire evenementielle,” as Francois Simiand defined it), neglecting the underlying social reality and ignoring the existence of millions and millions of anonymous individuals. In this light new historiographic subjects were born, the different and marginal from every epoch: the sick, the old and young, homosexuals, women - subjects, all of them, whose history is not determined by events, but rather by mental attitudes, ideologies, practicalities of everyday life and their position in a socioeconomic context. The history of women and sexuality and the reconstruction of gender problems have thus established themselves inside this new history, no longer only “evenementielle.”

While both women experienced forms of marital violence, the ways in which Rachael Norcott in 1666 and Mary Veitch in 1837 described what they had endured were very different. According to Rachael's witnesses, her husband knocked her senseless on the head when she was pregnant, threw a large hammer at her leg so that her ankle nearly broke, struck her with a candlestick and was only narrowly prevented from hitting her with a fire fork, threw her on the floor and dragged her by the arms about the house. John Norcott also repeatedly ‘scolded and railed’ at his wife, calling her a whore, and he refused to support her financially, giving Rachael no money for food or clothes for at least eight or nine months. Rachael's body was testimony to what she had suffered: her ankle had a permanent scar from her husband's attack that was ‘somewhat bigger than half a crown’, her wound from being hit with the candlestick could still be seen on her temple, and immediately following each violent incident many witnesses could recall seeing blood and then the black and blue signs of bruising. James Veitch was also accused of failing to provide Mary with money ‘to purchase clothing and other necessaries’. He swore and verbally abused her, threw the contents of the slop basin from their tea over her and once struck her on the face. But the cruelty that was alleged in this marriage consisted more of threats than physical blows.

1. Introduction Michael J. Hogan and Thomas G. Patterson 2. Defining and doing the history of American foreign relations: a primer Frank Cosigliola and Thomas G. Paterson 3. Toward a pluralist vision: the study of American foreign relations as international and national history Robert J. McMahon 4. Theories of international relations Ole R. Holsti 5. Bureaucratic politics J. Garry Clifford 6. Psychology Richard Immerman 7. National security Melvyn P. Leffler 8. Corporatism Michael J. Hogan 9. World systems Thomas J. McCormick 10. Dependency Louis A Perez, Jr. 11. Considering borders Emily S. Rosenberg 12. The global frontier: comparative history and the frontier-borderlands approach Nathan J. Citino 13. Modernization theory Nick Cullather 14. Ideology Michael Hunt 15. Culture and international history Akira Iriye 16. Cultural transfer Jessica C. E. Gienow-Hecht 17. Reading for meaning: theory, language, and metaphor Frank Costigliola 18. What's gender got to do with it? Gender history as foreign relations history Kristin Hoganson 19. Race to insight: the US and the world, white supremacy and foreign affairs Gerald Horne 20. Memory and understanding US foreign relations Robert D. Schulzinger.

Accounts of the evolution of narrative forms in Spanish literature often hinge on an unacknowledged notion of progress in which expressions of pride accompany resentment at the world's failure to recognize national achievements. A glorious start (Cervantes, the picaresque novel) was followed by a period of decline (the unpatriotic eighteenth century, the underdeveloped local-color piece, the contemptible serialized novel), then a reawakening (to use Menendez Pelayo's term) during the nineteenth century with the emergence of the great masters of realism, notably Perez Galdos. As Alda Blanco has argued, this trajectory is often narrated as a sexualized competition, in which “feminine” forms, linked with mass culture, are despised or ignored, while more “virile” forms are held up to compete with the work of celebrities such as Balzac or Zola. In describing this narrative trajectory as a response to anxiety over legitimacy, both sexual and national, feminists today are engaged in a healthy critique of literary standards and the evaluative rhetoric of evolution that implies literary perfectibility. The process of reassessing a feminine tradition begins with a search, discovery, reediting and reevaluation of what has been excluded from the predominantly male canon. In the case of Spain this process is still in its initial phase, although considerable impetus has come recently from the collection of women writers edited by Castalia in conjunction with the Instituto de la Mujer (‘Institute for Women’s Affairs’).