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This article theorizes on resettler nationalism while discussing the architectural impacts of partitions and compulsory mass migrations that have drawn the borders of modern countries. It concentrates on the resettling process after the "Exchange of Populations" (Antallagi/Mübadele , 1923) between Greece and Turkey, which was in effect a partition dividing the Christian and Muslim communities of the Ottoman Empire. It argues that the national and international authorities treated land settlement as a top-down demographic engineering device and its architecture as a modern technological enterprise in a post-conflict setting, failing to notice the trauma of mass expulsion. Reading migrant testimonies on both sides of the Aegean Sea and tracing architectural histories from below exposes the contrast between the accounts of state agents and those subject to resettler nationalism. It reconceptualizes partition as the rift between rulers and peoples and not the rift between two communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses how state-organized, memory-cultural production drawing on religious signifiers contributes to a sacralization of Turkish public memory institutions and public space. This reinforces an Islamic-nationalist imagination of contemporary Turkey. The article explores state-led, disciplinary interventions in museal space (the Sacred Trusts exhibition of relics at Topkapı Palace Museum) and commemorative ritual in public space, display and education (the rise, fall and recalibration of Holy Birth Week (Kutlu Doğum Haftası). Drawing on theories of symbolic politics, nationalism, memory and space, the article elucidates the sacralization of Turkish memory production as a contesting yet malleable negotiation of nationalism. Innovative Islamic memory practice and ritualization requires careful discursive and disciplinary boundary drawing, catering to theological sensitivities and Sunni-orthodox mores. Then again, the spatial boundaries between various memory-cultural domains are becoming less distinct. Today, Islamic-nationalist imaginaries surface in the interstices of public memory institutions, public education and everyday public space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against this background, Dimitris Kamouzis's book, I Greeks in Turkey: Elite Nationalism and Minority Politics in Late Ottoman and Early Republican Istanbul i , is more timely than ever. These two chapters are crucial in understanding the interplay between the "absentees" and the Greek statesmen who they felt were sacrificing their interests to those of the Greek state throughout Greece's negotiations with Turkey. [Extracted from the article]

Based on primary sources such as field notes, reports, and project memorandums, this article addresses architectural restoration work in Turkey from the 1920s to the 1960s. Despite the country's limited budget and workforce, especially in the early years of the republic, the government crafted an intense preservation program of historic monuments, whereby preservation professionals implemented the scientific protection of architectural heritage mainly through maintenance and repairs. This article argues that the historiography of Turkish art became an agent in restoration, while the concept of the essence of national architecture served as the ideological basis for physical interventions. Seeking to restore the pure forms of Turkish architecture, preservationists searched for the pedigree of built works, and Sinan's style was treated as the zenith of Turkish architecture. Works by him, along with other examples associated with the "Classical Period of Architecture" were subjected to heavy-handed interventions aimed at achieving stylistic purity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a comparative analysis of Tel Aviv and Izmir based on their urban identities grounded on a secular modernist ideological outlook and a Mediterranean way of life based on egalitarian and democratic norms. These criteria will be operationalized by analyzing the ideological preferences as well possibilities for alternative lifestyles for the residents of both cities. Due to the policies of right-wing governments in both countries, there has been an increasingly overbearing impact of religion in the daily lives of the people and have been undergoing a redefinition of their national identities at the expense of the secular aspects of their national attributes. While a significant number of citizens in both countries have been leaning towards an ethnoreligious worldview, Tel Aviv in Israel and Izmir in Turkey resist such attempts and remain bastions of secularism with their Mediterranean way of life. This study purports to present the similarities and differences between the two cities within their larger conservative setting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay considers Ziya Gökalp, the received "spiritual father of Turkish nationalism", as an early mastermind of fascism in Greater Europe. During the 1910s, Gökalp acted as a prophet of expansive war and as a mentor of demographic engineering in the Ottoman capital, Istanbul, which was a laboratory for new political styles in a crisis-ridden empire. Gökalp's thinking longed for a supreme leader in an army-like, disciplined and hierarchised society, while it rejected a social contract-based nation and state. An influential inspiration for and beyond the new élites in the capital, Gökalp combined the call for radical modernisation according to "European civilisation" with an assertive essentialism based on völkisch (cultural-racial-ethnic Turkish) and religious (political Islamic) references. He was the chief ideologist of the Young Turk party-state (1913–18) – side by side with Talaat Pasha, its main executive leader – and "the father of my thoughts" for Kemal Atatürk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with Karl Neufeld's trip to Medina, undertaken in the framework of German efforts to incite insurrections with the aim of destabilizing British rule in the Muslim world. His specific task was to spread propaganda in the Hijaz and the Sudan; he made it only to Medina, from where he was expelled by the Ottoman government after a stay of six weeks. Neufeld's diary on which this article is mainly based is the only source about how Holy War propaganda was actually disseminated. Therefore, it goes beyond the existing literature and adds new insight into the discussion of German expeditions organized to counter British influence in the Middle East during the First World War. In contrast to most of the other enterprises, Neufeld accomplished certain goals, which does not, however, change the overall picture that the " jihād made in Germany" was a failure. Materials used include files from the archive of the German Foreign Office (Politisches Archiv, Auswärtiges Amt: PA-AA), the Sudan Archive Durham (Durham University Library: SAD), and narrative sources, as well as the pertinent research literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the populism-religion relationship is increasingly recognized in the literature, the focus has predominantly been on Western cases. This article proposes analytical tools for global comparisons. First, drawing on the ideational, performative, and strategic approaches to populism, the authors articulate how populists deploy religion in each category. Existing works have not engaged with these dimensions conjointly. Second, the authors employ this tridimensional conception to operationalize the "covert" and "overt" modes of religious populism identified in the literature. They hold that a populist movement comes closer to the former ("sacralizing the political") or the latter ("politicizing the sacred") depending on the extent to which it mobilizes religions in its ideas, performances, and strategies. Third, the authors exemplify these ideal types via two pairs of case studies: France and Québec (covert), and India and Turkey (overt). Finally, the authors consider how religious populisms elsewhere stack up on this spectrum, and discuss future themes for comparative research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a strong tendency in Turkish historiography to approach Kemalist policies as purely domestic affairs that emanate from the centre in a top-down manner, reflecting the clear ideological positions of Ankara. The existing scholarship on the Settlement Law (1934), too, has read the development of Kemalist demographic policies in ideological terms, framing them in top-down modernist trajectories that were long in the making since the late Ottoman times. These perspectives often remained analytically singular and nation-centred, failing to engage with the broader transnational developments that were in fact crucial to the making and timing of a range of Kemalist policies. As such, the processes of demographic engineering are framed as devoid of historical conjuncture and immune from unintended consequences or the constraints presented by state capacity. In this article, I seek to overcome such limitations by situating the Settlement Law within its due transnational context of heightened interstate rivalries since the 1930s. Unfolding in myriad ways across the borderlands of Eastern Europe, the complex dynamics of interstate competition created the necessary push and pull factors that started dislodging the Balkan Muslims from those areas coveted by various territorially revisionist states in the region. The demographic engineering their arrival triggered in Turkey, I argue, was therefore as much national as international. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study focusses on converts from Islam to the Christian faith in Turkey. Converts are confronted with special challenges. Based on Islamic theology and Turkish nationalism most Turks cannot think of positive reasons to choose Christianity. So verbal assaults with social consequences like ostracism, prejudice, suspicion, and very low esteem are very common. The First Letter of Peter provides advice for strengthening new Christians by defining their identity as chosen und loved people of God. Personal caring for converts from Islam is crucial to provide a new "home" in assuring them of their new identity. They have to learn to evaluate accusations honestly, and from a faith-based position, and to integrate their new faith with their old environment. In the context of modern Turkey a fresh look at history can be meaningful: There were Turkish Christians before Islam, and there are still Christian Turkish people today. More important however is a genuine spiritual approach that understands verbal assaults within the framework of God's history with his people. Converts should find their identity "in Christ". At the same time, being in Christ must become practical in finding a new family in the local church and seeing themselves as part of the worldwide multinational body of Christ. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on theories of nationalism, two recent books by Dilek Giiven and Ulkii Agir engage with the September Pogrom in Istanbul on the 6th and the 7th of September 1955. To explain the pogrom's emergence from its historical background both studies discuss the role of Young Turkish ideology, ethnic violence in the course of Turkish nation building, and the development of minority politics throughout the Turkish Republic. On the basis of interviews and archival materials, Dilek Giiven meticulously reconstructs the course of events, the actors, their motives and the context. Ulkii Agir analyses the Turkish press discourse in the pogrom's preparatory phase focusing on the Greek Orthodox community. Critically discussing the two studies, this article scrutinises current conceptualisations of collective violence in research devoted to post-Genocidal Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dead bodies are symbolically effective in the context of politics, and enjoy a particular connection with affect. The mass-mediated mobilizations around Hrant Dink and the dead body of Dink suggest that there is indeed something about Katherine Verdery's insight. Dink was a Turkish citizen of Armenian descent, editor, civic activist and a controversial public figure in Turkey. He was assassinated in 2007. Rather than focusing on the Armenian aspect in context of Turkish nationalism in order to grasp the efficacy of Dink and of his dead body, this article dwells on the intertwinement between his dead body and experiences of state subjects in Turkey. I argue that the efficacy of Dink, the semantic and affective density generated by way of the dead body, is produced in a conjuncture where neither meanings around the body and the person it embodied, nor of the state will stabilize. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article re-opens the discussion about the Ottoman millet practice. The best known stereotypes claim that the so-called 'millet system' only offered rights to non-Muslim religious minorities. This article fundamentally challenges this approach. It focuses on how the millet practice was applied to the treatment of Kurds under the early and late Ottoman Empire, and discusses how millet practices were destroyed by the disease of nationalism. The article then considers how practices like those applied by the Ottomans might act as a useful example for modern nation states facing conflicts with national, religious, ethnic or migrant minorities. It suggests that practices like the millet might be beneficial both if minorities gain territorial recognition and also for those minorities who live in non-territorial communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The vivid interest in the philosophical and legal premises of secularism in Turkey, as well as in its workings in the public and private life of Turkish citizens resonates with an ongoing questioning in Western academia of the validity of established theories of secularization. More importantly, the political and social transformations in Turkey itself, and the growing role and visibility of Islam in the public sphere, especially during the last decade marked by the rule of the Islamic-oriented Justice and Development Party (JDP ), have triggered a search for new explanatory frameworks and re-conceptualization of Turkish secularism. The four books discussed in this article tackle the interrelated issues of secularism, nationalism and minorities in Turkey from a variety of disciplinary and methodological perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the Turkish movie Valley of the Wolves—Iraq (Kurtlar Vadisi—Irak), a blockbuster in Turkey in 2006. The movie has made an important mark on the history of Turkish popular culture, not through any artistic achievement, but because of the movie's 'reversed' representations/imaginations. The movie contains favorable views of 'Pax Turca' and 'Pax Islamica' as well as a critique, which is quite anti-American, of the American occupation of Iraq. These images and thus the movie itself give powerful insights into the geopolitical self/other representations of Turks in the current global (dis)order. In addition to these 'reversed' geopolitical representations, the movie reverses (or to be more correct, 'steals') and uses one of the most important soft power tools that Westerners have: cinema and, hence, makes Valley of the Wolves—Iraq a case of double 'anti-geopolitics'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to explain how women have been depicted in novels during the early Republican period (1923–1938). My main objective is to explore how women have been located in fiction in Turkey's nation-building project. I will show which themes were used and which characteristics were emphasized in portraying female heroes of these narratives. The representations of women articulated in the novels of this period are meaningful in terms of understanding the imagination of 'new Turkish Women' in Turkish nationalism. The main concern here is twofold: to examine how women have been made as national subjects and elaborate on those characteristics, which have been used in the construction of Turkish women in Turkish novels. My starting point for the analysis of the novels is Benedict Anderson's theory, which suggests that the nation is an imagined community both politically and culturally (Anderson, 1983: 6). The definition of the nation as 'an imagined community' leads us to the point that how we imagine our community influences how we experience it. In this imagination, different metaphors and symbols used in common language are important in defining how members of a community interact with each other, which roles they envision for themselves and which qualities they attribute for themselves. The perception of social reality is formed largely by the representational systems and the literary canon is considered as the most significant form of representation because it is possible to find out the expressions of highest ideals and aspirations in literary representation (Morris, 1993: 8). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on anthropology of Turkey in the 1990s in terms of nationalism and architecture. Overview of the contemporary invigorated polarization of culture between Kemalists and Islamists; Factors that led to the perceived collapse of a singular discourse on Islamist authenticity; Discussion of partial assent to early republican architectural culture that reflects a plea for a contemporary politics of ambivalence.

Argues that the development of the Turkey air force (TAF) from 1925 onward played an important role in the ability of the Turkish state to further consolidate its ideology of Turkish nationalism. Background on the Sheik Said rebellion; Information on the Mount Ararat revolt; Role of TAF in crushing Kurdish nationalist movements during the inter-war period.