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Angesichts der Corona-Krise rückt die europäische Flüchtlingspolitik derzeit in den Hintergrund. Doch die Situation der Geflüchteten an der EU-Außengrenze, auf den Inseln der Ägäis und an anderen Orten an den Rändern Europas verschlechtert sich zunehmend, verstärkt durch die globale Pandemie. Benjamin Etzold vom Bonner Friedens- und Konfliktforschungsinstitut BICC und weitere Forscherinnen und Forscher des EU-geförderten Projekt TRAFIG sind nicht nur über die humanitäre Situation, sondern auch über die Politik der EU zutiefst besorgt. Nachdrücklich fordern sie EU-Maßnahmen zum Schutz der Geflüchteten – und nicht vor ihnen.

This working paper presents the findings of the empirical research on the role of connectivity and mobility for displaced people in Germany in the framework of the TRAFIG project. The findings are based on qualitative fieldwork in Germany, with 73 qualitative interviews with displaced people and experts in the field. This paper uses a figurational perspective; figurations are characterised as dynamic social constellations which emerge in the context of displacement between displaced people and state and other actors at the local, translocal and transnational scale. This working paper discusses the figurations of displacement in which refugees in Germany are embedded. Our analysis demonstrates the importance of family figurations in displacement, among them the "figuration of a transnationally separated family", "figuration of the jointly displaced family", or the "figuration of the transnationally extended family". Family figurations are deeply intertwined with local and transnational bureaucratic figurations, which structure the experiences of refugees. Bureaucratic figurations evolve with respect to German authorities, those of the countries of origin and other local actors. Despite the significance of family figurations, connectivity is not restricted to it. Refugees are also connected within non-kin figurations, such as within an "ethnic network-based" or "volunteer-refugee" figuration. The analytical category of figurations provides valuable insights into how displaced people embedded in certain social constellations can best be supported. It shows that transnational life is a reality for displaced persons and an integral part of their everyday lives. As the German case demonstrates, displaced people use mobility and connectivity as a way out of protracted displacement.

This working paper investigates the livelihoods, trajectories, networks and self-generated opportunities of vulnerable migrants in refugee-like situations in Dar es Salaam. Its main purpose is to arrive at a deeper understanding of protracted displacement through a 'figurational approach', which stresses the networks and the interdependencies of urban refugees in Dar es Salaam, across Tanzania, and across national borders. Refugees' social relations do not unfold in a vacuum but are shaped by the regimes of aid and asylum that govern their lives. In a context of constant fear of imprisonment and deportation, this working paper gives particular attention to the alliances that the vulnerable migrants build within Dar es Salaam. It underlines their agency and coping strategies, as they bring with them many valuable skills. Capitalising on these skills can result in longstanding partnerships between vulnerable migrants and locals. Spaces of freedom where displaced people do not need to live in a perpetual state of fear and uncertainty are equally important. More than focusing on constraints, this paper underlines the urban refugees' agency and survival strategies. We pay particular attention to the mobility and connectivity of female urban refugees, also within a digital context. Through (social media) entrepreneurship, women in refugee-like situations have managed to overcome immobilisation and create new opportunities for themselves. By analysing a variety of life situations throughout this paper, we seek to recognise and pro mote urban refugees' agency and dignity.

Establishing a secure livelihood is a key element that enables refugees to rebuild their lives and overcome protracted dis placement situations. Not only can a steady source of income help refugees afford housing, food and other basic necessities, it can also facilitate their integration by connecting them with others in the community. While some seek jobs in existing organisations or businesses in the formal or informal economy, others create their own enterprises from scratch. This policy brief shares TRAFIG findings from two key refugee-hosting countries in Africa, Ethiopia and Tanzania, and illustrates how refugees are using connectivity to create livelihood opportunities, with a focus on those engaging in entrepreneurial activities. It also puts forth ideas for those seeking to scale up access to entrepreneurship for displaced persons.

Food insecurity and hunger continue to threaten the lives and livelihoods of millions of people. Many of today's food crises are linked to violent conflicts in various ways. The number of people affected by conflict-driven food crises increased from 74 million in 2018 to more than 77 million one year later—particularly in north-eastern Nigeria, South Sudan, Afghanistan, Syria and Yemen. The achievement of food security ending hunger and malnutrition and enabling sustainable agriculture production as addressed by Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 2 'Zero Hunger' depends therefore largely on progress made on SDG 16 in promoting peaceful and inclusive societies. However, the severe food crises in the past decade have demonstrated the weaknesses to govern food (in)security in conflict settings. While national governments or belligerents are often unable or unwilling to respond adequately to food crises, humanitarian relief operations face the challenges of reaching those people most in need of food supply and simultaneously avoiding exacerbating the conflict. This has left many of the affected communities having to find their own responses to food insecurity. If food crises are to be effectively addressed, research and policy actions need to tackle both food crises and violent conflict.

This working paper is based on empirical research on translocal figurations of displacement in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). It contains methodological reflections, central findings, and reflections on these findings. Drawing on the conceptual framework that was developed in TRAFIG working paper 1, this paper explores TRAFIG's central question: "How are protractedness, dependency and vulnerability related to the factors of local and translocal connectivity and mobility, and, in turn, how can connectivity and mobility be utilised to enhance the self-reliance and strengthen the resilience of displaced people?" The paper presents findings from the east of the DRC, where many internally displaced persons (IDPs) seek refuge in host communities. Findings show that prior connections with members in the host communities are usually within the domestic sphere and are important drivers for people's decision to flee to a specific place. In rebuilding their lives in displacement - and hence in their efforts to move out of protracted displacement and to become integrated - these contacts are often key to set in motion a 'chain of connectivity' that opens up new opportunities: One contact helps them to get in touch with the next contact. For IDPS, it is not so much the number of their connections that are important but the quality of these connections. A small number of vertical connections with socio-economically more powerful and/or betterintegrated contacts can sometimes be more helpful than a large number of horizontal connections with people that are in equally vulnerable positions. When IDPs use mobility as an asset to become integrated, this mobility is mostly used to free resources in the community of origin and to capitalise on these resources in the new environment. In this way, rural resources become part of people's urban livelihood strategies. By introducing these resources in the city and thereby drawing on their translocal connections, IDPs enrich the

Die biographische Fallarbeit mit Individuen sowie deren sozialem und familiärem Umfeld ist ein wichtiger Bestandteil der Prävention islamistischer Radikalisierung. Oft kommen Beraterinnen und Berater dabei mit Menschen in Kontakt, deren Lebensgeschichte von Flucht- und Migrationserfahrungen geprägt ist. Solides und relevantes Hintergrundwissen über ihre Herkunftsländer und Fluchtrouten kann dann einen wesentlichen Beitrag zur Gestaltung individueller Fallbearbeitung leisten. Welche soziokulturellen Einstellungen und Verhaltensweisen sind zu erwarten? Von welchem Bildungsniveau können Präventionsberaterinnen und -berater ausgehen? Wie ist die Nähe oder Distanz zu einer bestimmten (islamistischen) Gruppe zu bewerten? Die vorliegenden Länderberichte greifen diese und ähnliche Fragen für Afghanistan, Syrien, Iran und die Türkei auf. Sie geben Überblicksinformationen und weisen jeweils auf weiterführende Quellen hin.

Within the European Union (EU), Italy is one of the main countries of transit and destination for migrants coming from Africa and Asia, including a significant component of forced migrants and protection seekers. In particular, Italy is the first European country of arrival for many migrants and asylum seekers crossing the Mediterranean from North Africa (mainly but not exclusively from Libya and Tunisia). Along with maritime migration flows, Italy has been receiving growing numbers of (forced) migrants entering the country through its Eastern land borders, mainly coming from Pakistan and Afghanistan, and transiting through Greece and the Balkans. These persons often find themselves in situations of protracted precariousness, vulnerability and marginalisation, both in terms of their legal status, attached rights and socio-economic conditions. Such situations of protracted displacement are largely (although not exclusively) determined by the legal and policy structures governing migration, asylum and mobility. This internal report analyses the regulatory framework which applies in Italy, and which impacts on the daily lives and future aspirations of protractedly displaced people. This report contributed to the formulation of TRAFIG Working Paper no. 3 “Governing Protracted Displacement: An analysis across global, regional and domestic contexts”.

This case study provides an overview on protracted displacement in the Horn of Africa and aims to uncover evidence on transnational and translocal connectivity and mobility of displaced populations in the region. The case study contributes to the elaboration of the working paper “Protracted Displacement in the postWWII period” in the framework of the three-year project “Translocal Figurations of Displacement” (TRAFIG), which is financed by the European Union within the Horizon 2020 work programme (Societal Challenge 5 ‘Europe in a changing world’; call MIGRATION-08-2018 ‘Addressing the Challenge of Forced Displacement’). The objective of this case study is to review academic and literature issued by relevant actors in the field of protracted displacement such as international organisations, NGOs or governments to answer the questions whether and how transnational and translocal connectivity and mobility contributes to selfreliance and resilience of displaced populations, both internally and across borders, in the region. In addition, the study looks at policy responses to protracted displacement in the Horn of Africa. For the purpose of this study, the Horn of Africa includes Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan and Sudan. These countries are all members of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), a regional economic community formed to promote regional cooperation and integration to add value to its Member States’ efforts in achieving peace, security and prosperity. When drawing on figures of protracted displacement, the study follows UNHCR’s definition of a protracted refugee situation “as one in which 25,000 or more refugees from the same nationality have been in exile for five consecutive years or more in a given asylum country” (UNHCR, 2018c, p. 22). When drawing on specific examples from the literature, a wider definition of protracted displacement is applied, following TRAFIG’s definition of protracted displacement situations

TRAFIG aims to contribute to the development of alternative solutions to protracted displacement that are tailored to the needs and capacities of displaced persons. This working paper contains our central concepts and key terms. We make use of the concept of social figurations as the theoretical foundation for our research. We understand figurations as dynamic social constellations between interdependent individuals that are produced in and through interactions and transactions. On this basis, we re-define protracted displacement as a figuration, in which displaced people’s capabilities and opportunities are severely limited for prolonged periods of time. Multiple structural forces constrain them from using their capacities and making free choices: enduring displacing forces hinder return; marginalising forces prevent local integration; immobilising forces block chances to seek a future elsewhere. Protracted displacement is, however, much less static and fixed than commonly perceived. Displaced persons do have agency. They develop diverse strategies to cope with difficult situations and navigate through governance regimes of aid and asylum - and thereby change them. To comprehend the dynamics of protracted displacement a deeper understanding of displaced people’s perspectives, capacities and practices and an acknowledgement of their everyday lives that often transgress places and territories is necessary. Translocal connectivity and human mobility can serve as resources to cope with and move out of protracted displacement. Developing new approaches to protracted displacement requires a move beyond the narrow frame of the conventional durable solutions (return, local integration, resettlement). A first step towards formulating alternatives, we suggest, is to recognise and effectively build upon displaced people's own preferences as well as their local and translocal networks. A key question then is, how they use multiple interconnected pathways to enhance their prote

Pastoral counties of northern Kenya are expected to undergo massive change in the coming years due to the government’s ambitious infrastructural development agenda. However, the area frequently experiences violence as a result of conflict between pastoralist communities, and also due to ethno-political contestations. Isiolo County is one such place where planned development projects and conflict risks coincide, making it an important case study for understanding how the future may unfold. This Working Paper is written in the framework of a larger project called “Future Rural Africa: Future-making and social-ecological transformation” by the Universities of Bonn and Cologne and BICC (Bonn International Center for Conversion). BICC is interested in the kinds of claims that are being made on land and its resources and how these may change the existing dynamics of organised violence. The Paper explores the complexity of existing conflict in Isiolo and the emerging effects of new plans and land claims. At its most basic level, conflict between pastoral groups, or between pastoralists and farmers is motivated both by survival (pastoral mobility and access to water and pasture in a climatically challenging area) and the accumulation of livestock wealth. Politics, which is generally extended along ethnic lines, adds another layer to the inter-communal conflict through the need for political survival and the accumulation of personal wealth. The devolution of many powers and budgets to county level since 2013 has then raised the stakes for political power. Since plans for infrastructure have been made known, tensions have emerged, and fears of exclusion and dispossession of customary land users through speculative land-grabbing and uncompensated state acquisition. With Isiolo being a hub of the illicit small arms trade, guns have become a conflict multiplier at every level. The county is highly securitised with several specialised police units. However, they lack capacity and

This project’s approach of analysing protracted displacement through the perspectives and experiences of the displaced persons themselves has proven key to understanding the actual dynamics, complexities and possible solutions to it. It uncovered and documented a wealth of different coping strategies across diverse contexts, thus providing new insights into what living in protracted displacement means for people affected by it and into which kind of support they require. The project points out new research avenues on protracted displacement, such as the impact of social relations and interactions on displaced peoples’ livelihood options—both locally and trans-locally—or the various types and patterns of mobility representing livelihood strategies of the displaced. People in protracted displacement face multiple exclusions from access to livelihood-sustaining resources and services. Such exclusions are not only layered on top of each other in terms of generalised marginalisation but can also condition each other, in that a lack of access to certain realms of societal life may block access to others. Moreover, this research has found that the living conditions of people in protracted displacement often do not improve after the initial emergency phase is over; lack of access to vital resources and services may be a constant feature of protracted displacement or even become worse over time. Peoples’ de facto (re)integration strategies, i.e. livelihood-making in contexts of displacement or return, take place in highly fragmented and disintegrated societies and are confronted with deliberately disintegrating forces, such as legal exclusion, discrimination and violence. National and international legal regulations and government action provide a crucial framework condition for the chances of displaced persons to (re)integrate and can be supportive or disruptive. However, their actual effects on the displaced persons and local level are mediated by alternative social norms

The number of beneficiaries is not an indicator of the quality of programmes. Short-term measures that try to reach large number of people, such as cash assistance, create dependency and cannot enhance sustainable livelihoods. If applied, they need to be embedded within long-term approaches. Different livelihood programmes, from vocational trainings to work programmes, should thus build on, rather than compete with, each other as well as take into account the existing skills of refugees. Job opportunity is one of the main reasons, next to security and social ties, why people move to the southeast of Turkey. This suggests that incentives for employers to hire refugees should be increased. The way forward includes measures to build databases on demand and supply, to assist the development and implementation of business plans in collaboration with refugees, and to roll out market-aligned trainings. At least six months on-the-job trainings can, furthermore, establish trust between employer and employee as well as lead to long-term contracts that will stabilize the livelihoods of refugees. Many refugees, aid agencies and local authorities have no or misleading information about the livelihood activities being offered locally, a situation that causes frustration and mistrust. Fostering more exchange between national and local bureaus of authorities and aid organizations can increase transparency. Livelihood programmes should also extend their reach to nonSyrian refugee groups, local communities and those outside of community centres to prevent resentment between groups.

Seit Februar dieses Jahres läuft der zwischenstaatliche Verhandlungsprozess zur Erarbeitung des Globalen Migrationspakts in New York. Die Bundesregierung sollte (1) dafür eintreten, dass die afghanische nationale Arbeitsmigrationsstrategie und das Rahmenwerk zur regionalen Arbeitskräftemobilität berücksichtigt werden. Sie sollte sich (2) für eine Senkung der Überweisungsgebühren von Geldsendungen afghanischer Migrantinnen und Migranten einsetzten, wie es die KfW vorschlägt. Die Bundesregierung sollte darauf hinwirken, dass Binnenvertriebene in Afghanistan und Flüchtlinge in den regionalen Aufnahmeländern Iran und Pakistan grundsätzlich das Recht auf Bildung, Land und Wohnraum, medizinische Versorgung sowie einen effektiven Rechtsschutz erhalten. Verwaltungsbehörden der Bundesländer sollten Abschiebungen von Afghaninnen und Afghanen nur dann durchführen, wenn sie den Abgeschobenen langfristig Sicherheit garantieren und nachhaltig menschenwürdige Lebensverhältnisse ermöglichen. Ein Einwanderungsgesetz würde den rechtlichen Zugang zum deutschen Arbeits- und (Aus-)Bildungsmarkt für qualifizierte Personen und Fachkräfte aus dem Ausland, u. a. aus Afghanistan, regeln und die Einwanderung nicht berechtigter Personen ausschließen. Weiterbildungs- und Beschäftigungsprogramme sollten sowohl in Gebieten unter Regierungskontrolle als auch außerhalb dieser Gebiete über die Zusammenarbeit mit lokal gewählten Gemeindeentwicklungsräten, Zünften und Berufsvereinigungen realisiert werden.

Since February this year, the intergovernmental negotiation process on developing the Global Compact for Migration has been taking place in New York. The German government should (1) advocate for the National Labour Migration Strategy and the National Labour Policy of the Government of Afghanistan to be taken into account. It should (2) support a reduction in transfer fees for remittances sent by Afghan migrants, as suggested by the KfW. The government should work towards ensuring that internally displaced people in Afghanistan and refugees in the regional host countries, Iran and Pakistan, receive the right to education, land and housing, medical care and effective legal protection as a matter of principle. Administrative authorities in the German states should only carry out deportations of Afghans if they can guarantee the safety of the deportees in the long term and enable sustainably humane living conditions. An immigration law would regulate legal access to the German jobs and educational/training markets for qualified people and skilled workers from abroad, including from Afghanistan, and rule out the immigration of ineligible people. Training and employment schemes should be implemented in areas that are under the control of the government as well as outside of these areas through collaboration with locally elected community development councils, guilds and professional associations.

This Working Paper addresses the situation of Afghans before, during and after their displacements in Afghanistan, Pakistan and Iran. Its aim is: (1) to understand how internally displaced lower-class Afghans, refugees who have returned and Afghan refugees staying in Pakistan and Iran perceive their current living conditions and what activities they pursue towards securing their families' livelihood; (2) to establish the influence of socio-economic class dispositions on the displaced persons' abilities and agency and on the strategic forging of networks in translocal space as a way of securing their livelihood, and (3) to contribute towards elaborating an analytical livelihood approach that can explain agency in protracted displacement situations caused by violent conflict - thereby going beyond established assumptions of migration and conventional refugee studies. The authors Elke Grawert and Katja Mielke elaborate on the significance of translocal networks for Afghans as a livelihood pillar and consider 'established-outsider relations' as enabling condition. The empirical data highlight the difference in livelihood options between lower-and middle-class Afghans.

In der jährlichen Bevölkerungsumfrage erhebt das Bundesamt für Bauwesen und Raumordnung (BBR) seit 1985 (in Ostdeutschland seit 1990) Einstellungen, Meinungen und Wissensbestände der Deutschen mit Blick auf die Wohn- und Lebensbedingungen in ihrer Region. Ein im Kern gleich bleibender Fragenkatalog gewährleistet die langfristige vergleichende Beobachtung gesellschaftlicher Entwicklungen aus Sicht der befragten Bürgerinnen und Bürger. Neben der Beschreibung regionaler Unterschiede und deren Beurteilung dient die Befragung vor allem der Untersuchung systematischer Zusammenhänge von Lebensbedingungen, Bewertungen und berichteten Verhaltensweisen. Sie ist Teil des Raumbezogenen Informationssystems des BBR. In diesem Informationssystem ist die Bevölkerungsumfrage die einzige Datenquelle, die es erlaubt, Zusammenhänge auf der Ebene von Personen herauszufinden (subjektive Indikatoren). Alle anderen Komponenten der Raumbeobachtung können Analysen nur auf der Ebene von Aggregatstatistiken vornehmen (objektive Indikatoren). Die subjektiven Einsichten der Befragten helfen dabei, regionalstatistische Zusammenhänge zu erklären. Die im vorliegenden Band präsentierten Analysen ergänzen frühere Veröffentlichungen. Ein besonderer Schwerpunkt liegt zudem auf den Lebensbedingungen im Wohngebiet (Sonderfragen 2003). Der Anhang versammelt das Fragenprogramm der verschiedenen Erhebungsjahre und Zeitreihen-Tabellen. Die Datensätze der Umfragen 2000 bis 2012 sind im ZACAT des GESIS Leibniz Instituts für Sozialwissenschaften unter der Studiennummer ZA5611 online verfügbar (s. https://doi.org/10.4232/1.12069).

Der Beitrag zeigt, dass Männer und Frauen derzeit in Deutschland sehr unterschiedlich am Wanderungsgeschehen Teil haben. Ihr Verhalten hat nicht intendierte Konsequenzen - unter anderem für regionale Lebensumstände. Deshalb werden Wanderungsmotive insbesondere junger Erwachsener hinterfragt und anhand der räumlichen Verteilung zugehöriger objektiver Lebensbedingungen illustriert. In Reaktion auf regional ungleich verteilte Lebensbedingungen sind durch die geschlechtstypischen Wanderungen der jungen Erwachsenen bereits auch auffällige Ungleichverteilungen der Geschlechter entstanden. Daraus erwachsen Probleme für Individuen wie Gesellschaft, für die Kommunen wie für den Staat im Allgemeinen.

Deutschland ist ein städtereiches Land. 48,5 Millionen Menschen, das sind knapp 60 % der Bevölkerung, leben innerhalb der administrativen Grenzen von 688 Groß- und Mittelstädten. Städtische Lebensformen sind darüber hinaus noch weiter verbreitet in dem Sinne, dass die Infrastrukturangebote größerer Städte nicht nur von deren Bewohnerinnen und Bewohnern in Anspruch genommen werden: So wohnen im Umland der Großstädte (BBSR-Großstadtregionen) noch mehrere Millionen Menschen, die regelmäßig zur Arbeit, zum Einkauf oder zum Kinobesuch in die Kernstädte pendeln. Vor allem das Konsum- und Kulturangebot sowie die gesamte Atmosphäre der verdichteten Innenstädte mit ihrem bunten Treiben prägen dabei ein Bild des Städtischen. Wie beurteilen nun die in solch größeren Städten Wohnenden ihren Wohn- und Lebensort - und speziell die Innenstadt desselben? Dazu kann die jährlich durchgeführte Bevölkerungsumfrage des Bundesinstituts für Bau-, Stadt- und Raumforschung (BBSR) einige Befunde beisteuern.

We analyze the hidden mobilities, in physio-spatial, epistemic and social terms that are part and parcel of livelihood strategies in places dominated by informal institutions and authoritarian governance regimes. Soviet and post-Soviet Uzbekistan and Tajikistan serve as empirical references to develop the theoretical perspective. We link this analysis with an analysis of the roles of boundaries, scales and mobilities in general, with special emphasis on the role of formal and informal institutions and on networks of mobility. We thus link a Deleuzian-inspired frame with a new institutionalist perspective on development and discuss the potential of development interventions to alter rules, roles and routes of people and the influence of mobilities, hidden and visible, to alter the effects of development (intervention).