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China's manufacturing has developed rapidly due to the integration of the global value chain (GVC) production division system. But the early OEM and processing can hardly meet the needs of high-quality development of the manufacturing. The "low-end lock-in" and "double squeeze" faced by China's manufacturing will impede the pace of upgrading the manufacturing. From the perspective of GVC accounting, this paper studies the industrial chain upgrading of China's manufacturing industry through four indicators: GVC participation, GVC division of labor status index, share of foreign value added in domestic exports, and manufacturing 'servitization' index, which from the value chain value added effect at the national level and industrial chain correlation effect at the industrial level, and drawing on the WWYZ method of Wang Zhi et al. (2017) and the input-output method of Leontief (1936). Through the research, it is found that the servitization level of the mid and high-tech industry and high-tech industry of China has been steadily improved, gradually getting rid of the "low-end lock-in" of developed countries and climbing to the high value added production links; Not only do the reindustrialization strategy of developed countries provide the obstacle to the upgrading of the industrial chain and value chain of China's high-tech industry, but also promote domestic talent training and technological innovation. The linkage and integration of the industrial chain of low-tech industry and low and mid-tech industry have been further improved, which plays a favorable role in relevant industry's value chain climbing and industrial chain upgrading. China's manufacturing is progressively improving its own value-added capability and international competitive advantage, further enhancing the two-way integration of the industrial chain, and gradually transitioning to both sides of the "smile curve", to achieve high-quality development of the manufacturing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: In today's globalised world, giving consular protection to an increasing number of overseas citizens has become a common challenge to foreign ministries. China, as the most populous country witnessing fast economic development, is facing more severe challenges in this field. Since the 18th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party, China's consular protection has demonstrated new trends such as involving more actors in service delivery, constructing a co-ordination network, legalizing the management and taking targeted preventive measures. Compared with developed countries, 'whole government involvement' is the most prominent feature of China's consular protection practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article builds on recent literature to argue that emerging economies are simultaneously norm takers and norm makers involved in a two-way socialization process with developed countries. It does this by tracing China's engagement in negotiations surrounding the norm of common but differentiated responsibilities within the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change between the 2007 Bali conference that set out to negotiate a post-Kyoto Protocol climate agreement and the 2015 Paris conference that succeeded in doing so. In making this argument, I push against the predominant unidirectional and dyadic models of normative change by illuminating the more complicated role emerging economies are playing in this process. The article further distills a typology of normative change from the literature to help us understand how and why emerging economies engage in this process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the equality of large and small United Nations member states by comparing the universal periodic review experiences of China and Nauru. It notes that China and Nauru are subject to the same process irrespective of size, political structure, stage of development, internal security, and willingness to engage with international human rights bodies. It says that nations large and small are equally treated in terms of universal periodic review. It stresses that states themselves are self-limiting in their contributions to interactive dialogue, often striving to be constructive in supporting the less developed nations with advice, while being more critical of developed states.