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In the context of population ageing and low retirement incomes, the UK government is encouraging delayed retirement. However, the OECD has argued that UK means-tested benefits disincentivise employment for the poorest, and Vickerstaff (2006b) has suggested managers have typically controlled opportunities to work beyond 65. In the US, contrastingly, benefits are meagre and difficult to access, and age discrimination legislation protects individuals from forced retirement. Would a US ‘self-reliance’ policy approach increase employment amongst the poorest over 65s in the UK and enhance or diminish their financial position? The evidence suggests that extending UK age discrimination legislation and restricting benefits would increase overall employment past 65, although not necessarily to US levels. Analysis of the English Longitudinal Study of Ageing and the US Health and Retirement Study finds the poorest over 65s were more likely to work in the USA than in England in 2002. However, within the USA, employment amongst the poorest was still low, especially compared with wealthier groups; logistic regression analysis primarily attributes this to lower levels of health and education. A US policy approach would therefore most likely damage the financial position of the poorest in the UK, as increased employment would not sufficiently compensate for lost benefits. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

There is a long tradition in social policy of discussing and critiquing the notion of ‘deservingness’ in relation to ‘the poor’. This paper will apply such debates to ‘the rich’ to consider the grounds on which this group might be considered ‘deserving’. The paper identifies three sets of arguments. The first set of arguments concerns the appropriateness of rewarding merit/hard work/effort/risk-taking etc. The second concerns more consequentialist/economic arguments about providing incentives for wealth creation. And the third considers the character and behaviour of the rich. As well as discussing the potential criteria for deservingness, the paper will also debate whether the degree of income and wealth gained by the rich is deserved. Finally, the paper will discuss the social policy implications, including taxation policies, which emerge from this debate. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

ObjectiveThe present study aimed to highlight the similarities and differences between perceived and objective measures of the food store environment among low-income women and the association with diet and weight.DesignCross-sectional analysis of food store environment. Store level was characterized by: (i) the availability of healthy foods in stores where participants shop, using food store audits (objective); and (ii) summary scores of self-reported perception of availability of healthy foods in stores (perceived). Neighbourhood level was characterized by: (i) the number and type of food stores within the census tract (objective); and (2) summary scores of self-reported perception of availability of healthy foods (perceived).SettingSix counties in North Carolina.SubjectsOne hundred and eighty-six low-income women.ResultsIndividuals who lived in census tracts with a convenience store and a supercentre had higher odds of perceiving their neighbourhood high in availability of healthy foods (OR = 6·87 (95 % CI 2·61, 18·01)) than individuals with no store. Overall, as the number of healthy foods available in the store decreased, the probability of perceiving that store high in availability of healthy foods increased. Individuals with a supercentre in their census tract weighed more (2·40 (95 % CI 0·66, 4·15) kg/m2) than individuals without one. At the same time, those who lived in a census tract with a supercentre and a convenience store consumed fewer servings of fruits and vegetables (−1·22 (95 % CI −2·40, −0·04)).ConclusionsThe study contributes to a growing body of research aiming to understand how the food store environment is associated with weight and diet. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

ObjectiveThe nutritional intake of schoolchildren is affected not only by what is consumed at school but also by what is available in food outlets near schools. The present study surveys the range of food outlets around schools and examines how the availability of healthy food in the food stores encountered varies by income status of the school and by store participation in the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) food assistance programme.DesignNetwork buffer zones were created to reflect a quarter-mile (400 m) walk from elementary schools with lower- and higher-income student populations in Oakland, CA, USA. All food outlets within these zones were categorised by type, and audits were conducted within food stores using a checklist to assess for the presence or absence of twenty-eight healthy items (in five domains).SettingMid-sized city in the USA.SubjectsFood outlets near public elementary schools.ResultsThere were considerably more food outlets around lower-income schools. Food stores near higher-income schools had higher scores in two of the five domains (healthy beverages/low-fat dairy and healthy snacks). However, there were more food stores near lower-income schools that accepted WIC vouchers. Stratification showed that WIC stores scored higher than non-WIC stores on four of the five domains.ConclusionsAlthough higher-income students have more access to healthy food in the environment surrounding their school, this disparity appears to be mitigated by stores that accept WIC and offer more healthy snacking options. Federal programmes such as this may be particularly valuable for children in lower-income areas. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the international pharmaceutical price discrimination and its impact to the global drug problem. The noted challenges in price discrimination include its failure to aid the poor, ignorance to the neglected diseases and the importation of foreign innovation policy. It also states that the advent of the Internet is the most distinguished global development that has affected the paradigm of price discrimination.

The Rio de Janeiro state archive's collection of entry logs for the city's central detention center, going back to the mid-nineteenth century, provides a rare glimpse into the lives of Rio's -- and Brazil's -- poor and working classes who otherwise left few written records behind. During the time when the institution maintained the entry logs, police exercised broad power to make arrests. Although relatively few detainees were ever prosecuted or even formally charged, the detention center kept detailed records of detainees' physical appearance, attire, home address, nationality, sex, affiliation, and so on, as well as information about any criminal charges. This article explores the wealth of empirical data that the entry logs provide. It also suggests how scrutinizing this type of document across time shows how record keeping itself changed, in turn affording researchers rare insight into the inner workings of modern Latin American society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the utility and validity of the MacArthur–Bates Communicative Development Inventory (CDI) for use with low-income parents and their 24- to 36-month-old Spanish–English bilingual children (n = 79). Issues in the interpretation of the integrated CDI/Inventarios del Desarrollo de Habilidades Comunicativas (IDHC) score to index bilingual children's overall conceptual knowledge are also considered. Results indicate that the CDI/IDHC can be used with this population through at least age 36 months and parents are accurate reporters of their children's Spanish and English vocabulary. The value of the integrated score was confirmed. However, given the lack of norms associated with the integrated score, the complexity of determining how best to interpret this score was underscored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Private sector development (PSD) has emerged as a core component of donor strategies aimed at making free markets work for ‘the poor’ through assistance to business sector capacity in low-income states. PSD initiatives cannot be understood, however, as technical exercises aimed solely at promoting development through business competitiveness. Instead they serve as normative concessions through which developmentally questionable market-opening has been rationalised by donors in pursuit of lucrative commercial opportunities in emerging economies. Examining the European Union's (EU) PSD framework in bilateral relations with the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) states, the article examines the utilisation of PSD discourse in the ‘development branding’ of Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). PSD discourse is seen to facilitate a ‘double-veiling’ of asymmetric ACP–EU trade ties via legitimising images of equitable market-opening and the trickle-down of business wealth to ‘the poor’. Nevertheless, the reality of reciprocal trade structures combined with Europe's anaemic PSD resources bears little resemblance to the strategic illusions of PSD. In particular, the interventions of Europe's Centre for the Development of Enterprise (CDE) in cotton and textiles sectors in East Africa are seen to have dubious outcomes for ‘development’ in ACP former colonies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Poverty in developed countries is commonly defined in relative terms. It is argued that a relative definition formalises the insight that poverty is a context-specific phenomenon, and that the understanding of what constitutes poverty changes with overall economic development. Yet this article argues that tagging a poverty line to mean or median incomes does not automatically anchor it in its social context. Relative measures rely on the implicit assumptions that social norms are formed at the national level, and that median income earners set social standards. A comparison with studies on ‘Subjective Well-Being’ (SWB) shows that these assumptions are rather arbitrary. At the same time, relative indicators do not take account of changes in the product market structure that disproportionately affect the poor. If low-cost substitutes for expensive items become available, the poor will be relatively more affected than median income earners. Conventional ‘absolute poverty’ indicators will be equally dismissed for not solving these problems either. A combined ‘Consensual Material Deprivation’ and ‘Budget Standard Approach’ indicator will be proposed as a more robust alternative. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents abstracts in French and English for articles within the issue on the subject of British and European social history, including "L'éducation nationale dans les îles Britanniques, 1765-1815: Variations britanniques et irlandaises sur un thème européen," by Joanna Innes on the history of national education in Great Britain; "Le bureau d'essai de Birmingham, ou la fabrique de la réputation au XVIIIe siècle," by Philippe Minard on manufacturing industries; and "Forme et fonction de la parenté chez les populations pauvres d'Angleterre, 1800-1840," on social relations and kinship amongst the English poor during the early 19th century.

The article discusses the effect of social networks and family relationships on poor people living in England during the first half of the 19th century, with information on the historiography of social conditions for the English poor during this time. Topics include debate regarding the density of local kinship networks; the functionality of English kin with relatives dependent upon welfare relief from their communities under the English and Welsh Old Poor Law; and letters written by the poor demonstrating their rhetoric and strategy for accessing their entitlement.

Urban popular movements that organize illegal land invasion communities present an intriguing puzzle. When most invasion organizations acquire land titles, their participation levels plummet and their agendas stagnate; yet some neighborhoods achieve land titles, sustain high participation, and acquire other services, such as piped-in water. Why do these organizations achieve movement resilience? The more typical trajectory of movement collapse is explained by the disappearance of the key selective incentive, property security. Some organizations, however, evade this "security trap" through mixed motives: their basic material agenda is skip-plemented by a nonmaterial and often altruistic agenda, which sustains participation in the face of reduced selective incentives. Examining three neighborhood case studies in Lima and Quito, this article argues that a new, "innovator" type of innovation organization is more likely to exhibit sustained participation and movement resilience due to tactical innovation, democratic governance, and mixed motives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractObjectivesTo assess the potential nutritional contribution of meals provided in a sample of community programmes for homeless individuals, to determine the effect of food donations on meal quality and to develop food-based guidance for meals that would meet adults? total nutrient needs.SettingToronto, Canada.DesignAn analysis of weighed meal records from eighteen programmes. The energy and nutrient contents of meals were compared to requirement estimates to assess contribution to total needs, given that homeless people have limited access to nutritious foods. Mixed linear modelling was applied to determine the relationship between the use of food donations and meal quality. The composition of meals that would meet adults? nutrient requirements was determined by constructing simulated meals, drawing on the selection of foods available to programmes.SampleIn all, seventy meals, sampled from eighteen programmes serving homeless individuals.ResultsOn average, the meals contained 2?6 servings of grain products, 1?7 servings of meat and alternatives, 4?1 servings of vegetables and fruits and 0?4 servings of milk products. The energy and nutrient contents of most meals were below adults? average daily requirements. Most meals included both purchased and donated foods; the vitamin C content of meals was positively associated with the percentage of energy from donations. Increasing portion sizes improved the nutrient contribution of meals, but the provision of more milk products and fruits and vegetables was required to meet adults? nutrient requirements.ConclusionsThe meals assessed were inadequate to meet adults? nutrient requirements. Improving the nutritional quality of meals requires additional resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hip-hop music has become an important tool worldwide for poor, marginalized youth to reflect on their lived experiences. This article traces the genre's production from its spontaneous origins in the urban ghettos of New York to its commoditization for global consumption and its evolution in three different Latin American settings: Colombia, Cuba, and Mexico. The article explores how hip-hop has been appropriated in each country and has been used to express the performers' reflections on social, political, and economic problems. It also looks at the interplay between the homogenizing tendencies of global hip-hop and its local reception. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout their histories, civil rights organizations have chosen to advocate on behalf of the poor, despite disincentives. This paper examines SNCC's and the NAACP's activities concerning the Economic Opportunity Act during the early and mid-1960s. First, I establish the level of attention SNCC and NAACP devoted to the War on Poverty. Based on analysis of the groups' archives, I find that both groups increased their attention to antipoverty policy during a period when other issues were salient to all African Americans. Second, I assess why these shifts in organizational priorities occurred. My findings indicate that competition among civil rights organizations drove the NAACP and SNCC to commit attention to antipoverty issues, and to focus attention on grassroots organizing concerning the War on Poverty. Differences in the organizations' structures mediated what form this attention would take. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACTThis paper uses data from a Payments for Environmental Services (PES) project being implemented in Nicaragua to examine the extent to which poorer households that are eligible to participate are in fact able to do so, an issue over which there has been considerable concern. The study site provides a strong test of the ability of poorer households to participate, as it requires participants to make substantial and complex land use changes. The results show that poorer households are in fact able to participate ? indeed, by some measures they participated to a greater extent than better-off households. Moreover, their participation was not limited to the simpler, least expensive options. Extremely poor households had a somewhat greater difficulty in participating, but even in their case the difference is solely a relative one. Transaction costs may be greater obstacles to the participation of poorer households than household-specific constraints. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACTBased on observations from all three tropical continents, there is good reason to believe that poor service providers can broadly gain access to payment for environmental services (PES) schemes, and generally become better off from that participation, in both income and non-income terms. However, poverty effects need to be analysed in a conceptual framework looking not only at poor service providers, but also at poor service users and non-participants. Effects on service users are positive if environmental goals are achieved, while those on non-participants can be positive or negative. The various participation filters of a PES scheme contain both pro-poor and anti-poor selection biases. Quantitative welfare effects are bound to remain small-scale, compared to national poverty-alleviation goals. Some pro-poor interventions are possible, but increasing regulations excessively could curb PES efficiency and implementation scale, which could eventually harm the poor. Prime focus of PES should thus remain on the environment, not on poverty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the Rwandan case to address some of the challenges and pitfalls in defining pro-poor strategies. The paper first looks at the danger of a purely growth-led development focus (as in Rwanda's first PRSP), and evaluates the extent to which the agricultural sector has been a pro-poor growth engine. It then studies Rwanda's current rural policies, which aim to modernise and 'professionalise' the rural sector. There is a high risk that these rural policy measures will be at the expense of the large mass of small-scale peasants. This paper stresses that the real challenge to transform the rural sector into a true pro-poor growth engine will be to value and incorporate the capacity and potential of small-scale 'non-professional' peasants into the core strategies for rural development. The lessons drawn from the Rwandan case should inspire policy makers and international donors worldwide to shift their focus away from a purely output-led logic towards distribution-oriented rural development policies. In other words, the challenge is to reconcile efficiency in creating economic growth with equity, and perhaps, to put equity first. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACTThis paper reviews the state of economic understanding about fuelwood in developing countries. It synthesizes the main results from numerous empirical studies with the intent of identifying implications for policy and pointing out where important questions remain unanswered. Overall, the empirical results reviewed reinforce the contention that households alter their behavior in the presence of sufficient scarcity in ways that are least costly to them. Still, the cost can be substantial and many cases remain where policy intervention is justified to address concerns of both equity and efficiency. Addressing the coping capabilities of the very poor and the open access conditions of woodlands appear to be two ways of dealing with fuelwood scarcity that are likely to yield high social rates of return. Community forestry has the potential to address these two important areas, but there is little evidence to date that this is being done with fuelwood in mind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The latest president in Latin America to adopt social funds on a large scale as an integral pant of his government program has been Hugo Chávez Frías of Venezuela. Based on the literature on clientelism and social funds in Latin America, this article finds that Venezuela's latest experiments with social funds were influenced by political variables. It uses empirical data from the distribution of resources for some of the subnational misiones programs to show how, given increased levels of electoral competition and weak institutional constraints, the government used these funds clientelistically, even while distributing oil income to the very poor. Cháivez's misiones served two very different purposes: to manipulate the political context and to distribute funds directly to the low-income population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Understanding of the psychological impact of politically motivated violence is poor.Aims: To examine the prevalence of post-traumatic symptoms subsequent to the 'troubles' in Northern Ireland.Method: A telephone survey of 3000 adults, representative of the population in Northern Ireland and the border counties of the Irish Republic, examined exposure to political violence, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and national identity.Results: Ten per cent of respondents had symptoms suggestive of clinical PTSD. These people were most likely to come from low-income groups, rate national identity as relatively unimportant and have higher overall experience of the 'troubles'than other respondents.Conclusions: Direct experience of violence and poverty increase the risk of PTSD, whereas strong national identification appears to reduce this risk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Exposure to developmental risks in three domains (community, economic, and family), and relations between risks and psychosocial well-being, were examined among 918 impoverished Brazilian youth aged 14–19 (M= 15.8 years, 51.9% female) recruited in low-income neighborhoods in one city in Southern Brazil. High levels of developmental risks were reported, with levels and types of risks varying by gender, age, and (to a lesser extent) race. Associations between levels of risks in the various domains and indicators of psychological (e.g., self-esteem, negative emotionality) and behavioral (e.g., substance use) adjustment differed for male and female respondents. Findings build on prior research investigating the development of young people in conditions of pervasive urban poverty and reinforce the value of international research in this endeavor.This study was funded by grants from the World Bank and CNPq to Silvia H. Koller. Manuscript preparation was partially supported by a Faculty Development Fellowship to Marcela Raffaelli from the College of Arts and Sciences, University of Nebraska–Lincoln, and by a Visiting Fellowship at the Key Centre for Womens Health in Society, School of Population Health at the University of Melbourne. The authors acknowledge the assistance of Jaims Ribeiro in developing the questionnaire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of how popular religious publishing operated in Britain in the eighteenth century has been neglected. Recent work on such publishing in the nineteenth century ignores the important eighteenth-century tract distribution societies that were the predecessors of the much larger nineteenth-century ones. This article provides a detailed account of the work of a society that is now little known, despite the wealth of surviving evidence: the Society for Promoting Religious Knowledge among the Poor, founded in 1750, which should properly be considered the first of the evangelical tract societies. It was founded by dissenters, but included many Anglicans among its members; its object was to promote experimental religion by distributing Bibles and cheap tracts to the poor. Its surviving records provide unusually detailed evidence of the choice, numbers, distribution, and reception of these books. Analysis of this particular Society throws light more generally on non-commercial popular publishing, the reading experiences of the poor, and the development of evangelical religion in the eighteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes Luiz Inácio da Silva's resounding reelection victory in the wake of corruption scandals implicating his party and government. Voters with lower levels of economic security and schooling played a critical role in returning Lula to the presidency. Least prone to punish the president for corruption, poorer Brazilians were also the most readily persuaded by the provision of material benefits. Minimum wage increases and the income transfer program Bolsa Família expanded the purchasing power of the poor. Thus, executive power and central state resources allowed Lula to consolidate a social base that had responded only weakly to his earlier, party-based strategy of grassroots mobilization for progressive macrosocietal change. Although Lula won handily, the PT's delegation to Congress shrank for the first time, and the voting bases of president and party diverged. The PT benefited far less than the president himself from government investment in social policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We consider the redistributive effects of privatizing a resource previously exploited under free access. We assume that illegal extraction is punished but that the sanction is bounded by individuals' wealth. First, we show that a segment of intermediate-wealth individuals is the most adversely affected from the regime change, while the poorest segment is not only less severely affected, but may actually gain from it. Next, we show how the authorities may prefer to choose an intermediate enforcement level in order to maximize the political acceptability of the regime switch among the local community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background. The purpose of this study was to present 12-month and lifetime estimates of the prevalence, sociodemographic and clinical correlates, and psychiatric co-morbidity of DSM-IV cannabis abuse and dependence.Method. Data were derived from a large nationally representative survey (n=43093) of US adults.Results. The prevalence of 12-month and lifetime DSM-IV cannabis abuse (1·1% and 7·2%) exceeded the corresponding rates of cannabis dependence (0·3% and 1·3%). Being male, Native American, widowed/separated/divorced, and residing in the West increased the odds whereas being Black, Asian or Hispanic decreased the odds of cannabis abuse and dependence. Cannabis dependence was significantly associated with low income. Ages of onset for both cannabis use disorders occurred in adolescence and the majority of individuals with these disorders remained untreated. Co-morbidity was high between cannabis use disorders and other Axis I and II disorders.Conclusions. Cannabis use disorders continue to present a widespread and serious personal and public health problem. Native Americans were found to have high rates of cannabis use disorders, warranting closer attention to the mental health needs of this subgroup. Associations between cannabis abuse and dependence and Axis I and II disorders were strong, signaling the need for more comprehensive assessment of individuals with cannabis use disorders. Further controlled treatment studies are needed, especially among co-morbid individuals, in view of growing evidence of the adverse personal, medical and societal impacts of cannabis use disorders in the USA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article argues that viewing injustice to poor women in poor countries in terms of victimization in non-Western cultures would lead to an incomplete understanding of their situation. This incomplete understanding impact the awareness of Western women and their assumptions about the intercultural dialogue necessary to uphold justice for women around the world.

Background: There are few studies of mental ill health among young people in developing countries.Aims: To measure the prevalence of common mental disorders among low-income young people in the city of Cali, Colombia and to examine associations with violence and social capital.Method: The Self-Reporting Questionnaire was administered to 1057 young people aged 15-25 years. Social capital, violence, alcoholism and socio-demographic variables were also measured.Results: We found 255 young people (24%) with common mental disorders. Being a woman, having limited education and experiencing high levels of violence were the main risk factors for common mental disorders. Social capital did not emerge as a risk factor.Conclusions: A large burden of mental ill health among young people was found; this requires urgent interventions and more research on the mechanisms which link mental health and violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Provides information on a study which aimed to show that the global order does not harm the poor but can plausibly be credited with the improvements in human well-being that have been achieved. Idea behind global political and economic order; Basis for the global society; Institutions founded as a framework for economic cooperation that would prevent disasters.

Argues that the cholera epidemic that swept through Central Asia on its way to Russia and Europe in 1892 revealed interdependencies between Russian colonizers and the predominantly Muslim local population in the midst of ethnic violence. Practices of empire in Tashkent, the capital of the Russian province of Turkestan; Protest by tsarist officials against anticholera measures that violated local culture; Contrast between the attitudes of the elite and the poor; Emergency statute in the city until 1917.

Provides information on several studies about poverty and poverty alleviation in Turkey. "Yokulluk Hâlleri, Türkiye'de Kent Yoksulluğunun Toplumsal Görünüleri"; "Poverty and Coping After Crises," vol. 1; "An Evaluation of Poverty Alleviation Programmes in Southeast Anatolia Region."

Evaluates the social impacts of the public welfare lottery in Taiwan. Determination of greater distributional burden on the poor; Citation of inverse relation between higher levels of formal education and lottery purchase; Examination of attitudes and beliefs concerning the lottery in social welfare's perspective.

Focuses on the emergence of secret societies and organized crime in contemporary China. Result of massive unemployment, impoverishment, economic inequality, relative deprivation and political corruption; Consideration of the implementation of flawed reform policies; Nature of many criminal organizations as both anti-social and anti-state forces.

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Suggests a set of critical elements needed for economic development and wealth creation in the poor rural areas of Malawi, and proposes four basic principles to guide the search for, and design and implementation of, effective rural development strategies and policies. Food crisis in Malawi; Mixed success of the market liberalization policies.

This study argues that the costs associated with El Salvador's dollarizatitin clearly outweigh the benefits and that the decision to dollarize was prompted not only by the need to promote economic growth, but also by the impluse to serve the interests of the financial sector and the large entrepreneurs who control the ruling ARENA party. Although the policy facilitates investment and international financial transactions, it has a negative effect on the poor by increasing inequality. To develop this argument, the authors discuss the socioeconomic and political situation in El Salvador at the time of dollarization, examine the Law of Monetary Integration, and analyze the effect of the dollarization policy on the poor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Explains how and why, from the very outset of the September 1896 epidemic, colonial plague policies specifically targeted both the neighborhoods and the bodies of the poor in Bombay, India. Virulent plague epidemic that broke out in the colonial port city of Bombay; Pervasive assumption that colonial policies aimed at suppressing the disease were principally informed by "contagionist" etiological doctrine; Argument that the long-standing "localist" etiological theories continued to exercise a critical influence over colonial policies.

After nearly 20 years of democratization, residents of Rio's favelas suffer high levels of civil and human rights abuse at the hands of both police and drug traffickers. The government is generally unable to guarantee the political order necessary to protect the rights of residents in these communities. Existing theories of democratization and advocacy networks offer little to explain how the types of endemic violence that affect poor neighborhoods in the developing world can be brought under control. Based on more than two years of participant observation and interviews in Rio de Janeiro, this article examines how democratic order can be extended to favelas. It argues that networks can link favela residents to organizations in civil society, and state actors can play a critical role in reducing violence and establishing democratic order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper derives from a LARR-sponsored forum at the LASA 2003 Congress held in Dallas in March 2003. Targeted at younger scholars, a panel of leading researchers whose early work was shaped by marginality and dependency thinking of the 1960s were invited to reflect cross-generationally about how paradigms analyzing poverty in Latin American cities have shifted from that time to the present. Specifically, each of the authors compares "'marginality" as it was construed more than three decades ago with contemporary constructions of poverty and social organization arising from their more recent research. While there are important continuities, the authors concur that the so-called "new poverty" today is very different, being more structural, more segmented and, perhaps paradoxically, more exclusionary than before. Moreover, the shift from a largely patrimonialist and undemocratic state towards one that, while more democratic, is also slimmer and downsized, thereby shifting state intervention and welfare systems ever more to local level governments and to the quasi-private sector of nongovernmental organizations. If earlier marginality theory overemphasized the separation of the poor from the mainstream, today's new poverty is often embedded within structures of social exclusion that severely reduce opportunities for social mobility among the urban poor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the role of humanitarian agents and nongovernmental organizations in allaying the resultant suffering of the victims of violence. Primary responsibility of governments for the safety and well-being of their citizens; Analysis of the effects of any partnership on the poor and the oppressed.

The Poverty and Social Exclusion Survey of Britain made it possible first time to explore poverty using three different measures applied at the same time on the same sample. The measures were: lacking socially perceived necessities; being subjectively poor and having a relatively low income. These approaches are all commonly used to identify the poor and to measure poverty but rarely if ever in combination. In this article we have found that there is little overlap in the group of people defined as poor by these dimensions. There are reasons for this lack of overlap, connected to the reliability and validity of the different measures. However the people who are defined as living in poverty by different measures of poverty are different. This inevitably means that the policy response to poverty will be different depending on which measure is employed. We have attempted to analyse overlap in two ways. First, by exploring the dimensions of poverty cumulatively, we have found that, the more dimensions people are poor on, the more they are unlike the non-poor and the poor on only one dimension, in their characteristics and in their social exclusion. Second, by treating particular dimensions as meriting more attention than others, we explored three permutations of this type and concluded that, while each permutation were more unlike the non-poor than those poor on a single dimension, they were not as unlike the non-poor as the cumulatively poor were. These results indicate that accumulation might be a better way of using overlapping measures of poverty than by giving priority to one dimension over another. The implication of the paper is that it is not safe to rely on one measure of poverty - the results obtained are just not reliable enough. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aims: To investigate the prevalence of vitamin A deficiency among lactating women in a poor urban population of Bangladesh, and to examine the relationship between various factors and vitamin A status. Design: Cross-sectional study. Setting: Maternal and child health clinic in Dhaka City, Bangladesh. Subjects and methods: A total of 120 lactating women aged 17-37 years were randomly selected from women who attended a local maternal and child health clinic in Dhaka City for immunisation of their children. Various socio-economic, personal characteristics, dietary intakes of vitamin A and anthropometric data were collected. Serum retinol (vitamin A) concentration was determined as a measure of vitamin A status. Results: Of the subjects, 37% had low serum vitamin A levels (<30 μg dl-1), with 13.3% having sub-clinical vitamin A deficiency (<20 μg dl-1). Eighty-seven per cent had vitamin A intakes below the recommended dietary allowance. The lactating women who were either illiterate or received only informal education had significantly (P=0.002) lower serum vitamin A levels compared with those who received formal education. The women whose husbands received formal education had significantly (P=0.05) higher serum vitamin A levels than those whose husbands were either illiterate or received only informal education. The serum vitamin A levels of women in households with poor sanitation/latrine practice were significantly (P=0.03) lower than those of women in households with good sanitation/latrine practice. The women with one child had significantly (P=0.015) lower serum vitamin A levels than those with two or more children. Women with a lactation period of 6 months or more had significantly (P=0.034) lower serum vitamin A levels than women with a lactation period of less than 6 months. The women who consumed less than the median vitamin A intake (274.8 μg day-1) had significantly (P=0.01) lower serum vitamin A levels than those who consumed more than the median vitamin A intake. By multiple regression analysis, education level of the women, number of living children, duration of lactation and dietary intake of vitamin A were found to have significant independent relationships with serum vitamin A. The overall F-ratio (6.8) was highly significant (P=0.000), the adjusted R2 was 0.16 (multiple R=0.44). Conclusion: A significant proportion of poor, urban, lactating women in Bangladesh have vitamin A deficiency. Among the various factors, education level of the women, number of living children, duration of lactation and dietary intake of vitamin A appear to be important in influencing the vitamin A status of these women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the institutional and legal responses to begging in Medieval England. Ecclesiastical thinking about the doctrine of almsgiving; Discussion of the expressions of generosity in communal ritual and ceremony; Role of patristic thought in the molding of moral opinion.

Examines the policy toward the poor in early- to mid-nineteenth century Egypt. Reason for the introduction of new taxonomies of locale, space, and production by the Egyptian government; Regulatory role of the state; Control of the mobility of the Egyptian peasantry.

Explores the fallacy of philanthropy. Definition of philanthropy; Uses of philanthropy; Comparison between duties to the poor and duties to a victim of calamity.

Based on ethnographic fieldwork in a shantytown in the outskirts of Buenos Aires, this article studies the workings of Peronist "political clientelism" among the urban poor. It analyzes the web of relations that some slum-dwellers establish with local political brokers to obtain medicine, food, and solutions to other everyday concerns. The article also explores the main functions of the "problem-solving networks," which are resource control and information hoarding, and pays particular attention to an underexplored dimension of the operation of clientelism: clients' own views on the network. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article presents a discussion about the Third World and its globalization. The Third World are facing problems because of globalization. The state system of Third World countries are characterized by widening inequality as well as vulnerability. Problems between the development targets of the United Nations (UN) and policies of international organization affect the Third World. In terms of the human aspect, marginalized people can also be found in First World nations. Most poor people live in Third World nations.

Argues that Jerry Rawlings has shown considerable consistency in his search for means to alleviate the plight of the poor in Ghana, and that this explains why he decided to alter course so drastically after the initial repression of the market made matters worse than they had been previously. Those critics who accuse Rawlings of having betrayed the aims of the `December 1981 Revolution,' and the poor in Ghana; Motivation for Rawlings; Status of the poor.

Examines the issue of ecological perception and ecological politics among poor populations. Poverty as a cause of environmental degradation; Balance between resources and population; Cases of guano and fishmeal in Peru.