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The rise of China is seen by some observers as a precursor of inevitable hegemonic competition in East Asia. At the very least, it seems likely that China's influence in East Asia will grow at the expense of the United States. Whether this will eventually amount to a form of hegemonic transition is far less clear. It is, therefore, an opportune moment to consider the relative strengths and weaknesses of China and the US in East Asia. This paper suggests that the nature of hegemonic competition and transition is more uncertain and complex than some of the most influential theoretical understandings of hegemony would have us believe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A multi-levelled hegemonic encounter has developed in Central Asia, in which a global hegemon, the USA; a regional hegemon, the Russian Federation; an aspirant sub-regional hegemon, Uzbekistan; and an emergent regional and global hegemon, China, co-exist within the framework of Central Asian security politics. Where these hegemons? interests do not conflict this can be characterised as a matrioshka model of hegemony: the different level hegemons can accommodate one another peacefully and where their interests coincide they can form alliances. The model of multi-levelled hegemony developed here highlights the simultaneous presence of competition and cooperation. This article explores the way in which the various bilateral hegemonic relations in the region also indicate that actual and emergent hegemonic states at different levels can cooperate as hegemonsin order to challenge, or to respond to challenge, by hegemonic states at other levels. This helps to clarify the question of whether the increasingly competitive interaction between these states is likely to lead to conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the function of human rights as a foreign policy ideal in American foreign policy, particularly since the end of the Cold War. China became a challenging target of U.S. human rights policy after Tiananmen. Human rights as an ideal may be defended either by idealist or by realist means. Whereas the former are logically consistent with the ends, only the latter promises immediate results. The Clinton administration thus began with an attempt to manipulate trade policy to pressure China into improving its human rights policies. The administration then shifted to idealist means more consistent with idealist ends, including the resort to international organization sanctions. But here Washington failed even more conspicuously. The article concludes that human rights did not turn out to be a politically suitable ideal to orient U.S. foreign policy. The impact on China was fierce resentment. But human rights have improved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents the crises that brought about the breach in the relationship of the United States and China in 1946. Armed clash between the Chinese Communist Party (CPP) and American forces in North Caroline in July 1946; Evolution of anti-American grassroots movements in China; Kidnapping of Chinese student Shen Chung by two U.S.. marines.

Describes a community of Chinese political analysts/American watchers designated to interpret United States foreign policies regarding the People's Republic of China. Theoretical orientation in assessing Chinese international relations with the US; Influence of Sino-US relations on Chinese foreign policies; Views of Chinese analysts on US governance.

Reports on President Bill Clinton's reversal of the underlying principle of his administration's policy toward China. Character of the decision which Clinton announced on May 26, 1994; Three sets of factors explaining Clinton's move; Implications for future United States-China relations.

Discusses various aspects of Mao Zedong's perception of the United States. Mao's feelings for the United States during his youth; US imperialism as the main threat; Factors affecting Mao's attitudes toward the US.